{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3536", "width": "2179", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Glass F 5 5 1\\nBook P4v", "height": "3281", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3281", "width": "1986", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "ANNALS OF THE \u00c2\u00a5EST:\\nEMBRACING A CONCISE ACCOUNT OF 7r V\\nft.* r\\nPEINCIPAL EVENTS,\\nWHICH HAVE OCCURRED IN THE\\nWESTERN STATES AND TERRITORIES,\\nFROM THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY TO THE YEAR\\nEIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND FIFTY.\\nCOMPILED FROM THE MOST AUTHENTIC SOURCES.\\nFOR THE PROJECTOR.\\nFIRST EDITION,\\nBY JAMES H; PERKINS.\\nSECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED\\nBY J. M.\u00c2\u00bb PECK.\\nST. LOUIS:\\nPUBLISHED BY JAMES R. ALBACH.\\nCHAMBERS KNAPP, PRINTERS.\\n1850.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "Entered occordiDg to Act of Congress, in the year 1850, by James R. Albach, in the\\nClerk s Office of the District Court of the United States for the District of Missouri.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nIn presenting a second Edition of this work, the pro-\\njector and proprietor believes the occasion appropriate\\nfor an explanation of such circumstances as induced\\nthe undertaking.\\nFrom his earliest recollection, the study of the histo-\\nry and geography of our country, has afforded pleasures\\nto be derived, in an equal degree, from few other sour-\\nces. The memories of childhood recall the delightful\\nemotions ever experienced from listening to recitals of\\nthrilling events, and descriptions of distant scenes.\\nThe gratification of similar emotions, or rather a pas-\\nsion for an acquaintance with historical and topographi-\\ncal facts relative to the Great West/^ but particularly\\nsuch as might elucidate its beginnings, rise, and pro-\\ngress towards its future destiny, has been a principal\\nemployment of the publisher for nearly thirty years,\\nduring which time he has traversed most of that exten-\\nsive region, and visited nearly every memorable spot,\\nfor the means of forming an enlightened judgment, and\\ncorrect ideas of men and events in times past. Nothing,\\nhowever, of the materials or knowledge thus acquired,\\nwas collected with a view to publication, being solely", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "IV PREFACE.\\nthe natural and incidental results of researches, entered\\nupon and pursued for his private gratification.\\nA change of circumstances, however, seemed to jus-\\ntify an alteration of purposes; consequently, in 1844,\\npromulgation was commenced by written and oral lec-\\ntures as one thought originates another, in 1845 the\\nidea of publishing in book form, first occurred.\\nThe proprietor, then residing in Ohio, submitted his\\nplan to several gentlemen of eminent standing, who at\\nonce gave it their cordial approbation. A prospectus\\nwas immediately circulated, and patrons by hundreds,\\nobtained throughout that community.\\nDemonstrations of future popularity, sufficient to en-\\nsure a successful issue, having thus been made, an en-\\ngagement was entered into in the spring of 1846, with\\nthe late Rev. James H. Perkins, of Cincinnati, by which\\nhe took charge of the compilation, and prepared the\\nwork f0r the press and no one acquainted with that\\ndeservedly esteemed and lamented gentleman, need be\\ninformed, that the trust could not have been committed\\nto belter or more able hands.\\nA volume of 600 pages appeared before the close of\\nthat year but an obligation to publish at the promised\\ntime, made it necessary, somewhat, to depart from the\\nprojector s plan, and to present the book in a form not\\ndeemed the most eligible.\\nIn view of this circumstance, together with a desire\\nto extend and amplify the sketches of Illinois, Missouri,", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "PREFACE. V\\nand other communities more recently developed, the\\npresent Edition was resolved upon: which is a revision\\nof the first, enlarged by the Rev. John M. Peck, of Illinois,\\na gentleman well calculated for this duty, from his long\\nresidence in the West and familiarity with the history of\\nthose portions less elaborately treated of in the former\\nEdition. Notwithstanding, this edition is still not ar-\\nranged in strict accordance with the plan originally pro-\\njected, yet it is believed that for general accuracy and\\nespecial fulness of detail, it may be commended to its\\nreaders in its present form as worthy of attention.\\nAlthough it is not presumed to be wholly free from er-\\nrors and imperfections, it will be found to contain a\\nfaithful narrative of memorable events, deserving the\\nperusal of western people, especially the young, and the\\ndescendants of our Pioneers, to whom the volume is\\nmost respectfully dedicated.\\nJAMES R. ALBACH.\\nSt. Louis, May, 1850.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\nE512. Ponce de Leon discovers Florida.\\nJ516. Diego Miruelo visits Florida.\\n1526. Famphilo de Narvaez goes to Florida.\\n5538. De Soto asks leave to conquer Florida.\\n1539. Maj De Soto reaches Tampa and Appalachee bays.\\n3541. De Soto reaches Mississippi, and crosses it to Washita.\\nDe Soto reaches Mavilla, on the Alabama.\\n\u00c2\u00a3542. De Soto descends Washita to Mississippi.\\nMay 21, De Soto dies.\\nHis followers try to reach Mexico by land and fail.\\nDe Soto s followers reach Mexico by water.\\nDe Biedma presents his account of De Soto s expeditiou to\\nKing of Spain.\\nLe Caron explores Upper Canada.\\nCharles First grants Carolina to Sir Robert Heath, p. 69.\\nFirst mission founded near Lake Huron.\\nFrench at Falls of St. Mary, Lake Superior.\\nFirst missionary station on Lake Superior.\\nColonel Wood s alledged travels previous to this year.\\nAllouez founds first permanent station on Lake Superior.\\nMission at St. Mary s Falls founded.\\nPorrot explores Lake Michigan La Salle in Canada.\\nFrench take formal possession of the north-west.\\nMarquette founds St. Ignatius on Strait of Mackinac.\\nMarquette and his companions leave Mackinac to seek the\\nMississippi.\\nMarquette and his companions cross from Fox river to Wiscon-\\nsin.\\nMarquette and his companions reach Mississippi.\\nMarquette and his companions meet Illinois Indians.\\nMarquette and his companions reach Arkansas.\\nMarquette and his companions leave on return to Canada.\\nSeptember, Marquette and his companions reach Green Bay.\\n1675. May 18, Marqaette dies.\\nLa Salle goes to France to see the King.\\n1676. Returns and rebuilds Fort Frontenac.\\n1677. La Salle visits France a second time.\\n1543.\\nJuly,\\n1544.\\n1616.\\n1630.\\n1634.\\n1641.\\n1660.\\n1G64.\\n1665.\\n1668.\\n1670.\\n1671.\\n\u00c2\u00a3673.\\nMay\\n13,\\nJune\\n10,\\nJune\\n17,\\nJune\\n21,\\nJuly,\\nJuly\\n17,", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "Mil CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\n1678. July 14, La Salle and Tonti sail for Canada; Sept. 15, arrive at Quebec.\\nNov. 18, La Salle and Touti cross Lake Ontario.\\n1679. January, La Salle loses his stores.\\nAuguit 7, The Griffin sails up Lake Erie; 27th, at Mackinac.\\n1679. Sept. 18, The Griffin sent back to Niagara.\\nNov. 1, La Salle at St. Joseph s river, Lake Michigan.\\nDec. 3, La Salle crosses to Kankakee.\\n1G80. Jan. 4, La Salle in Peoria Lake; Fort Crevecocur built.\\nFeb. 2S, Hennepin sent to explore the Upper Mississippi.\\nMarch, La Salle returns to Canada.\\nApriliScMay, Hennepin on the Upper Mississippi.\\nSeptember, Tonti after commencing Fort St. Louis (Rock fort,) forced to\\nleave the Illinois.\\nOct. Nov. La Salle returns to the Illinois.\\nNovember, Hennepin returns to Canada and Europe.\\n1681. June, La Salle and Tonti meet at Mackinac.\\nAugust, La Salle a third time goes to the Illinois.\\nNov. 3, La Salle at St. Joseph s again.\\n1682. Jan. 5 or 6, La Salle goes from Chicago westward.\\nFebruary 6, La Salle on banks of the Mississippi.\\nFeb. 13. La Salle descends Mississippi.\\nMarch 6, La Salle discovers mouths of INIississippi and takes possession.\\nSeptember, La Salle returns to St. Joseph s of Michigan.\\n1683. Dec. 13, La Salle reaches France.\\n1684. July 24, La Salle sails from France for mouth of Mississippi.\\nSept. 20, La Salle reaches St. Domingo.\\nNov. 25, La Salle sails from St. Domingo for mouth of Mississippi.\\nDec 28, La Salle discovers the main land.\\nThe Iroquois place themselves under England.\\n1635. January, La Salle in the Gulf of Mexico.\\nFebruary 4, La Salle sends pariy onshore to go eastward for mouth of Mis-\\nsissippi.\\nFeb. 13, La Sal .e reaches Matagorda Bay.\\nMarch 15, La Salle left in Te.xas, by Beaujeu.\\nJuly, Attempts to build a Fort, and is unfortunate, and his men sick\\nand die.\\nDecember, La Salle goes to look for INHssissippi.\\n1636. March, La Salle returns to Matagorda Bay.\\nApril, La Salle goes again to seek the Mississippi, and find a route to\\nCanada.\\nApril, Tonti goes down Mississippi to meet La Salle.\\nAugust, La Salle returns unsuccessful.\\n1687. Jan. 12, La Salle leaves for Mississippi the third time.\\nMarch 15, La Salle sends men to look for stores.\\nMarch 17, La Salle follows and is killed by those men.\\nMay, His murderers quarrel seven go on toward Mississippi.\\nJuly 24, The seven reach the Arkansas.\\nSept. 14, The siven reach Fort St. Louis on Illinois river.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. DC\\n1G88. La Hontan s travels to the Long river. [Doub .ful.]\\n1693. Bofore tliis time Gravier, the founder of Kaskaskia, was among\\nthe Illinois.\\nKaskaskia founded, dato unknown.\\nCahokia founded, date unknown.\\nPeoria a trading post.\\n1698. Oct. 17, D Iberville leaves France for Mississippi.\\nDr. Coxe sends two vessels to the Mississippi.\\n1699. Jan. 31, D lberville in Bay of Mobile.\\nMarch 2, D lberville enters Mississippi.\\nD lberville returns to France.\\nSeptember, Bienville sounds Missisippi and meets English.\\n1700. January, D lberville returns from France.\\nD lberville goes up the Mississippi.\\nD lberville sends Le Sueur for copper to Upper Mississippi.\\nM. St. Dennis explored Red river.\\n1701. De la Motte Cadillac founds Detroit.\\nD lberville founds colony on Mibile river.\\nIroquois again place themselves under England.\\n1703. Settlement on Washita.\\nSt. Dennis in Te.\\\\as and the Presidie.\\n1705. Missouri river explored to Kauzas.\\n1707. First grant of land at Detroit.\\n1708. D Artaguette in Louisiana.\\n1710. Governor Spotswood of Virginia explores the Alleghanies.\\n1712. Louisiana granted to Crozat.\\n1714. Fort Rosalie commenced.\\n171G. St. Dennis in possession of Texas.\\n1717. Crozat resigns Louisiana.\\nSeptember, Louisiana trade granted to Company of West.\\n1718. Colonists sent to Louisiana, and New Orli?aus laid out.\\nFort Chartres commenced.\\n1719. Company of the West made Company of the Indies.\\nLa Harpe builds a Fort in Texas.\\nRenault leaves France for Illinois.\\nFort Chartres finished.\\n1720. January, Law made minister of finance.\\nApril, Stock of Company of the Indies worth 2059 per cent.\\nMay, Company of Indies bankrupt.\\nRenault arrives in Illinois, and sends out mining parties.\\nMine La Motte discovered.\\nSpanish invasion of the Missouries from Santa Fe, defeated\\nand destroyed.\\nLa Harpe explores Washita and Arkansas rivers.\\n1722. Charlevoix visits Illinois.\\n1726. Iroquois a third lime place themselves under England.\\n1729. Nov. 28, French among the Natchez murdered.\\n1730. Jan. Feb., The Natchez conquered and destroyed.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\n1731.\\n1732.\\n1735.\\n1736. May,\\nMay 20,\\nMay 27,\\n1739.\\n1740. March,\\n1742.\\n1744.\\n1743.\\n1749.\\n1750.\\n17J1. ii\\n1752.\\nJune,\\n1753. May,\\nJune,\\nAugust,\\nSeptembtr,\\nOctober,\\nNov. 15,\\nNov. 22,\\nDec. 4,\\nDec. II,\\n!754. Jan. G,\\nApril,\\nApril,\\nApril 17,\\nMay,\\nJune,\\nJuly, I.\\nOctober,\\nPrevious to this, Gov. Keith wishes West secured to England.\\nCompany of Indies resign Louisiana to King.\\nVincennes settled according to some, (see pp. G6-G3.\\nDaniel Boone born.\\nExpedition of Frencli against Chickasaws.\\nD Artaguette conquered.\\nBienville fails in assault on Chickasaws and retreats.\\nFrench collect to attack Chickasaws.\\nPeace between French and Cliickasaws.\\nJohn Howard goes down Ohio.\\nTreaty of Englisliand Iroquois at Lancaster.\\nVaudreuil fears English influence in West.\\nRenault returns to France.\\nChickasaws attack French post on Arkansas. J]\\nConrad Weiser sent to Ohio.\\nOhio Company formed.\\nGrant of land to Loyal Company.\\nCeleron sent to bury medals along Ohio.\\nEnglish Fort built on Great Miami.\\nEnglish traders seized on Maumee.\\nP orty vessels at New Orleans.\\nDr. Walker explores Kentucky.\\nChristopher Gist explores Oliio and Great Miami.\\nFrench build Forts on Frencli creek.\\nFrench attack English post on Great JNIiami.\\nTreaty of Logstown.\\nFamiii s settle west of Alleghanies.\\nPenns^ Ivania Assembly informed of French movements.\\nCommissioner sent to warn French.\\nTrent sent with arms for friendly Indians.\\nColonies authorized to resist French by force.\\nTreaty of Winchester.\\nTreaty with Iroquois ordered by England.\\nTreaty of Carlisle.\\nOhio Company open line of Braddock s road.\\nWashington leaves Will s creek for Ohio.\\nWashington reaches Monongahela.\\nWashington reaches Venango.\\nWasliington reaches French Commander.\\nWashington returns to Will s creek.\\nTroops called out by Virginia.\\nFrench Fort at Venango finished.\\nVirginia troops moving westward.\\nFort at Iho Forks of Ohio taken by French.\\nWashington crosses Alleghanies and attacks and kills Jumon-\\nville and his party.\\nNew York sends \u00c2\u00a35000 to Virginia.\\nWashington at Fort Necessity, which capitulates the third.\\nWashington retires to Mount Vernon.\\nFrench hold the whole West.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\nXI\\n1755. January,\\nFeb. 20,\\nApril,\\nApril 20,\\nMay 20,\\nJuly 8,\\n1756. January,\\nApril,\\nMay,\\nSeptember,\\n1757\\n1758.\\nFrance proposes a compromise.\\nBrad do k liinds in Virginia.\\nFrance and England send flests to America.\\nBraddock mari lies westward.\\nExpedition against Nova Scotia leaves Boston.\\nBraddock reaches Monouj.a!iela, defeated the 9th, and died\\nthe 13th.\\nLewis commands an exj edition against the Ohio Indians, and\\nfails.\\nIndians fill the Valley of Virginia.\\nWar declared between France and England.\\nArmstrong attacks Indians at Kittaning.\\nFirst treaty of Easton.\\nMassacre of Fort William Henry.\\nPitt returns to office.\\nLouisburg and Fort Frontenac taken.\\nPost leaves for the Oiiio river to conciliate the Indians.\\nAugust 24, Post confers with Indians at Fort Pitt.\\nSept. 21, Grant defeated.\\nWashington opening a road over the mountains.\\nWashington at Loyalhanna.\\nWashington at Fort Du Quesne, which the French left on the\\n24th.\\nSecond treaty of E^iston.\\nPest s second mission to Ohio Indians.\\nJune 29,\\nJuly 15,\\nOctober,\\nNov. 5,\\nNov. 25,\\n1759.\\n1760. Sept. 8,\\nTiconderoga, Crown Point, Niagara, and Quebec yield to Eng-\\nlish.\\nThe French yield Canada.\\nCherokee War.\\nGeneral Monkton treats with the Indians at Fort Pitt for land.\\nSettlers go over the mountains.\\nRogers goes to Detroit reaches it the lOth November returns\\nacross Ohio to Fort Pitt in December.\\nAlexander Henry visits north-west.\\nChristian Post goes to settle on the Muskingum.\\nBouquet warns settlers off of Indian lands.\\nPost and Heckewelder go to Muskingum.\\nPreliminariBs to peace of Paris settled, Loaisiana transferred\\nto Spain.\\nTreaty of Paris concluded. C\\nDetroit attacked by Pontiac.\\nMackinac taken by Indians.\\nPresqu ile (Erie) taken by Indians.\\nJune to Aug. Fort Pitt besieged and relieved by Bouquet.\\nOctober, Proclamation to protect Indian lands.\\nNov. 3, M. Laclede arrives inSte. Genevieve; and Fort Chartres.\\n1764. Feb. 15, St. Louis founded.\\nJune to Aug. Bradstreet makes peace with northern Indians.\\nNovember, Bouquet makes peace with Ohio Indians.\\nApril 21, French officers ordered to give up Louisiana to Spain.\\nSept. 13,\\n1761.\\n1762.\\nNov. 3,\\n1763. Feb. 10,\\nMay 9,\\nJune 4,\\nJune,", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "XII CHROXOLOGICAL TABLE,\\n1765. April, Sir Wm. Johnson makes treaty at German Flats.\\nMay ,Juue, George Croglian goes westward.\\nCaptain Stirling for England takes possession of Illinois.\\nProclamation of Governor Gage.\\n17C6. Settlers cross mountains.\\nWalpole Company proposed.\\nColonel James Smith visits Kentucky.\\n1767. Western Indians grow impatient.\\nFranklin labors for Walpole Company.\\nFinley visits Kentucky.\\nZeisberger founds mission on the Alleghany.\\n17G8. Oct. 24, Treaty of Fort Stanwix by which the title of the Iroquois to\\nall south of the Ohio is purchased.\\nCaptain Pitman in Illinois.\\n1769. March, Mississippi Company proposed.\\nMay 1, Boone and others start for Kentucky.\\nJune 7, Boone and others reach Red river.\\nDec. 22, Booiie taken by Indians.\\n1770. October, Treaty of Lochaber.\\nOhio Company merged in Walpole Company-\\nWashington visits the West.\\nThe Long Hunters explore the West.\\nThe Zanes found Wheeling.\\nMoravians invited to Big Beaver.\\nSpain obtains possession of St. Louis and Upper Louisiana.\\n1771. .March, The Booues return to North Carolina.\\n1772. Indians killed by whites on Lower Kenawha.\\nMay 3, Moravians invited by Delawarcs, found Shoenbrun on the Mus-\\nkingum.\\nApril, General Gage s proclarnilion against settlers on Wabash.\\nFort Charlres evacuated.\\n1 1 73. Sept. 25, Boone and others start to settle Kentucky.\\nOct. 10, Boone and others are attacked by Indians and turn back.\\nBullitt, McAfee, Stc, descend the Ohio.\\nBullitt, McAfee, .c., survey at Falls, and on Kentucky river.\\nGeneral Thompson surveys in the valley of the Licking.\\nGeneral Lyman goes to Natchez.\\n1 James Ilarrod in Kentucky.\\nJanuary, Dunmore sends Connolly to take possession of Pittsburgh as\\nbeing within Virginia.\\nJan. 25, Connolly calls out the militia he is arrested by St. Clair; his\\nfollowers are riotous, and fire on the Indians.\\nMarch 28, Connolly, released on parole, comes to Pittsburgh with an arm-\\ned force.\\nlie rebuilds the Fort and calls it Fort Dunmore.\\nApril 16, Cherokees attack a boat on the Ohio.\\nApril 21, Connolly writes to the settlers to beware of the Indians.\\nCresap, having Connolly s letter, attacks Indians.\\nGreathouse murders several Indians.\\nPreparations for war.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\nxni\\n1774. Logan revenges his family.\\nJune, Boone sent for surveyors in Kentucky.\\nJune 10, Friendly Shawanese attacked by Connolly.\\nTraders murdered.\\nJuly, McDonald attacks Wappatomica.\\nSept. 6 J12, Troops under Lewis march down Kenhawa.\\nOct. 6, Troops under Lewis reach Point Pleasant.\\nOct. 10, Battle of Point Pleasant.\\nNovember, Dunmore makes peace.\\n1775. March 17, Treaty of VVataga purehase by Transylvania Company.\\nApril 1, Boone goes to Kentucky and founds Boonesboro\\nApril 20, Henderson reaches Boonesboro\\nMay 23, Henderson calls representatives together.\\nMay 27, Legislature adjourns.\\nApril, Massachusetts Council try to prevent hostility by Iroquois.\\nMay, Guy Johnson influences Iroquois against Americans.\\nJune 28, Oneidas and Tuscaroras adhere to America.\\nJune, Boones family and several others reach Kentucky.\\nJuly, Congress forms three Indian Departments.\\nAugust, Meeting of Commissioners and Indians at Albany.\\nOctober, Meeting of Commissioners and Indians at Pittsburgh.\\nConnolly arrested in Maryland.\\n1776. April 29, An attack on Detroit proposed in Congress.\\nApril 19, Washington advises the employment of the Indians.\\nMay, Indians incline to British.\\nJune 3, Congress authorizes the employment of Indians.\\nJuly 7, to 21, Indians attack Kontuckians settlers leave-\\nGeorge Rogers Clark in Kentucky.\\nJune 6, Kentuckians petition Virginia for admission as citizens, and\\nchoose Clark and Jones members of Virginia Assembly.\\nAugust 23, Clark procures powder from Council of Virginia.\\nDec. 7, Virginia admits Kentucky among her counties.\\nClark and Jones return by Pittsburgh with powder.\\nDec. 25, Jones killed while going for powder to Limestone.\\nClark reaches Harrodsburg.\\n1777. Summer, Cornstalk murdered at Point Pleasant.\\nCongress of Indians and British at Oswego.\\nSpring, Kentucky infested with savages.\\nApril, K^ntucky chooses Burgesses.\\nMay, Logan s station attacked.\\nApril 20 to June 22, Clark s spies in Illinois.\\nAugust, Logan crosses the mountains for powder.\\nColonel Bowman and 100 men come from Virginia.\\nSep.26 27,Fort Henry (Wheeling) attacked.\\nSeptember, First Court at Harrodsburg.\\nOct. 1, Clark leaves for Virginia.\\nOctober, Brady and party attpck St. Joseph.\\nNov. 20, The attack on Detroit urged in Congress.\\nDec. 10, Clark opens his plan for conquering Illinois to Governor of\\nVirginia.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "XIV CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\n1778. January 2, Orders issued to (^lark to attack Illinois.\\nFebruary 7, Boone taken prisoner at iLe Licking.\\nMarch 10, Boone carried lo Detroit.\\nJune 24, Clark passes Falls of Ohio.\\nJuae 16, Bjone escapes and relieves Boonesboro\\nMay, Mcintosh commands at Fo;tPitt.\\nFort Mclniosh built.\\nJune 25, New Jersey objects to land claims of Virginia.\\nJuly 4, Clark takes Kaskaskia.\\nCahokia joins the Americans.\\nAug. 1, St. Vincents joins the American cause.\\nAug. i, Boone goes to attack Faint creek town.\\nAug. 8, Boonesboro besieged.\\nFort Laurens built.\\nSeptember, Clark holds council with the Indians.\\nSept. 17, Treaty with Dela wares at Pittsburgh.\\nMaize and party attack St. Joseph.\\nOctober, Virginia grants Henderson atid Company 200,000 acres on\\nGreen river.\\nDecember, Governor Ilaniilton takes Viucennes.\\n1779. January 29, Clark hoars of capture of Vincennes.\\nJanuary, Delaware objects to land claims of Virginia.\\nFeb. 7, Clark s campaign against Viucennes.\\nFeb. 24, Hamilton surrenders the Fort and is sent to Virginia.\\nApril 1, Americans suspect and attack Iroquois.\\nLexington, Kentucky, settled.\\nMay, Virginia passes land laws.\\nMay 21, Maryland objects to land claims of Virginia.\\nJuly, General Sullivan devastates Iroquois country.\\nJuly, Bowman s expedition against Indian towns on Miamies.\\nAugust, Fort Laurens abandoned.\\nSeptember, Indians treat with Broadhead at Fort Pitt.\\nOctober, Rogers and Benliam attacked by Indians.\\nOct. 13, Land Commis.-iouersopen their sessions in Kentucky.\\nOct. 30, Congress asks Virgin! i to reconsider land laws.\\nColonel John Todd iu I.linois.\\n1780. Hard winter great sufTering.\\nFeb. 19, New York authorizes a cession of western lands.\\nS,iri(ig, Fort Jefferson built on Mississippi.\\nSpring, Great emigraiiou to Kentucky.\\nMay, Vi-ginia grants lauds in Kentucky for education.\\nMay, St. Louis attacked by British and Indians.\\nLouisville established by law.\\nJune, Byrd invades Kentucky.\\nJuly, Clark attacks Shawanese.\\nSept. 6, Resolution of Conjrress relative to western lands.\\nConiiec iicut p;isses first act of c e^iiou of western reserve.\\nOctober, Fori Pitt threatened by srtvagfs.\\nNovember, Kentucky divided into three counties.\\nDecember, Clark prepares to attack Detroit.\\n1781. Jan. 2, Virginia makes her first act of cession.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGECAL TABLE.\\nXV\\n1781. Feb. 15, Mr. Jay instructed that he may yield the navigation of the Mis-\\nsissippi.\\nMarch I, New York cedes her western lands.\\nBrodhead attacks Delawares on Muskingum.\\nApril 16, Mary Heckewelder born first white child in Ohio.\\nAmericans begin to settle in Illinois.\\nChickasaws attack Ftrt Jefferson.\\nSeptember, Colonel Floyd rescued by Wells.\\nSeptember, Moravians carried to Sandusky by British and Indians.\\nOctober, Moravian Missionaries taken to Detroit.\\nWillidmscn leads a party against the Moravians, but finds the\\ntown deserted.\\nKentucky organized.\\n1782. March, Moravians murdered by Americans.\\nMarch, Moravian missionaries taken to Detroit.\\nMarch 22, Estil s defeat,\\nJune, Crawford s expedition, taken prisoner and burnt.\\nAug. 14, Attack on Bryant s station.\\nAug. 19, Battle of the Blue Licks.\\nSeptember, Clark invades the Miami valleys the second time.\\nNovember, Land Offices opened.\\nNov. 30, Provisional articles of peace with Great Britain.\\n1783. Jan. 20, Hostilities of United States and Great Britain cease.\\nMarch, Kentucky formed into one district.\\nApril 18, Congress calls on States to cede lands.\\nApril l9, Peace proclaimed to the army.\\nEnglish propose to carry away negroes.\\nMay, Washington protests against course of English.\\nJune, Rufus Putnam applies for lands in west.\\nJuly 12, Baron Steuben sent to receive western posts.\\nAugust, Cassaty sent to Detrint.\\nVirginia withdraws Clark s commission.\\nSept. 3, Definitive treaty of peace.\\nSept. 7, Washington writes to Duane about western lands.\\nSept. 13, Congress proposes terms of cession to Virginia.\\nSept. 22, Congress forbids all purchases of Indian lands.\\nOct. 15, Congress instructs Indian Commissioners.\\nVirginia grants Clark and his soldiers lands.\\nNov. 25, Briiish leave New York taking negroes.\\nDaniel Brodhead opens a store in Louisville.\\nDec. 20, Virginia authorizes cession on terms proposed.\\n1784. Jan. 4, Treaty of peace ratified by United States.\\nFebruary, James Wilkinson goes to Lexington, Kentucky.\\nMarch 1, Virginia gives deed of cession.\\nMarch 4, Indian Commissioners reinstructed.\\nPittsburgh re-surveyed.\\nApril 9, Treaty of peace ratified by England.\\nJune 22, Virginia refuses to comply with treaty.\\nJuh i England refuses to deliver up western posts.\\nOct. 22, Treaty with Iroquois al Fort Stanwix.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "XVI\\nCHRO.NOLOGICAL TABLE.\\nLogan calls meeting at Danville.\\nDec. 27, First Kentucky Convention meets.\\nKentucky receives many emigrants.\\n1785. Jan. 21, Treaty with Delawares, ;e., at Fort Mcintosh.\\nApril, An attempt to settle at mouth of Scioto.^-\\nMay 20, Ordinance for survey of western lands passed.\\nMay 23, Second Kentucky Convention meets.\\nJuly, Don Gardoqui comes from Spain.\\nAugusts, Third Kentucky Convention meets.\\nColony emigrates from Virginia to Illinois\\nAugust, Indians threaten liostility.\\nGreat confederacy of north-western Indians formed by Brant.\\nFort Harmar built.\\n1766. January,\\nJanuary,\\nJan 10,\\nJan. 31,\\nMarch I,\\nMay, 16,\\nMay,\\nMay 26,\\nJune 30,\\nJuly 29,\\nAugust,\\nSept. 14,\\nOctober, 8,\\nNovember,\\nNovember,\\nDec. 22,\\nJanuary,\\nMarch 8,\\nMay,\\nJune,\\nJuly,\\n-July 27,\\nJuly 13,\\nJuly,\\nAugust .18,\\nAugust 29,\\nSept. 17,\\nOct. 27,\\nOct. 2,\\nOct\\nOct. 5,\\nNot. 23,\\n1787\\nBrant visits England to learn purposes of ministers.\\nVirginia agrees to independence of Kentucky.\\nPutnam and Tuppercall meeting to form Ohio Company. ,r\\nTreaty with Shawanese at Fort Finney, (mouth of Great\\nMiami.)\\nOhio Company of associates formed.\\nGovernor of Virginia writes to Congress respecting Indian in-\\nvasions.\\nThe negotiations as to Mississippi before Congress.\\nResolution of Congrass produces cession by Connecticut.\\nCongress authorizes the invasion of north-westeru territory.\\nPittsburgh Gazette first published.\\nMr. Jay authorized to yield navigation of Mi;sissippi for a term\\nof years.\\nConnecticut makes second act of cession.\\nClark seizes Spanish property at Vincenues.\\nV^irginia protests against yieldiu navigation of Mississippi.\\nGreat dii;sati?faction in the vrest.\\nGovernor of Virginia informed as to Clark s movements.\\nGreat Indian Council in north-west they address Congress.\\nFourth Kentucky Convention meets.\\nOhio Company chooses Directors.\\nMeeting in Kentucky relative to navigation of 3Iississippi.\\nWilkinson goes to New Orleans.\\nDr. Cutler negotiates with Congress for lands for Ohio Com-\\npany.\\nCongress make order in favor of Ohio Company.\\nOriiiriance passed for government of north-western territory.\\nHarry Innis refuses to prosecute invaders of Indian lands.\\nKentucky Gazette established.\\nSymmea applies for land.\\nEntries of Virginia Military Reserve, north of Ohio, begin.\\nFifth Kentucky Convention meets.\\nOhio Company completes contract for lands.\\nSymmes application referred to Board of Treasury.\\nTroops ordered west.\\nSt. Clair appointed Governor of Horth-western territory.\\nPreparations made by Ohio Company to send settlers west.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XVII\\n1787. Nov. 2G, Symmes issMes proposals for settlers.\\nDecember, John Brown, first western representative goes to Congress.\\n1783. Summer, Indipns expected to make treaty at Marietta.\\nGreat emigration 4,500 persons pass Fort IJarmar.\\nJiinuary, Denman purcliases Cincinnati.\\nFeb. 29, The admission of Kentuciiy debated in Congress.\\nApril 7, Ohio Company settlers Imd at Musiiingum.\\nJuly 2, Marietta named.\\nJuly 3, The admission of Kentucky refused by Congress.\\nJuly 9, St. Clair reaches north-western territory.\\nJuly2S, Sixth Kentucky Convention meets.\\nJuly 25, First law of north-western territory published.\\nSymmes starts for the west.\\nAugust, Losantiville (Cincinnati) laid out.\\nSept. 2, First court held at Marietta.\\nSept. 22, Symmes reaches his purchase.\\nGreat Indian Council in north-west to forbid treaties with sepa-\\nrate nations.\\nNov. 4, Seventh Kentucky Convention meets.\\nNov. 18, Columbia settled by Stites.\\nNovembe Dr. Connolly in Kentucky as a British agent.\\nDec. 24, The founders of Cincinnati leave Maysville.\\nDec. 28, Cincinnati reached according to McMillan.\\nDec. 29, Virginia passes third act to make Kentucky independent.\\nGeorge Morgan removes to New Madrid.\\n1789. Jan. 9, Treaties of Fort Harmar concluded.\\nWilkinson goes to New Orleans again.\\nSpring, Daniel Story, first teacher and preacher, in Ohio Company s\\npurchase.\\nJune, Symmes settlements threatened by Indians.\\nJune, Major Doughty arrives at Symmes purchase and begins Fort\\nWashington.\\nJuly, Western scouts withdrawn by Virginia.\\nJuly 29, Eighth Kentucky Convention meets.\\nSeptember, Governor Miro of New Orleans writes Sebastian.\\nSept. 29, Congress empowers President to call out western militia.\\nOct. 6, President authorizes Governor St. Clair to call out Mililia.\\nDec. 29, General Harmar reaches Cincinnati with 300 troops.\\n1790. Jan, 1 or 2, Governor St. Clair at Cincinnati, which name is then given il.\\nSpri jg, St. Clairgoes west to Kaskaskia.\\nApril, Gamelin s; nt to Wabash Indians.\\nMay, Indian hostilities take place.\\nJuly 15, St. Clair calls out western militia.\\nJuly 26, Ninth Kentucky Convention meets.\\nSept. 15, Troops gather at Fort Washington.\\nSept. 30, Harmar leaves Fort Washington.\\nOct. 15, Colonel Hardin with the advance reaches Miami villages.\\nOct. 17, Main army reaches Minmi villages.\\nOct. 18, Trotter goes after Indians.\\nOct. 19, Hardin s first defeat.\\nOct. 22, Hardin s second defeat.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "IVIII\\nCHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\n1790. December, Kentuckiana petition Congress to fight Indians in their own\\nway.\\nDecember, Admission of Kentucky to U. States brought before Congress.\\nDecember, Massie and others contract to settle Manchester.\\n1791. Jan. 2, Big Bot lorn settlement destroyed by Indians.\\nFeb. 1, Congress agree lo admit Kentucky.\\nIMarch 3, Excise laid on spirits.\\nMarch 9, Scott of Kentucky authorized to march against Indians.\\nMarch 12, Procter starts on his western mission.\\nApril 27, Procter reaches Buffalo creek.\\nMay 5, Procter is refused a vessel to cross Lake Erie.\\nMay 15, St. Clair at fort Washington preparing his expedition.\\nMay 21, Procter abandons his mission.\\nMay 23, Scott marches up VV abash. .^i^\\nJuly 27, Meeting at Brownsville agaiust excise.\\nAugust I, Wilkinson marches against Eel river Indians.\\nSept. 6, Collector of Alleghany and Washington counties (Pennsylva-\\nnia] attacked.\\nSept. 7, Meeting at Pittsburgh against excise.\\nSept. 17, St. Clair commences his march.\\nOct. 12, Fort Jefferson commenced.\\nOctober, Wilson maltreated in we t of Pennsylvania.\\nNov. 4, St. Clair s defeat.\\nNov. 8, The remainder of the army at Fort Washington.\\nDecember, Convention elected to form Constitution for Kentucky.\\n1792. Jan. 7, Peace offered by the United States to the Indians through the\\nSenecas.\\nJan. 9, Pond and Stodman sent west.\\nFebruary, Brant mvlted to Philadelphia.\\nFeb. 1, Wilkinson sends to field of St. Clair s defeat.\\nGallipohs settled.\\nMarch, Iroquois chiefs visit Philadelphia.\\nApril 3, Instructions issued to Trueman.\\nApril 3, Kentucky Constitution prepared.\\nMay 8, Excise laws amended.\\nMay 8, Captain Ilendrick sent west.\\nMay 22, Instructions issued to Rufus Putnam.\\nMay 22, Trueman leaves Fort Washington Hardin also.\\nJune, General Wayne moves westward.\\nJune 20, Brant visits Philadelphia.\\nFire lands given to sufferers, by Connecticut.\\nJuly 7, Indians seize 0. M. Sjiencer, c.\\nAug. 21, Great anti-excise meeting at Pittsburgh.\\nSept. 15, Washington issues proclamation on excise law.\\nSept. 27, R. Putnam makes a treaty at Vinccnnes.\\nNov. 6, Adair attacked near Fort St. Clair.\\nNov. C, Opposition to excise law diminishes.\\nDecember, United States troops at Legiunville, on the Ohio.\\n1793. March 1, Lincoln, Randolph and Pickering, appointed to treat with In-\\ndians.\\nApril, United States Legion goes down to Cincinnati.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\nXIX\\nQ\\n1793. April 8, Genet reaches United States.\\nMay 17, Commissioners reach Niagara.\\nMay 18, Genet is presented to Washington.\\nMay 30, First Democratic society in Philadelphia.\\nJune, Commissioners correspond with Covernor Simcoe.\\nJuly 15, Commissioners meet Brant and hold a council.\\nJuly 21, Commissioners at Elliott s house, mouth of Detroit river.\\nJuly 31, Commissioners meet Indian delegates.\\nAug. 16, Final action of the Commissioners and Indians.\\nOct. 7, Wayne leaves Cincinnati with his legion.\\nOct. 13, Wayne encamps at Greenville.\\nOct. 24, Wayne is joined by Kentucklans under Scott.\\nOct. 17, Lowry and Boyd attacked.\\nNovember, French emissaries sent west.\\nDec. 25, Field of St. Clair s defeat taken possession of by Wayne s\\ntroops.\\nDec. 25, Dissatisfaction in the west.\\n1794. January, Whisky riots recommence.\\nFebruary, Lord Dorchester s speech to Indians.\\nFebruary, The Mingo Creek Association formed.\\nSpring, Wayne prepares for his campaign.\\nApril, General Simcoe builds a Fort on the Maumee.\\nApril, Democratic society formed at Pittsburgh.\\nMay, Spaniards offer help to Indians.\\nMay, French emissaries forced to leave west.\\nSummer, Contest respecting Presqu isle.\\nJune 30, Indians attacked Fort Recovery.\\nJune, Suits commenced against whisky rioters.\\nJuly 16, First gathering about Neville s house; burnt 17th.\\nJuly 23, Meeting at Mingo Creek.\\nJuly 26, Mull robbed by Bradford.\\nJuly 26, Scott, with 1600 men, joins Wayne.\\nAug. 1, Great gathering at Braddock s field.\\nAug. 7, Washington issues proclamation against whisky rioters.\\nAug. 8, Wayne near Maumee.\\nAug. 13, Wayne sends his last peace message to Indians.\\nAug. 18, Wayne builds Fort Deposit.\\nAug. 20, Wayne meets and conquers Indians.\\nAug. 21, Commissioners of government meet committee of rioters.\\nSeptember, British try to prevent Indians making peace.\\nSept. 11, Vote taken upon obedience to the law in Pennsylvania.\\nSept. 25, Washington calls out militia.\\nSept. Oct. Fort Wayne built.\\nDec. 28, Indians ask for peace of Colonel Hamtramck.\\n1795. Jan. 24, Indians sign preliminaries of a treaty.\\nSpring, Prisoners are interchanged.\\nMay, Connecticut prepares to sell her reserve.\\nJune 16, Council of Greenville opens.\\nJuly, The Baron de Carondelet writes Sebastian.\\nJuly, Jay s treaty formed.\\nAug. 3, Treaty of Greenville signed.\\nAug. 10, Council of Greenville closed.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "XX CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\n1795. August, Gram by Congress to Gallipolis settlers,\\nSept. 5 or 9, C nncciicut sells Western Reserve lo Land Company.\\nOct. 27, Pincknty concludes treaty wiihSpain.\\nNov. 4, Dayton laid out.\\n*796. Chillicothe founded.\\nM. Adet, French Minister, sends emissaries to disaffect the\\nwest to the Union.\\nSebastian visits the south-west.\\nSept. Cleveland laid out and naniod.\\nJuly, British give up posts in north-west.\\nAugust, Difficulties with Spain begin.\\nAugust, General Wayne died.\\nAugust, First paper mill in the west.\\n1 3 Power visits Kentucky, and writes to Sebastian.\\nOct. Daniel Boone moves west of Miss-issippi.\\nOct. Occupying claimant law of Kentucky passed.\\n1798. W. H. Harrison appointed Secretary of North-west territory.\\nAlien and sedition laws passed.\\nNullifying resolutions in Kentucky.\\nDeath abolished in Kentucky, except for murder.\\nDec. Representatives for north-west territory first chosen.\\n1799. Feb. 4, Representatives of north-west territory meet lo nominate can-\\ndidates for Council.\\nFeb. Kentucky Constitution amended.\\nSept. 24, Assembly of north-west territory or;:anizes at Cincinnati.\\nOct. 6, W. H. Harrison ajipoiuteJ Delegate in Congress for north-\\nwest territory.\\n1800. May 7, Indiana territory formed.\\nMay 30, Connecticut yields jurisdiction of her reserve lo the U. States,\\nand United Stales gives her putents for the soil.\\nOct. I, Treatyof St. Ildefonso.\\nNov. 3, Assembly of north-west territory meets at Chillicothe.\\nNov. 3, First missionary in Con leciicat Reserve.\\n^01- W. H. Harrison appointed Goveruor of Indiana territory.\\nSt. Clair re-appointed Governor of nortll-we^t territory.\\nCincinnati, in place of Chillicotlie, a;iuin made seat of govern-\\ny^ ment for north-west territory.\\nDec. Thomas Worlhington goes lo Washington to procure the erec-\\ntion of Ohio into a State.\\n1802 January, University at Alliens, Ohio, established.\\nJanuary, First Bunk in Kentucky.\\nApril 30, Congress agree that Ohio may become a Slate.\\nOct. 16, The Spanish Intenduut forbids the use of New Orleans by the\\nAmericans.\\nNov. 1, Convention meets to form a Constitution for Ohio.\\nNov. 29, Constitution formed.\\n1803. April, New Orleans opened lo Americans again.\\nApril, Livingston and Monroe in France purchase Louisiana.\\nApril, Lands locitiedd for Miami University.\\nApril, Miami Exporting Company chartered.\\nOct. 21, The Senate ratify the purchase of Louisiana.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXI\\n1803. Dec. 20, Louisiana given up to the Americans.\\n1804. March 26, Territory of Orleans, District of Upper Louisiana organized.\\nMay 14, Lewis and Clark start on their expedition.\\n1805. Jan. 11, Michigan territory formed.\\n.Tune 11, Detroit burned to the ground.\\nJune, Burr visits the west.\\nJune, General Assembly meet in Indiana territory.\\nJune, Tecumthe and the Prophet begin to influence the Indians.\\nJune, Steps taken to make National road.\\n1806. July 29, Burr s letter to Wilkinson.\\nAug. Spaniards cross the Sabine.\\nAug. 21, Burr goes west; is at Pittsburgh.\\nSept. Lewis and Clark return from Oregon.\\nNov. Davies tries to arrest Burr.\\nDec. 6, Sebastian found guilty by Kentucky House of Representatives.\\nDec. 10, Burr s men go down the Ohio-\\nDec 14, Burr s boats and stores arrested.\\n26, Burr meets his men at the mouth of the Cumberland.\\n1807. Jan. 17, Burr yields to civil authority of Mississippi.\\nJan. Burr escapes, is seized, and tried at Richmond in May.\\nMay, Petition for slavery in Indiana.\\n1808. Bank of Marietta chartered.\\nBank of Chillicoihe chartered.\\nJune, Tecumthe and the Prophet remove to Tippecanoe.\\n1809. Illinois territory formed.\\nFeb. 17, Miami University chartered.\\n1810. Boone s Lick settled.\\nJuly, C. Cole and others killed by Indians in Missouri.\\nAugust, Meeting of Tecumthe and Harrison at Vincennes.\\n181 1 Company of rangers raised in Illinois.\\nJuly, Tecumihe goes to the south.\\nAugust, Harrison JJroposes to visit Indians.\\nOct. Harrison marches toward Tippecanoe.\\nFirst steamer (New Orleans) leaves Pittsburgh for Natchez\\nand New Orleans.\\nNov. 7, Battle of Tippecanoe.\\nDec. 16, Great earthquakes begin.\\n1812. June 1, General Hull marches from Dayton.\\nJune 28, British at Maiden hear of the declaration of war.\\nJuly 1, Hull sends men and goods by water to Detroit.\\nJuly 2, Hull hears of the declaration of war.\\nJuly 12, Americans at Sandwich.\\nJuly 17, Mackinac taken by the British.\\nAug. 7, Hull retires to Detroit.\\nAug. 13, Brock reaches Maiden.\\nAug. 14, Brock at Sandwich.\\nAug. 16, Brock before Detroit.\\nAug. 16, Hull surrenders.\\nAug. 15, Masfacre of troops near Chicago.\\nSept. 8, Fort Harrison attacked.\\nSept. 17, W. H. Harrison appointed Commander in north-west.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "XXII CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.\\n1812. Oct. General Hopkins attacks the Indians on the Wabash.\\nOct. Governor Edwards attacks tlie Indians on the Illinois.\\nDec. Colonel Campbell attacks llie Indians on the Mississinneway.\\n1813. Jan. 10, Winchester reaches the rapids of M\u00c2\u00abumee.\\nJan. IT, Sends troops to Frenchtown.\\nJan. 18, British at Frenchtown defeated.\\nJan. 22, Americans defeated at Frenchtown, with great loss.\\nJan. 23, Massacre of the wounded.\\nJan. 24, Harrison retreats to Portage river.\\nFeb. 1, Harrison advances to Maumee, and builds Fort Meigs.\\nApril 28, Fort Meigs besieged.\\nMay 5, General Green Clay reaches Fort Meigs; Dudley s party lost.\\nMay 9, British return to Maiden.\\nJuly 18, British fleet prepare to attack Erie.\\nJuly 31, Fort Steplienson besieged, and bravely defended.\\nAug, 4, Perry s vessels leave Erie.\\nSept. 10, V^ictory by Perry, on Lake Erie.\\nSept. 27, American army at Maiden.\\nSept. 29, American army at Sandwich.\\nGet. 5. Battle of the Thames, and Tecumtho killed.\\n1814. Feb. Holmes s expedition into Canada.\\nFeb. J. C. Symmes died.\\nJuly, Expedition under Croghan against Mackinac.\\nJuly, Fort Shelby, at Prairie du Chien, taken by the British.\\nJuly 22, Treaty with Indians at Greenville.\\nOct. Si, Nov. McArthur s expedition into Canada.\\nDec. 24, Treaty of Ghent.\\n1815. Various treaties with Indians.\\nFeb. Ohio taxes the Banks.\\n1816. March, Pittsburgh incorporated.\\nMarch, Columbus made capitol of Ohio.\\nDec. Bank of Shawneetown chartered.\\nDec. General Banking Law of Ohio, passed.\\nDec. 11, Indiana admitted to the Union.\\n1817. First steamboat at St. Louis.\\nSeptember, North-west of Ohio bought of Indians.\\nJan. Oct., U. States Bank opens branches in Cincinnati and Chillicothe.\\n1818. Aug. 2G, Illinois becomes a State.\\n1819. First steamboats on the Missouri.\\nMilitary Post cstablishfd at Council BlufTs.\\nExpodition to the Yellow Stone.\\nThe first steamer on Lake Erie.\\nSeptember, Conte^^t of Ohio and the United States Bank.\\n1820. December, Nullification resolutions of Ohio.\\nSept. Missouri forms a Constitution.\\nMay, Cass visits Lake Superior, .c.\\n1821. Aug. 12, Missouri received into itie Union by proclamation of President.\\n1822. Jan. 31, Ohio moves in relation to canals.\\nJan. 31, Ohio moves in relation to schools.\\n1823. Feb. 11, Illinois moves in relation to canals.\\n1824. Slavery contest in Illinois.\\n1825. Feb. 4 iS:, 5, Ohio passes canal and school laws.\\n1326. The first steamer on Lake Michigan.\\n1827. Nov. 1. First seminary built and opened iu Illinois.\\n1830. Treaty by Keokuk at Prairie du Chien.\\n1831. Black Hawk b(\\\\stile, and driven west of Mississippi.\\n1832. First steamer at Chicago.\\nFebruary, Great flood in Ohio.\\nMay, Black Hawk war commenced.\\nMay 14, Stillman s defeat near Rock river.\\nMay 21, Indian creek settlement destroyed.\\nJuly, Cholera among Scott s troops and along Lakes.\\nJuly 21, Black Hawk defeated on Wisconsin.\\nAug. 2, Black Hawk defeated on Mississippi.\\nAug. 27, Blark Hawk delivered to iLiited States.\\nSept., Treaty with Indians.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXUI\\n1832. Oct. Cholera at Cincinnati and along ilie Ohio.\\n1833. First farming settlements in Iowa.\\nJuly 20, Governor Edwards died at Belleville, Illinois.\\nCholera at St. Louis and throughout tlie Mississippi Valley.\\nMormon difficulties in Jackson county, Missouri.\\nIndian treaty at Chicago.\\n1834. Gazetteer of Illinois published at Jacksonville.\\nTermination of various bank charters in Ohio.\\n1835. Michigan forms a Constitution and makes application to join\\nthe Union.\\nCongress proposes conditions.\\n1836. State Bank of Illinois chartered.\\nMichigan rejects the condiiioifs.\\nAdopted in a second Convention.\\nTerritory of Wisconsin (including Iowa) organized.\\nIllinois and Michigan canal commenced.\\n1837. Michigan received into the Union.\\nInternal Improvement System adopted in Illinois.\\nRiots at Alton, III., and Lovejoy killed.\\nState House of Missouri, at Jefferson City, burned.\\n1838. July 4, Territory of Iowa organized.\\nMormon war in Missouri.\\nSept. I, Death of Governor William Clark.\\n1839. Bank Commissioners appointed in Ohio.\\nMormons retreat to Illinois, locate at Commerce, and call it\\nNauvoo.\\nIowa City located and made the seat of government.\\n1840. Great political excitement in the presidential canvas.\\n1841. April 4, Death of W. H. Harrison, President of the United States, at\\nWashington City.\\nCanal, Internal Improvement System, and Banks in Illinois\\nstopped.\\nGreat depression in financial affairs throughout the west.\\n1842. Cincinnati Astronomical society founded.\\nJune 20, Death of General Henry Atkinson at Jefferson Barracks, Mis-\\nsouri.\\nAug. 15, Death of Hon. Mary P. Leduc, first Secretary of Upper Louis-\\niana, and an old citizen of St. Louis.\\nMay 14, Death of Hon. A. W. Snyder, Belleville, 111.\\nAug. 28, Death of Hon. J, B. C. Lucas, at St. Louis, aged 80.\\n1843. Illinois Banks accept of an act by the Legislature and close\\ntheir business.\\nCorner stone of Cincinnati Observatory laid in November.\\nMormon troubles in Illinois.\\n1844. Great flood on the Mississippi American Bottom submerged.\\nSteamboats went from St Louis to the Illinois bluffs.\\nMormon war in Illinois Joseph Smith, the leader, and others\\nkilled.\\nState Constitution formed in Iowa; boundaries not approved by\\nCongress.\\n1345. Banking law of Oljio creating a State Bank and branches, and\\nindependent Banks passed.\\nIllinois negotiates with bond-holders to finish canal.\\n1846. Work on the Illinois canal resumed.\\nConvention in Wisconsin form a State Constitution; rejected\\nby the people.\\n1847. Convention in Illinois form a new Constitution.\\n1848. Constitution of Illinois adopted by the people, and went into\\noperation.\\nWisconsin forms a new Constitution; approved by the people,\\nand accepted by Congress.\\n1849. Cholera on the western rivers, and in many cities and towns.\\nDeaths from all diseases in St. Louis, 8,603; cholera, 4,800.\\nMay 17, Great fire: 23 steamboats, 400 buildings, and $2,750,000 worth\\nof property burnt.\\nOct. 17, Great Convention iu St. Louis on Rail-road to the Pacific,", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "ERRATA.\\nIn a book liko the Annals, it is hardly possible, between authors, compositors and\\nproof readers, to avoid some typographical errors. The most frequent that occurs in thig\\nwork, are misplacing the brackets, intended to distinguish the composition of the Editor\\nfrom that of Mr. Perkins.\\nPage 29, Nicholas Parrot, should be Perrot.\\n37, A part of the last paragraph should have been in brackets.\\n47, The asterisk after Hidden River, should be out.\\n66, Read, all was \u00c2\u00abri7Z iciM except those little spots.\\n70, Third paragraph, read 1752 for 7732.\\n71, A bracket after second paragraph.\\n133, The brackets in the middle of the page should be out.\\n134, Brackets out at close of first paragraph.\\n142, Third paragraph read a few days after that in the boat, instead, after that\\nat Captina.\\n1C7, Put a bracket at close of the page.\\n171, A bracket should be out at the commencement of paragraph second.\\n187, A bracket should be at close of the chapter.\\n201, A bracket should be at close of first paragraph.\\n209, A bracket at close of the page.\\n509, Chickasaw Bluffs in line 15 from the top, should be Iron Banks situated a few\\nmiles below the junction of Ohio and Mississippi rivers.\\n261, A bracket should follow asterisk, after last paragraph.\\n311, A bracket after third paragraph.\\n349, A bracket after third paragrai h.\\n399, A bracket after first paragraph.\\n447, A bracket after first paragraph.\\n504, A bracket should he out at first paragraph.\\n527, The date should be 1S03, instead of 1793.\\n634, A bracket at close of th6 page.\\n509, A bracket at the close of last paragraph but one.\\n570, Bracket should be left out at the end of second paragraph, after Illinois.\\n574, 575, The captions over these pages are wrong. Organization of Illinois Terri-\\ntory, is found on pp. 676, 577.\\n577, A bracket is wanting at the close of fourth paragraph. Fort Wayne, August\\n7, 1818, in some copies should be 1810.\\n595, The bracket should be left out at the commencement of the paragraph.\\n602, Fort Wayne should read Sandwich, at the 13th lino from bottom.\\n616, In third paragraph after Cahokia, read Creek,\\n619, The bracket should be put at the close of the last of last paragraph.\\n636, The caption is wrong. It belongs to page 633.\\n643, The bracket at the end of first paragraph, should be left out.\\n709, 711, and 713. The captions over these pages should be Sketches of Indian His-\\ntory.\\n744, Cape au Gris, should be Cape au Ores. It was so called from the gray rock\\nthere.\\n795, Second paragraph read Sauteaurs.\\n796, In third paragraph, read retailed for retained this story of Black Hawk.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "ANNALS OF THE WEST.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nSPANISH AND FRENCH DISCOVERIES, A. D. 1512 TO 1750,\\nDiscovery of Florida De Soto s Expedition and Discovery of the Mississippi Marquette\\nand Joliet s Expedition Enterprise of La Salle Visit to Illinois Fort Crcvecoeur\\nHennepin s voyage up the Mississippi La Salle s Expedition down the Mississippi to the\\nGulf\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Proces Verbal Returns to Illinois and starts to France La Salle returns\\nto the Gulf of Mexico Discovers and takes possession of Texas His Assassination\\nTonti s Achievements La Hontan Kaskaskia Founded D lbberv ille a Voyage Grant\\nto Crozat Mississippi Company ^New Orleans Founded The Natchez Extermination\\nWar with the Chickasaws Mississippi Valley in 1760.\\nIn the year 1512, on Easter Sunday, the Spanish name for\\nwhich is Pascua Florida,* Juan Ponce de Leon, an old com-\\nrade of Columbus, discovered the coast of the American con-\\ntinent, near St. Augustine; and, in honor of the day, as well\\nas because of the blossoms which covered the trees along the\\nshore, named the new-found country Florida. Juan had been\\nled to undertake the discovery of strange lands, partly by the\\nhope, common to all his countrymen at that time, of finding\\nendless stores of gold, and partly by the wish to reach a fountain\\nthat was said to exist, deep within the forests of North America,,\\nwhich possessed the power of renovating the life of those who\\ndrank of, or bathed in, its waters. In return for his discovery\\nhe was made Governor of the region he had visited, but various\\ncircumstances prevented his return thither until 1521, and then\\nhe went only to meet with death at the hands of the Indians.\\nIn the mean time, in 1516, a roving Spanish sea captain,.\\nDiego Miruelo, had visited the coast first reached by Ponce de\\nLeon, and in his barters with the natives had received con-\\nsiderable quantities of gold, with which he returned home, and.\\nspread abroad new stories of the wealth hidden in the Interior.\\n*Pascua, the old English Pasch or Passover Pascua Florida is the Holy-day of\\nFlowers.\\n2", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "26 Discover!/ of Florida. 1622.\\nTen years, however, passed before Pamphilo de Narvaez\\nundertook to prosecute the examination of the lands north of the\\nGulf of Mexico; the shores of which, during the intervening\\nyears, had been visited and roughly surveyed. Narvaez was\\nexcited to action by the late astonishing success of the conqueror\\nof Montezuma, but he found the gold for which he sought, fly\\nconstantly before him each tribe of Indians referred him to\\nthose living still farther in the interior, and from tribe to tribe\\nhe and his companions wandered, weary and disappointed,\\nduring six months; then, having reached the shore again, naked\\nand famished, they tried to regain the Spanish colonies but of\\nthree hundred only four or five at length reached Mexico. And\\nstill these disappointed wanderers persisted in their original\\nfancy that Florida* was as wealthy as Mexico or Peru; and\\nafter all their wanderings and sufferings so told the world. f\\nAmong those to whom this report came, was Ferdinand de\\nSoto, who had been with Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, and\\nwho longed for an opportunity to make himself as rich and noted\\nas the other great Captains of the day. He asked leave of the\\nKing of Spain to conquer Florida at his own cost. It was given\\nin 1638; with a brilliant and noble band of followers, he left\\nEurope; and in May 1539, after a stay in Cuba, anchored his\\nvessels near the coast of the Peninsula of Florida, in the bay of\\nSpiritu Santo, or Tan) pa bay .J\\n*By Florida the Spaniards in early times meant at least all of North America south of\\nthe Great Lakes,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f For facts in relation to Florida see Bancroft s Ilist. U. S., Vol. I.\\nJ The originul authorities in relation to De Soto, are an anonymous Portugnese \u00e2\u0096\u00a0writer, a\\ngentleman of Elvas, who claims to have been an eye-witness of what he relates; and\\nLouis Hernandez de Biedma, who was also with the expedition, and presented bis account\\nto the Spanish King in 1544. Wc have also a letter from De Soto, to the authorities of\\nthe city of Santiago, in Cuba, dated July 9, 1539. These authorities in the main agree,\\nthough the Portuguese account is much the fullest, and the Governor s letter of course\\nrelates but few events. The Portuguese narrative was published in 1557 Ilakluyt gave it\\nin English in 1609, and it was again published in London in 16SG; a French tran^^lation\\nappeared in Paris in 1685. Its credibility is questioned. See Sparks in Butler s Kentucky,\\n2d Ed. 49S; also, Bancroft s U. S.I; 66. note. The account by Biedma and De Soto s\\nletter are; in a work published in Paris, called Voyages, Relations ct Memoires originaux\\npovr levir a I hutoire de decouverte de I Amcriqiie. One volume of this collection relates\\nto Florida, and appeared in 1811. We have epitomised the account as giTcn by Bancroft\\nin his first volume.\\nNote by the Ed. There is a narrative by Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, in Spanish, written\\na few years after the return of De Soto s companions and while they were living. From\\nthis and the other work mentioned above, Theodore Irving, Esq., while in Madrid, a few\\nyears since compiled his Conquest of Florida, in two volumes 12 mo. Much of it ap-\\npears like romance, but the whole expedition of De Soto was romance in reality, though a\\nbistorioal fact.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "1542, Be Solo s Expedition. 27\\nDe Soto entered upon his march into the interior with a deter-\\nmination to succeed. He liad brought with him all things that\\nit was supposed could be needful, and that none might be\\ntempted to turn back, he sent away his vessels. From June till\\nNovember, of 1539, the Spaniards toiled along until they reached\\nthe neighborhood of Appalachee bay, finding no gold, no foun-\\ntain of youth. During the next season, 1540, they followed the\\ncourse suggested by the Florida Indians, who wished them out\\nof their country, and going to the north-east, crossed the rivers\\nand climbed the mountains of Georgia. De Soto was a stern,\\nsevere man, and none dare to murmur. Still finding no cities\\nof boundless wealth, they turned westward, towards the waters\\nof the Mobile, and following those waters, in October (1540,)\\ncame to the town of Mavilla on the Alabama, above the junction\\nof the Tombecbee. This town the Europeans wished to occupy,\\nbut the natives resisted them, and in a battle which ensued, the\\nIndians were defeated.\\nFinding himself, notwithstanding his victory, exposed to con-\\nstant attacks from the red men at this point, De Soto resumed his\\nmarch towards the Mississippi, and passed the winter, probably,\\nnear the Yazoo. In April 1541, once more the resolute Spaniard\\nset forward, and upon the first of May reached the banks of the\\nOreat River of the West, not far from the 35th parallel of lati-\\ntude.* A month was spent in preparing barges to convey the\\nhorses, many of which still lived, across the rapid stream. Hav^\\ning successfully passed it, the explorers pursued their way north-\\nward, into the neighborhood of New Madrid then turning west-\\nward again, marched more than two hundred miles from the\\nMississippi to the highlands of White river. And still no gold,\\nno gems, no cities; only bare prairies, and tangled forests, and\\ndeep morasses. To the south again they toiled on, and passed\\ntheir third winter of wandering upon the Washita. In the fol-\\nlowing spring (1642,) De Soto, weary with hope long deferred,\\ndescended the Washita to its junction with the Mississippi, wish-\\ning to learn the distance and direction of the sea. He heard,\\nwhen he reached the mighty stream of the West, that its lower\\nportion flowed through endless and uninhabitable swamps.\\nDetermined to learn the truth, he sent forward horsemen; in\\neight days they advanced only thirty miles. The news sank\\n*De Soto probably was at the lower Chickasaw Bluffs. The Spaniards called the Missis-\\nsippi, Rio Grande, Great River, which is the literal meaniDg of the aboriginal name.-ED.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "28 Death of De Soto. 1643.\\ndeep into the stout heart of the disappointed waiTJor. His men\\nand horses were wasting around him the Indians near by\\nchallenged him, and he dared not meet them. His health yielded\\nto the contests of his mind and the influence of the climate he\\nappointed a successor, and upon the 21st of May died. His\\nbody was sunk in the stream of the Mississippi.\\nDeprived of their energetic, though ruthless, leader, the Span-\\niards determined to try to reach Mexico by land. They turned\\nWest again therefore, and penetrated to the Red river, wander-\\ning up and down in the forests, the sport of inimical Indians.\\nThe Red river they could not cross, and jaded and heartless,\\na^ain thev went eastward, and reached in December 1542, the\\no\\ngreat Father of Waters once more. Despairing of success in\\nthe attempt to rescue themselves by land, they proceeded to pre-\\npare such vessels as they could to take them to sea. From\\nJanuary to July 1543, the weak, sickly band of gold-seekers,\\nlabored at the doleful task; and in July reached, in the vessels\\nthus wrought, the Gulf of Mexico, and by September, entered\\nthe river Panuco. One-half of the six hundred* who had dis-\\nembarked with De Soto, so gay in steel and silk, left their bones\\namong the mountains and in the morasses of the South, from\\nGeorgia to Arkansas.\\nSuch was the first expedition by Europeans, into the great\\nWestern Valley of North America. They founded no settle-\\nments, left no traces, produced no effect unless to excite the\\nhostility of the red against the white men, and to dishearten such\\nas might otherwise have tried to follow up the career of dis-\\ncovery to better purpose. As it was, for more than a century\\nafter the expedition oi De Soto, the West remained utterly\\nunknown to the whites. In 1616, four years before the Pilgrims\\nmoored their bark on the wild New England shore, Le Caron,\\na French Franciscan, had penetrated through the Iroquois and\\nWyandotsf to the streams which run into Lake Huron and in\\n1634, two Jesuits had founded the first mission among the rivers\\nand marshes of the region east of that great inland sea but it\\nwas 1641, just one hundred years after De Soto reached the\\nDe Bicdma says there landed 620 men.\\nITho Wyanduts are the same as the Hurons. Ilcckewelder s Karr. 336, note sec their\\ntraditionarj- history by J. Badger, a Missionary among them.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Cist s Cincinnati Miscel-\\nlany I. 153.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "1671. Marquette and Joliet. 29\\nMississippi, that the first Canadian envoys met the savage nations\\nof the North-west, at the Sault cle Ste. Marie,* below the outlet\\nof Lake Superior. This visit, however, led to no permanent\\nresult, and it was not till 1659 that even any of the adventurous\\nfur traders spent a winter on the frozen and inhospitable shores\\nof the vast lake of the North, nor till 1660 that the unflinching\\ndevotion of the Missionaries caused the first station to rise upon\\nits rocky and pine-clad borders. But Mesnard, who founded that\\nstation, perished in the woods in a few months afterward, and\\nfive more years slipped by before Father Claude Allouez, in\\n1665, built the earliest of the lasting habitations of white men\\namong the kindly and hospitable Indians of the Northwest.\\nFollowing in his steps, in 1668, Claude Dablon and James\\nMarquette founded the mission at St. Mary s Falls; in 1670,\\nNicholas Parrot, as agent for Talon, the intendant of Canada,\\nexplored lake Michigan as far as Chicago in 1671 formal pos-\\nsession was taken of the North west by French officers in the\\npresence of Indians assembled from every part of the surround-\\ning region, and in the same year Marquette gathered a little flock\\nof listeners, at Point St. Ignatius, on the main land north of the\\ntsland of Mackinac. During the three years which this most\\nexcellent man had now spent in that country, the idea of\\nexploring the lands yet farther towards the setting sun, had been\\ngrowing more and more definite in his mind. He had heard, as\\nall had, of the great river of the West, and fancied upon its\\nfertile banks, not mighty cities, mines of gold, or fountains of\\nyouth but whole tribes of God s children to whom the sound\\nof the Gospel had never come. Filled with the wish to go and\\npreach to them^ he obeyed with joy the orders of Talon, the\\nwise intendant of Canada, to lead a party into the unknown\\ndistance and having received, as companions on behalf of the\\ngovernment, a Monsieur Joliet, of Quebec, together with five\\nboatmen, in the spring of 1673, he prepared to go forth in search\\nof the much talked of stream.f\\nUpon the 13th of May, 1673, this little band of seven left\\nMichilimackinac in two bark canoes, with a small store of Indian\\ncorn and jerked meat, bound they knew not whither.\\nThe first nation they visited, one with which our reverend\\nFather had been long acquainted, being told oi their venturous\\nJaJJjs of St. Mary- fFor tbe above dates, kc,, see Bancroft s V. S., Vol. HI", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "30 Reach the Mississippi, 1673..\\nplan, begged them to desist. There were Indians, they said, on\\ntiiat great river, who would cut off their heads without the least\\ncause warriors who would seize them monsters who would\\nswallow them, canoes and all; even a demon, who shut the\\nway, and buried in the waters that boil about him, all who\\ndared draw nigh; and, if these dangers were passed, there were-\\nheats there that would infallibly kill them.* I thanked them\\nfor their good advice, says Marquette, but I told them that I\\ncould not follow it; since the salvation of souls was at stake, for\\nwhich 1 should be overjoyed to give my life.\\nPassing through Green Bay, from the mud of which, says our\\nvoyager, rise mischievous vapoi s, that cause the most grand\\nand perpetual thunders that I have ever heard, they entered\\nFox river, and toiling over stones which cut their feet, as they\\ndragged their canoes through its strong rapids, reached a village\\nwhere lived in union the Miamis, Mascoutensf and Kikabeux\\n(Kickapoos.) Here AUouez had preached, and behold! in the\\nmidst of the town, a cross, {une belle craix,) on which hung\\nskins, and belts, ai\\\\d bows, and arrows, which these good\\npeople had offered to the great Manitou, to thank him because\\nhe had taken pity on them during the winter, and had given\\nthem an abundant chase.\\nBeyond this point no Fi-enchman had gone; here was the\\nbound of discovery and much did the savages wonder at the\\nhardihood of these seven men, who, alone, in two bark canoes,\\nwere thus fearlessly passing into unknown dangers.\\nOn the 10th of June, they left this wondering and well-wish-\\ning crowd, and, with two guides to lead them through the lakes\\nand marshes of that region, started for the river, which, as they\\nheard, rose but about three leagues distant, and fell into the\\nMississippi. Without ill-luck these guides conducted them to\\nthe portage, and helped them carry their canoes across it; then,\\nreturning, left them alone amid that unknown country, in the\\nhand of God.\\nThe allusion here is to the legend of the Piasau or tbc monster bird that devoured\\nmen, of which some rude Indian paintings were seen thirty years since on the cliffs above\\nthe city of Alton, and Indians as they passed in their canoes made offerings by dropping\\ntobacco and other articles, valuable in their estimation in the riv. r. John Russell, Esq., of\\nIllinois, wove this Indian Tradition into a beautiful story that went the rounds of peri-\\nodical literature, in 1840. Ed.\\nfin Charlevoix s time these occupied the country from the Dlinoia to the Fox river, and\\nfrom lake Mlohigou to the Missi jippi.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See hia Map.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "1673. Visit to the Illinois. 31\\nWith prayers to the mother of Jesus they strengthened their\\nsouls, and committed themselves, in all hope, to the current of\\nthe westward flowing river, the Ouisconsin (Wisconsin a\\nsand-barred stream, hard to navigate, but full of islands covered\\nwith vines, and bordered by meadows, and groves, and pleasant\\nslopes. Down this they floated until, upon the 17th of June,\\nthey entered the Mississippi, with a joy, says Marquette,\\nthat I cannot express.\\nQuietly floating down the great river, they remarked the\\ndeer, the buffaloes, the swans wingless, for they lose their\\nfeathers in that country, the great fish, one of which had\\nnearly knocked their canoe into atoms, and other creatures of\\nair, earth and water, but no men. At last, however, upon the\\n21st of June, they discovered, upon the western bank of the\\nriver, the foot prints of some fellow mortals, and a little path\\nleading into a pleasant meadow. Leaving the canoes in charge\\nof their followers, Joliet and Father Marquette boldly advanced\\nupon this path toward, as they supposed, an Indian village.\\nNor were they mistaken; for they soon came to a little town,\\nto which, recommending themselves to God s care, they went so\\nnigh as to hear the savages talking. Having made their pres-\\nence known by a loud cry, they were graciously received by an\\nembassy of four old men, who presented them the pipe of peace,\\nand told them, that this was a village of the Illinois. The\\nvoyagers were then conducted into the town, where all received\\nthem as friends, and treated them to a great smoking. After\\nmuch complimenting and present-making, a grand feast was\\ngiven to the Europeans, consisting of four courses. The first\\nwas of hominy, the second of fish, the third of a dog,t which\\nthe Frenchmen declined, and the whole concluded with roast\\nbuffalo. After the feast they were marched through the town\\nwith great ceremony and much speech-making and, having\\nspent the night, pleasantly and quietly, amid the Indians, they\\nreturned to their canoes with an escort of six hundred people.\\nCalled Misconsin in the printed Journal. Ed.\\nI A dog feast is still a feast of honor among the savages. See Fremont s Report of Expe-\\nditions of 1842, 43, and 44, printed at Washington, 18^5; p. 42. Fremont says the meat\\nis somewhat like mutton. See, also. Dr. Jarvis s discourse before theN. Y. Historical Society\\nin 1819, note B.j Lewis and Clark s Journal, II. 165; Godman s Natural History, I. 254.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "32 Arrive at the Arkansas. 1673.\\nThe Illinois, Marquette, like all the eaily travelers, describes as\\nremarkably handsome, well-mannered, and kindly, even some-\\nwhat efieminate.\\nLeaving the Illinois, the adventurers passed the rocks* upon\\nwhich were painted those monsters of whose existence they had\\nheard on Lake Michigan, and soon found themselves at the\\nmouth of the Pekitanoni, or Missouri of our day the character\\nof which is well described; muddy, rushing, and noisy. They\\nnext passed a dangerous rock in the riverf and then came to\\nthe Ouabouskigou, or Ohio, a stream which makes but a small\\nfigure in Father Marquette s map, being but a trifling water-\\ncourse compared to the Illinois. From the Ohio, our voyagers\\npassed with safety, except from the musquitoes, into the neigh-\\nborhood of the Akamscas, or Arkansas. Here they were at-\\ntacked by a crowd of warriors, and had nearly lost their lives;\\nbut Marquette resolutely presented the peace-pipe, and some of\\nthe old men of the attacking party were softened, and saved\\nthem from harm. God touched their hearts, says the pious\\nnarrator.\\nThe next day the Frenchmen went on to Akamsca, where\\nthey were received most kindly, and feasted on corn and dog\\ntill they could eat no more. These Indians cooked in and eat\\nfrom earthen ware, and were amiable and unceremonious, each\\nman helping himself from the dish and passing it to his neighbor.\\nFi om this point Joliet and our writer determined to return to\\nthe North, as dangers increased towards the sea, and no doubt\\ncould exist as to the point where the Mississippi emptied, to\\nascertain which point was the great object of their expedition.\\nAccordingly, on the 17th of July, our voyagers left Akamsca;\\nretraced their path with much labor, to the Illinois, through\\nwhich they soon reached the Lake; and, nowhere, says\\nMarquette, did we see such grounds, meadows, woods, stags,\\nbuffaloes, deer, wild-cats, bustards, swans, ducks, j avro(juets,\\nand even beavers, as on the Illinois river.\\nIn September the party, without loss or injury, reached Green\\nBay, and reported their discovery one of the most important\\nof that age, but of which we have now no record left except\\nthe brief narrative of Marquette Joliet, (as we learn from an\\nabstract of his account, given in Hennepin s second volume*\\n*PiaEft Rock, at the present city of Alton, Illinois. tTte Grand Tower.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "1675. Death of Marqiutte. S3\\nLondon, 1698,) having lost all his papers while returning to Que-\\nbec, by the upsetting of his canoe. Marquette s unpretending\\naccount, we have in a collection of voyages by Thevenot,\\nprinted in Paris in 1681.* Its general correctness is unques-\\ntionable and, as no European had claimed to have made any\\nsuch discovery at the time this volume was published, but the\\npersons therein named, we may consider the account as genuine.\\nAfterwards Marquette returned to the Illinois, by their request,\\nand ministered to them until 1675. On the 18th of May, in\\nthat year, as he was passing with his boatmen up Lake INIich-\\nigan, he proposed to land at the mouth of a stream running\\nfrom the peninsula, and perform mass. Leaving his men with\\nthe canoe, he went a little way apart to pray, they waiting for\\nhim. As much time passed, and he did not return, they called\\nto mind that he had said something of his death being at hand,\\nand anxiously went to seek him. They found him dead\\nwhere he had been praying, he had died. The canoe-men\\ndug a grave near the mouth of the stream, and buried him in\\nthe sand. Here his body was liable to be exposed by a rise\\nof water; and would have been so, had not the river retired,\\nand left the missionary s grave in peace. Charlevoix, who\\nvisited the spot some fifty years afterward, found that the wa-\\nters had forced a passage at the most difficult point, had cut\\nthrough a bluff, rather than cross the lowland where that grave\\nw^as. The river is called Marquette. f\\nWhile the simple-hearted and true Marquette was pursuing\\nhis labors of love in the West, two men, differing widely from\\nhim and each other, were preparing to follow in his footsteps,\\nand perfect the discoveries so well begun by him and the\\nSieur Joliet. These were Robert de la Salle and Louis Hen-\\nnepin.\\nThis work is now very rare, but Marquette s Journal has been republished by Mr.\\nSparks, at least in substance, in Butler s Kentucky, 2tl Ed. 492, and in the American\\nBiography, 1st scries, vol. X. A copy of the map by Marquette, is also given by Mr. Ban-\\ncroft, vol. III. We have followed the original in Thevenot, a copy of which is in Harvard\\nLibrary.\\nfCharlevoix s Letters, vol. II. p. 96. New France, vol. VI. p. 20. Marquette spells\\nthe name of the great western river, Mississippy; Hennepin made it Meschasipij\\nothers have written Meschasabe, c. c. There is great confusion in all the Indian oral\\nnames; we have Kikabeau.^, Kikapous, Quicapous; Ottaouets, Outnovas;\\nMiamis, Oumamis; and so of nearly all the nations. Our Sioux Charlevoix tells us,\\nis the last syllable of Nadouessioux, which is written, by Hennepin, Nadoussion and\\nNadouessious, in his Louisiana, and Nadouessans, and in his Nouvclle Xfecou\\nverte, The Shawanese are always called the Chouanouns.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "34 Robert dc la Salle. 1675\\nLa Salle was a native of Normandy, and was brought up,\\nas we learn from Charlevoix, among the Jesuits;^ but, having\\nlost, by some unknown cause, his patrimony, and being of a\\nstirring and energetic disposition, he left his home to seek for-\\ntune among the cold and dark regions of Canada. This was\\nabout the year 1670. Here he mused long upon the pet pro-\\nject of those ages, a short-cut to China and the East and,\\ngaining his daily bread, we know not how, was busily plan-\\nning an expedition up the great lakes, and so across the con-\\ntinent to the Pacific, when Marquette returned from the Mis-\\nsissippi. At once the hot mind of La Salle received from his\\nand his companion s narrations, the idea, that, by following the\\nGreat River northward, or by turning up some of the streams\\nwhich joined it from the westward, his aim might be certainly\\nand easily gained. Instantly he went towards his object. He\\napplied to Frontenac, then governor-general of Canada, laid\\nbefore him an outline of his views, dim but gigantic, and, as\\na first step, proposed to rebuild of stone, and with improved\\nfortifications. Fort Frontenac upon Lake Ontario, a post to\\nwhich he knew the governor felt all the affection due to a\\nnamesake. Frontenac entered warmly into his views. He\\nsaw, that, in La Salle s suggestion, which was to connect Can-\\nada with the Gulf of Mexico by a chain efforts upon the vast\\nnavigable lakes and rivers which bind that country so won-\\nderfully together, lay the germ of a plan, which might give\\nunmeasured power to France, and unequalled glory to him-\\nself, under whose administration, he fondly hoped, all would be\\nrealized. He advised La Salle, therefore, to go to the King\\nof France, to make known his project, and ask for the royal\\npatronage and protection and, to forward his suit, gave him\\nletters to the great Colbert, minister of finance and marine.\\nWith a breast full of hope and bright dreams, in 1675, the\\npenniless adventurer sought his monarch his plan was ap-\\nproved by the minister, to whom he presented Frontenac s\\nletter; La Salle was made a Chevalier; was invested wilh\\nthe seignory of Fort Catarocouy or Frontenac, upon condition\\nhe would rebuild it and received from all the first noblemen\\nand princes, assurances of their good- will and aid. Returning\\nto Canada, he labored diligently at his fort till the close of\\n1677, when he again sailed for France with news of his pro-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Charlevoix s New France, Paris edition of 1744, vol. II. p. 263.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "1678. Father Louis Hennepm. 35\\ngress. Colbert and his son, Seignelay, now minister of marine,\\nonce more received him with favor, and, at their instance, the\\nKing granted new letters patent with new privileges. His\\nmission having sped so well, on the 14th of July, 1G78, La\\nSalle, Math his lieutenant, Tonti, an Italian, and thirty men\\nsailed again from Rochelle for Quebec, where they arrived on\\nthe 15th of September and, after a few days stay, proceeded\\nto Fort Frontenac*\\nHere was quietly working, though in no quiet spirit, the\\nrival and co-laborer of La Salle, Louis Hennepin, a Francis-\\ncan friar, of the Recollet variety a man full of ambition to\\nbe a great discoverer; daring, hardy, energetic, vain, and self-\\nexaggerating, almost to madness; and, it is feared, more anx-\\nious to advance his own holy and unholy ends than the truth.\\nHe had in Europe lurked behind doors, he tells us, that he\\nmight hear sailors spin their yarns touching foreign lands\\nand he profited, it would seem, by their instructions. He\\ncame to Canada when La Salle returned from his first visit to\\nthe court, and had, to a certain extent, prepared himself, by\\njourneying among the Iroquois, for bolder travels in the wilder-\\nness. Having been appointed by his religious superiors to ac-\\ncompany the expedition which was about to start for the\\nextreme West, under La Salle, Hennepin was in readiness for\\nhim at Fort Frontenac, where he arrived, probably, some time\\nin October, 1678. f\\n*Charlevoix s New France, 1744, vol. II. p. 264, 266. Sparks life of La Salle. Ameri-\\ncan Biography, new series, I. 10 to 15.\\nfHennepia s New Discovery, Utrecht edition of 1697, p. 70. Charlevoix s New France\\nvol. II. p. 266. We give the name* of the lakes and rivers as they appear in the\\nearly travels.\\nLake Ontario was also Lake Frontenac.\\nLake Erie, was Erike, Erige, or Erie, from a nation of Eries destroyed hy the Iro-\\nquois; they lived where the State of Ohio now is (Charlevoix s New France, vol. II. p. 62;)\\nit was also the Lake of Conti.\\nLake Huron, was Karegnondi in early times Ma2 of 1656 and also, Lake of Orleans.\\nLake Michigan, was Lake of Piians (Map of 1656;) also, of the Illinois, or lUinese, or\\nUlinouacks; also Lake Mischigonong, and Lake of the Dauphin.\\nLake Superior was lake Supcrieur, meaning the upper, not the larger lake also, lake of\\nConde. Green Bay, was Bale de Puans.\\nIllinois River, in Hennepin s Louisiana, and Joutel s Journal, is River Seignelay; and\\nthe Mississippi river, in those works, is River Colbert; and was by La Salle, called\\nRiver Colbert.\\nOhio River was Ouabouskigou, Oubachi, Oubaehe, Oyo, Ouye, Belle Riviere and by La\\nSalle, River St. Louis.\\nMissouri River, was Pekitanoni, Riviere des Osages et Massourites and by Coxe is called\\nYellow River.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "36 First Schooner on the Lakes. 1679.\\nThe Chevalier s first step was to send forward men to pre-\\npare the minds of the Indians along the lakes for his coming,\\nand to soften their heart by well-chosen gifts and words and\\nalso, to pick up peltries, beaver skins, and other valuables\\nand, upon the 18th of November, 1678, he himself embarked\\nin a little vessel of ten tons, to cross Lake Ontario. This, says\\none of his chroniclers, was the first ship that sailed upon that\\nfresh water sea. The wind was strong and contrar}^, and four\\nweeks nearly were passed in beating up the little distance be-\\ntween Kingston and Niagara. Having forced their brigantine\\nas far towards the Falls as was possible, our travellers landed\\nbuilt .some magazines with difficulty, for at times the ground\\nwas frozen so hard that they could drive their stakes or posts\\ninto it, only by first pouring upon it boiling water; and then\\nmade acquaintance with the Iroquois of the. village of Niagara,\\nupon Lake Erie. Not far from this village, La Salle founded\\na second fort, upon which he set his men to work but, finding\\nthe Iroquois jealous, he gave it up for a time, and merely\\nerected temporary fortifications for his magazines; and then,\\nleaving orders for a new ship to be built, he returned to Fort\\nFrontenac, to forward stores, cables, and anchors for his forth-\\ncoming vessel.\\nThrough the hard and cold winter days, the frozen river\\nlying before them like a plain paved with fine polished\\nmarble, some of his men hewed and hammered upon the\\ntimbers of the Griffin, as the great bark was to be named,\\nwhile others gathered furs and skins, or sued for the good will\\nof the bloody savages amid whom they were quartered and\\nall went merrily until the 20th (if January, 1679. On that\\nday the Chevalier arrived from below; not with all his goods,\\nhowever, for his misfortunes had commenced. The vessel in\\nwhich his valuables had been embarked was ^^Tecked through\\nthe bad management of the pilots; and, though the more\\nimportant part of her freight was saved, much of her provision\\nwent to the bottom. During the winter, however, a very nice\\nlot of furs was scraped together, with which, early in the spring\\nof 1679, the commander returned to Fort Frontenac to get\\nanother outfit, while Tonti was sent forward to scour the lake\\ncoasts, mu-ster together the men who had been sent before,\\ncollect skins, and see all that was to be seen. In thus coming\\nandgoing, buying and trading, the summer of this year slipped", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "1679. La Salle in Illinois. 37\\naway, and it was the 7th of August before the GriJJin was\\nready to sail. Then, with Tc-Demns, and the discharge of\\narquebuses, she began her voyage up Lake Erie.\\nOver Lake Erie, through the strait beyond, across St. Clair,\\nand into Huron the voyagers passed most happily. In Huron\\nthey were troubled by storms, dreadful as those upon the\\nocean, and were at last forced to take refuge in the road of\\nMichilimackinac. This was upon the 27th of August. At\\nthis place, which is described as one of prodigious fertility,\\nLa Salle remained until the middle of September, founded a\\nfort there, and sent men therefrom in various directions to spy\\nout (he state of the land. He then went on to Green Bay, the\\nBale des Puans, of the French and, finding there a large\\nquantity of skins and furs collected for him, he determined to\\nload the Griffin therewith, and send her back to Niagara.\\nThis was done with all promptness and, upon the 18th of\\nSeptember, she was dispatched under the charge of a pilot,\\nsupposed to be competent and trustworthy, while the Norman\\nhimself, with fourteen men, proceeded up Lake Michigan,\\npaddling along its shores in the most leisurely manner; Tonti,\\nmeanwhile, having been sent to find stragglers, with whom\\nhe was to join the main body at the head of the lake.\\nFrom the 19th of September till the 1st of November, the\\ntime was consumed by La Salle in his voyage up the sea in\\nquestion. On the day last named, he arrived at the mouth of\\nthe river of the Miamis, or St, Josephs, as it is now called.t\\nHere he built a fort and remained for nearly a month, when\\nhearing nothing from his Griffin, he determined to push on\\nbefore it was too late.\\nOn the 3rd of December, having mustered all his forces,\\nthirty laborers and three monks, after having left ten men to\\ngarrison the fort. La Salle started again upon his great voy-\\nage and glorious undertaking. Ascending the St. Josephs\\nriver in the south- western part of Michigan to a point where,\\nby a short portage, they passed to the \u00e2\u0096\u00a0Thc-au-ki-ki,^^ (now\\ncorrupted into Kankakee,) a main branch of the Illinois river.\\nFalling down the said river by easy journeys, the better to\\n*Tn reality a very sterile spot.\\nj So called from the filthiness of the savages, who lived principally on fish. Ed.\\nJSee on this point, North American Review, January 1839, No. CII. p. 74.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "88 Fort Crevcccpur Built. 1680.\\nobserve that country, about the last of December, reached a\\nvillage of the Illinois Indians, containing some five hundred\\ncabins, but, at that moment, no inhabitants. The Sieur La\\nSalle, being in great want of bread-stuffs, took advantage of\\nthis absence of the Indians to help himself to a sufficiency of\\nmaize, of which large quantities were found hidden in holes\\nunder the huts or wigwams. This village was, as near as we\\ncan jud^e, not far from the spot marked on our maps as Rock\\nFort, inXa Salle county, Illinois. The corn being got aboard,\\nthe voyagers betook themselves to the stream again, and\\ntoward evening on the 4th of January, 1680, fell into a lake\\nwhich must have been the lake of Peoria. Here the natives\\nwere met with in large numbers, but they were gentle and\\nkind, and having spent some time with them, La Salle deter-\\nmined in that neighborhood to build another fort, for he found\\nthat already some of the adjoining tribes were trying to disturb\\nthe good feeling which existed; and, moreover, some of his own\\nmen were disposed to complain. A spot upon rising ground,\\nnear the river, was accordingly chosen about the middle of\\nJanuary, and the fort of Crcvccosu?- (Broken Heart,) com-\\nmenced a name expressive of the very natural anxiety and\\nsorrow, which the pretty certain loss of his Griffin, and his\\nconsequent impoverishment (for there were no insurance\\noffices then,) the danger of hostility on the part of the Indians,\\nand of mutiny on the part of his men, might well cause him.\\nNor were his fears by any means groundless. In the first\\nplace, his discontented followers, and afterwards emissaries\\nfrom the Mascoutens, tried to persuade the Illinois that he was\\na friend of the Iroquois, their most deadly enemies; and that\\nhe was among them for the purpose of enslaving them. But\\nLa Salle was an honest and fearless man, and, as soon as cold-\\nness and jealousy appeared on the part of his hosts, he went\\nto them boldly and asked the cause, and by his frank state-\\nments preserved their good feeling and good will. His disap-\\npointed enemies, then, or at some other time, for it is not very\\nclear when,* tried poison; and, but for a dose of good treacle,\\nLa Salle might have ended his days in his fort Crevecoeur.\\nMeanwhile the winter wore away, and the prairies were\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Charlevoix snys it was at the close of 1679; Hennepin, tliat they did not reach the Il-\\nlinois, till Jnnu.iry 4tli, ItiSO. We have no means of deciding, but follow Hennepin, who is\\nparticular ns to dutc!!, and was present.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "1680. Loss of the Griffin. 39\\ngetting to look green again but our discoverer heard no good\\nnews, received no reinforcement his property w^as gone, his\\nmen were fast deserting him, and he had little left but his own\\nstrong heart. The second year of his hopes, and toils, and\\nfailures, was half gone, and he further from his object than\\never; but still he had that strong heart, and it was more than\\nmen and money. He saw that he must go back to Canada,\\nraise new means, and enlist new men but he did not dream,\\ntherefore, of relinquishing his projects. On the contrary, he\\ndetermined that, while he was on his return, a small party\\nshould go to the Mississippi and explore that stream towards\\nits source and that Tonti, with the few men that remained,\\nshould strengthen and extend his relations among the Indians.\\nFor the leader of the Mississippi exploring party, he chose\\nFather Louis Hennepin and, having furnished him with all\\nthe necessary articles, started him upon his voyage on the last\\nday of February, 1680.*\\nHaving thus provided against the entire stagnation of dis-\\ncovery during his forced absence. La Salle at once betook\\nhimself to his journey eastward a journey scarce conceivable\\nnow, for it was to be made by land from fort CrevecoBur round\\nto fort Frontenac, a distance of at least twelve hundred miles,\\nat the most trying season of the year, when the rivers of the\\nlakes would be full of floating ice, and offer to the traveler\\nneither the security of winter, nor the comfort of summer.\\nBut the Chevalier was not to be daunted by any obstacles his\\naffairs were in so precarious a state that he felt he must make\\na desperate effort, or all his plans would be for ever broken up\\nso through snow, ice and water, he won his way along the\\nsouthern borders of lakes Michigan, Erie and Ontario, and at\\nlast reached his destination. He found, as he expected, every\\nthing in confusion his Griffin was lost his agents had cheated\\n*The commander was D Acau, corruptly made Dacan by many modern Trriters. Our\\nauthority is Dr. Sparks. In a manuscript correspondence on the subject, with the editor,\\nDr. S. says\\nIn my French MSS., I find the word written D Acau, and I suppose it was commonly\\ncalled Acau. Hence Hennepin writes it from the sound Ako; and from the blind manner\\nin which the name was written in Tonti s original MS., D Acau, was mistaken for Duean;\\nand here we have the origin of the conflict between Hennepin and Tonti, in regard to this\\nname, which has puzzled the subsequent writers.\\nHennepin was notorious for misstatements, andjclaims to authority he never possessed.\\nHe was with the expedition and the historian of it. Ed.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "40 Hennepin iiitli the Indians. 1680.\\nhim; liis creditors had seized his goods. Had his spirit been\\none atom less elastic and energetic, he would have abandoned\\nthe whole undertaking but La Salle knew neither fear nor\\ndespair, and by midsummer we behold him once more on his\\nway to rejoin his little band of explorers on the Illinois. This\\npioneer body, meanwhile, had suffered greatly from the jeal-\\nousy of the neighboring Indians, and the attacks of bands of\\nIroc^uois, who wandered all the way from their homes in New\\nYork, to annoy the less warlike savages of the prairies. Their\\nsufferings, at length, in September, 1680, induced Tonti to\\nabandon his position, and seek the lakes again, a point which,\\nwith much difficulty, he effected. When, therefore, La Salle,\\nwho had hoard nothing of all these troubles, reached the posts\\nupon the Illinois in December 1680, or January 1681, he found\\nthem utterly deserted his hopes again crushed, and all his\\ndreams again disappointed. There was but one thing to be\\ndone, however, to turn back to Canada, enlist more men, and\\nsecure more means this he did, and in June, 1081, had the\\npleasure to meet his comrade, Lieutenant Tonti, at Mackinac,\\nto whom he spoke, as we learn from an eye-witness, with the\\nsame hope and courage which he had exhibited at the outset\\nof his enterprise.\\nAnd here, for a time, we must leave La Salle and Tonti, and\\nnotice the adventures of Hennepin, who, it will be remem-\\nbered, left fort CrevecQDur on the last of February, 1680. In\\nseven days he reached the Missis.sippi, and, paddling up its\\nicy stream \u00c2\u00abis he best could, by the 11th of April had got no\\nhigher than the Wisconsin. Here he was taken prisoner by a\\nband of northern Indians, who treated him and his comrades\\nwith considerable kindness, and took them up the river\\nuntil about the first of May, when they reached the Falls of\\nSt. Anthony, which were then so named by Hennepin in\\nhonor of his patron saint. Here they took to the land, and\\ntraveling nearly two hundred miles towards the northwest,\\nbrought him to their villages. These Indians were the Sioux.\\nHere Hennepin and his companions remained about three\\nmonths, treated kindly and trusted by their captors at the\\nend of that time, he met with a band of Frenchmen, headed\\nby one Sicur de Luth, who, in pursuit of trade and game, had\\npenetrated thus far by the route of Lake Superior and, with\\nthese fellow countrymen the Franciscan returned to the bor-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "1682. La Salle on the Mississippi. 4i\\nders of civilized life, in November, 1680, just after La Salle\\nhad gone back to the wilderness as we have related. Hen-\\nnepin soon after went to France, where, in 1684, he published\\na work narrating his adventures.*\\nTo return again to the Chevalier himself, he met Tonti, as\\nw^e have said, at Mackinac, in June, 1681 thence he went\\ndown the lakes to fort Frontenac, to make the needful prepa-\\nrations for prosecuting his western discoveries these being\\nmade, we find him, in August, 1681, on his way up the lakes\\nagain, and on the 3d of November at the St. Josephs, as full\\nof confidence as ever. The middle of December had come,\\nhowever, before all were ready to go forward, and then, with\\ntwenty- three Frenchmen, eighteen eastern Indians, ten Indian\\nwomen to wait upon their lazy mates, and three children,\\nhe started, not as before by the way of the Kankakee, but by\\nthe Chicago river, traveling on foot and with the baggage on\\nsledges. It was upon the 5th or 6th of January, 1682, that\\nthe band of explorers left the borders of lake Michigan they\\ncrossed the portage, passed down to fort Crevecoeur, which\\nthey found in good condition, and still going forward, on the\\n6th of February, were upon the banks of the Mississippi. On\\nthe thirteenth they commenced their downward passage, but\\nnothing of interest occurred, until, on the 26th of the month,\\nat the Chickasaw Bluffs, a Frenchman, named Prudhomme,\\nw^ho had gone out with others to hunt, was lost, a circum-\\nstance which led to the erection of a fort upon the spot, named\\nfrom the missing man, who was found, however, eight or nine\\ndays afterwards. Pursuing their course, they at length, upon\\nthe 6th of April, 1682, discovered the three passages by which\\nthe Mississippi discharges its waters into the Gulf; and here\\nwe shall let La Salle himself tell his story, as it is given in the\\n*This volume, called A description of Louisiana, he, thirteen years afterwards, en-\\nlarged and altered, and published with the title, New Discovery of a Vast Country situated\\nin America, between New Mexico and the Frozen Ocean. In this new publication, he\\nclaimed to have violated La Salle s instructions, and in the first place to have gone down\\nthe Mississippi to its mouth, before ascending it. His claim was very naturally doubted;\\nand examination has proved it to be a complete fable, the materials having been taken from\\nan account published by Le Clercq in 1691, of La Salle s successful voyage down the great\\nriver of the West, a voyage of which we have presently to speak. This account of La\\nClercq s was drawn from the letters of Father Zenobo Membre, a priest who was with La\\nSalle, and is the most valuable published work in relation to the final expedition from\\nCanada, made by that much-tried and dauntless commander. The whole subject of Hen-\\nnepin s credibility, is presented by Mr. Sparks, in his life of La Salle, with great firmness\\nand xrecision, and to that we refer all curious readers.\\n3", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "42 Mouth of the River. 1682.\\nProces-verbal which Mr. Sparks has translated from the\\noriginal in the French archives. It thus proceeds\\nWe landed on the bank of the most western channel,\\nabout three leagues from its mouth. On the 7th, M. de La\\nSalle went to reconnoitre the shores of the neighboring sea,\\nand M. de Tonti likewise examined the great middle chan-\\nnel. They found these two outlets beautiful, large and deep.\\nOn the Sth, we reascended the river, a little above its con-\\nfluence with the sea, to find a dry place, beyond the reach of\\ninundations. The elevation of the North Pole w-as here about\\ntwenty-seven degrees. Here we prepared a column and a\\ncross, and to the said column w^e affixed the arms of France,\\nwith this inscription\\nLOUIS LE GRAND, RIO DE FRANCE ET DE NAVARRE, REGEN;\\nLE NEUVIEME AVRIL, 1682.\\nThe whole party, under arms, chaunted the Tc Dcum, the\\nExaudiat, the Domine salvum fac Regcm and then, after a\\nsalute of firearms and cries of Vive le Roi, the column was\\nerected by M. de la Salle, who, standing near it, said, with a\\nloud voice in French\\nIn the name of the most high, mighty, invincible, and vic-\\ntorious Prince, Louis the Great, by the Grace of God, King of\\nFrance and of Navarre, Fourteenth of that name, this ninth\\nday of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two, I, in\\nvirtue of the commission of his IMajcsty, which I hold in my\\nhand, and which may be seen by all whom it may concern,\\nhave taken, and do now take, in the name of his Majesty and\\nof his successors to the crown, possession of this country of\\nLouisiana, the seas^, harbors, ports, bays, adjacent straits and\\nall the nations, people, provinces, cities, towns, villages, mines,\\nminerals, fisheries, streams and rivers, comprised in the extent\\nof the said Louisiana, from the mouth of the great river St.\\nLouis, on the eastern side, otherwise called Ohio, Alighin,\\nSipore or Chukagona, and this with the consent of the Chaou-\\nnons, Chickasaws, and other people dwelling therein, with\\nwhom we have made alliance as also along the river Colbert\\nor Mississippi, and rivers which discharge themselves therein,\\nfrom its source beyond the country of the Kious or Nadoues-\\nsious, and this with their consent, and with the consent of the\\nMontantees, Illinois, Mesigameas, Natches, Koroas, which are", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "1682. Takes Possession of the Country. 43\\nthe most considerable nations dwelling therein, with whom,\\nalso, we have made alliance either by ourselves, or by others\\nin our behalf;* as far as its mouth at the sea, or Gulf of\\nMexico, about the twenty-seventh degree of the elevation of\\nthe North Pole, and also to the mouth of the river of Palms\\nupon the assurance, which we have received from all these\\nnations, that we are the first Europeans who have descended\\nor ascended the sa,id river Colbert hereby protesting against\\nall those, who may in future undertake to invade any or all of\\nthese countries, people or lands, above described, to the preju-\\ndice of the right of his Majesty, acquired by the consent of\\nthe nations herein named. Of which, and of all that can be\\nneeded, I hereby take to witness those who hear me, and de-\\nmand an act of the Notary, as required by law.\\nTo which the whole assembly responded with shouts of\\nVive le Roi, and with salutes of firearms. Moreover, the said\\nSieur de la Salle caused to be buried at the foot of the tree,\\nto which the cross was attached, a leaden plate, on -one side\\nof w^hich were engraved the arms of France, and the follow-\\ning Latin inscription.\\nLVDOVICVS MAGNVS REGENT.\\nNONO APBILIS CID IOC LXXXII.\\nROBERTVS CAVELLIER, CVM DOMINO DE TONTY, LEGATO, R. P. ZENOBI\\nMEMBRE, EECOLLECTO, ET VIGINTI GALLIS PRIMVS HOC FLVMEN, INDE AB\\nILINEOEVM PAGO, ENAVIGAVIT, EJVSQYE OSTIVM FECIT PERVlVVM, NONO\\nAPRILIS ANNI CIO IOC LXXXII.\\nAfter which the Sieur de la Salle said, that his Majesty, as\\neldest son of the Church, would annex no country to his crown,\\nwithout making it his chief care to establish the Christian reli-\\ngion therein, and that its symbol must now be planted which\\nwas accordingly done at once by erecting a cross, before which\\nthe Vexilla and the Doynine salvwn fac Regcm were sung.\\nWhereupon the ceremony was concluded with cries of Vive\\nle Roi.\\nOf all and every of the above, the said Sieur de la Salle\\nhaving required of us an instrument, we have delivered to him\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Tliere is an obscurity in this enumeration of places and Indian nations, \u00e2\u0096\u00a0which may be\\nascribed to an ignorance of the geography of the country but it seems to be the design of\\nthe Sieur de la Salle to take possession of the whole territory watered by the Mississippi\\nfrom its mouth to its source, and by the streams flowing into it c^n both sides. Sparks.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "44 Returns to Illinois. 1682.\\nthe same, signed by us, and by the undersigned witnesses, this\\nninth day of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two.\\nLA METAIRE, Notary.\\nDe la Salle, Pierre You,\\nP, TiEsonE, Recollect Missionary. Giles Meucrat,\\nHenry de Toxty, Jean Michel, Surgeon,\\nFrancois de Boisrondet, Jean Mas,\\nJean Bourdon, Jean Dclignon,\\nSieur d Autray, Nicholas de la Salle.\\nJaques Cauchois.\\nThus was the foundation fairly laid for the claim of France\\nto the Mississippi Valley, according to the usages of European\\npowers. But La Salle and his companions could not stay to\\nexamine the land they had entered, nor the coast they had\\nreached. Provisions with them were exceedingly scarce, and\\nthey were forced at once to start upon their return for the\\nnorth. This they did without serious trouble, although some-\\nwhat annoyed by the savages, until they reached Fort Prud-\\nhomme, where La Salle was taken violently sick. Finding\\nhimself unable to announce his success in person, the Cheva-\\nlier sent forward Tonti to the lakes to communicate with the\\nCount de Fronlenac he himself was able to reach the fort\\nat the mouth of the St. Josephs, toward the last of September.\\nFrom that post he sent with his dispatches, Father Zenobe,\\nto represent him in France, while he pursued the more lucra-\\ntive business of attending to his fur trade, in the north-west,\\nand completing his long projected fort of St. Louis, upon the\\nhigh and commanding blulV of the Illinois, now known as\\nRock Fort a bluff two hundred and fifty feet high, and acces-\\nsible only on one side.* Having seen this completed, and the\\nnecessary steps taken to preserve a good understanding with\\nthe Indians, and also to keep up a good trade with them, in\\nthe autumn of 1683, the Chevalier sailed for his native land,\\nwhich he reached, December I3th.\\nAt one time he had thought probably of attempting to estab-\\nAfter exchanging views and facta with Dr. SjMirks, he writes, Nov. 26, 1846. It ap-\\npears to me that Buffalo Rock, from your description, is most likely to have been the\\nsite of La Salle s Fort St. Louis.\\nBuffalo Rock is a singular promontory on the north side of the Illinois river in La Salle\\ncounty, six miles below Ottowa. It rises nearly 50 or 60 feet nearly perpendicular on three\\nsides, and contains on its surface about 600 acres, of timber and prairie. Gaz. of Illincis\\nhj Ed.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "1684. La Salle sails to France. 45\\nlish a colony on the Mississippi, by means of supplies and per-\\nsons sent from Canada bat farther reflection led him to believe\\nhis true course to be to go direct from France to the mouth of\\nthe Mississippi, with abundant means of settling and securing\\nthe country and to obtain the necessary ships, stores, and emi-\\ngrants, was the main purpose of his visit to Europe. But he\\nfound his fair fame in danger, in the court of his king. His\\nsuccess, his wide plans, and his overbearing character were\\nall calculated to make him enemies and among the foremost\\nwas La Barre, who had succeeded Frontenac as Governor of\\nCanada.\\nBut La Salle had a most able advocate in France, so soon\\nas he was there in person and the whole nation being stirred\\nby the story of the new discoveries, of which Hennepin had\\nwidely promulgated his first account some months before La\\nSalle s return, our hero found ears open to drink in his words,\\nand imaginations warmed to make the most of them. The\\nminister, Seignelay, desired to see the adventurer, and he soon\\nwon his way to whatever heart that man had for it could not\\nhave required much talk with La Salle to have been satisfied\\nof his sincerity, enthusiasm, energy, and bravery. The tales\\nof the new governor fell dead, therefore the king listened\\nto the prayer of his subject, that a fleet might be sent to take\\npossession of the mouth of the Mississippi, and so that the\\ngreat country of which he told them be secured to France.\\nThe king listened and soon the town of Rochelle was busy\\nwith the stir of artisans, ship-riggers, adventurers, soldiers,\\nsailors, and all that varied crowd which in those days looked\\ninto the dim West for a land where wealth was to be had\\nfor the seeking.\\nOn the 24th of July, 1684, twenty-four vessels sailed from\\nRdchelle to America, four of which were for the discovery and\\nsettlement of the famed Louisiana. These four carried two\\nhundred and eighty persons, including the crews there were\\nsoldiers, artificers, and volunteers, and also some young wo-\\nmen. There is no doubt that this brave fleet started full of\\nlight hearts, and vast, vague hopes but, alas it had scarce\\nstarted when discord began for La Salle and the commander\\nof the fleet, M. de Beaujeu, were well fitted to quarrel one\\nwith the other, but never to work together. In truth La Salle\\nseems to have been no wise amiable, for he was overbearing.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "46 Returns to the Gulf of Mexico. 1684.\\nharsh, and probably selfish to the full extent to be looked for\\nin a man of worldly ambition. However, in one of the causes\\nof quarrel which arose during the passage, he acted, if not\\nM ith polic} certainly with boldness and humanity. It was\\nwhen they came to the Tropic of Cancer, where, in those\\ntimes, it was customary to dip all green hands, as is still\\nsometimes done under the Equator. On this occasion the\\nsailors of La Salle s little squadron promised themselves rare\\nsport and much plunder, grog, and other good things, the for-\\nfeit paid by those who do not wish a seasoning but all these\\nexpectations were stopped, and hope turned into hate, by the\\nexpress and emphatic statement on the part of La Salle, that\\nno man under his command should be ducked, whereupon the\\ncommander of the fleet was forced to forbid the ceremony.\\nWith such beginnings of bickering and dissatisfaction, the\\nAtlantic was slowly crossed, and, upon the 20th of September,\\nthe island of St. Domingo was reached. Here certain ar-\\nrangements were to be made with the colonial authorities;\\nbut, as they were away, it became necessary to stop there for\\na time. And a sad time it Avas. The fever seized the new-\\ncomers the .ships were crowded with sick La Salle himself\\nwas brought to the verge of the grave and when he recov-\\nered, the fir.st news that greeted him, was that of his four\\nvessels, the one wherein he had embarked his stores and\\nimplements, had been taken by the Spaniards. The sick man\\nhad to bestir himself thereupon to procure new supplies; and\\nwhile he was doing so, his enemies were also bestirring them-\\nselves to seduce his men from him, so that with death and\\ndesertion, he was likely to have a small crew at the last.\\nBut energy did much and, on the 25th of November, the first\\nof the remaining vessels, she that was to carry the light,\\nsailed for the coast of America. In her went La Salle and the\\nhistorian of the voyage, Joutel.*\\nFor a whole month were the disconsolate sailors sailing,\\nand sounding, and stopping to take in water and .shoot alliga-\\ntors, and drifting in utter uncertainty, until, on the 28th of De-\\ncember, the main land was fairly discovered. But there\\nbeing, as Joutel says, no man among them who had any\\nknowledge of that Bay, and there being also an impression\\nJoutel accompanied La Salle, and subsequently wrote his Journal Hw/wigae, which\\nwas published in Paris, 1713. In the main it appears to be a truthful narrative. Ed.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "16S5. Lands in Texas, 47\\nthat they must steer very much to the westward to avoid the\\ncurrents, it was no wonder they missed the Mississippi, and\\nwandered far beyond it, not knowing where they went and\\nso wore away the whole month of January, 1685. At last,\\nLa Salle, out of patience, determined to land some of his men\\nand go along the shore toward the point where he believed\\nthe mouth of the Mississippi to be, and Joutel was appointed\\none of the commanders of this exploring party. They started\\non the 4th of February, and traveled eastward, (for it was clear\\nthat they had passed the river) during three days, when they\\ncame to a great stream which they could not cross, having no\\nboats. Here they made fire signals, and, on the 13th, two of\\nthe vessels came in sight the mouth of the river, or entrance\\nof the bay, for such it proved to be, was forthwith sounded,\\nand the barks sent in to be under shelter. But, sad to say, La\\nSalle s old fortune was at work here again for the vessel\\nwhich bore his provisions and most valuable stores, wa.s run\\nupon a shoal by the grossest neglect, or, as Joutel thinks, with\\nmalice prepense; and, soon after, the wind coming in strong\\nfrom the sea, she fell to pieces in the night, and the bay was;\\nfull of casks and packages, which could not be saved, or were\\nworthless when drawn from the salt water. From this un-\\ntimely fate our poor adventurer rescued but a small half of his\\nsecond stock of indispensaMes,\\nAiid hevQ, for a moment, let us pause to look at the Cheva-\\nlier s condition in the middle of March, 1685. Beaujeu, with\\nhis ship, is gone, leaving his comrades in the marshy wilder-\\nness, with not much of joy to look forward to. They had\\nguns and powder, and shot; eight cannon, too, but not one\\nbullet, that is, cannon-ball, the naval gentlemen having\\nrefused to give them any. And here are our lonely settlers,\\nbuilding a fort upon the shores of the Bay of St. Louis, as they\\ncalled it, known to us as the Bay of St. Bernard, or Mata-\\ngorda Bay, in Texas. They build from the wreck of their\\nship, we cannot think with light hearts every plank and tim-\\nber tells of past ill luck, and, as they looked forward, there is\\nvision of irritated savages, (for there had been warring al-\\nready,) of long search for the Hidden River* of toils and dar^-\\ngers in its ascent when reached. No wonder, that duriji\u00c2\u00abp^\\nthat time several men deserted, So strong was the fever for\\nSo the Spaniards called the Mississippi,", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "48 Difficulties in Texas. 1685.\\ndesertion, that, of some who stole away and were retaken, it\\nwas found necessary to execute one.\\nAnd now La Salle prepares to issue from his nearly comple-\\nted fort, to look around and see where he is. He has still a\\ngood force, some hundred and fifty people and, by prompt and\\ndetermined action, much may be done between this last of\\nMarch and next autumn. In the first place, the river falling\\ninto the Bay of St. Louis is examined, and a new fort com-\\nmenced in that neighborhood, where seed is planted also\\nfor the men begin to tire of meat and fish, with spare allow-\\nance of bread and no vegetables. But the old luck is at work\\nstill. The seed will not sprout; men desert; the fort goes\\nforward miserably slow; and at last, three months and more\\ngone to no purpose, Joutel and his men, who are still hewing\\ntimber at the firrit fort, are sent for, and told to bring their tim-\\nber with them in a float. The float or raft was begun with\\nimmense labor, says the wearied historian, but all to no pur-\\npose, for the weather was so adverse, that it had to be all\\ntalien apart again and buried in the sand. Empty-handed,\\ntherefore, Joutel sought his superior, the effects being left at a\\npost by the way. And he came to a scene of desolation\\nmen sick, and no houses to put them in all the looked-for\\ncrop blasted and not a ray of comfort from any quarter.\\nWell, said La Salle, wo must now muster all hands, and\\nbuild ourselves a large lodgment. But there was no tim-\\nber within a league; and not a cart nor a bullock to be had, for\\nthe buflaloes, though abundant, were ill broken to such labor.\\nIf done, this dragging must be done by men so, over the long\\ngrass and weeds of the prairie-plain, they dragged some sticks,\\nwith vast suffering. Afterwards the carriage of a gun was\\ntried; but it would not do; the ablest men were quite spent.\\nIndeed, heaving and hauling over that damp plain, and under\\nthat July sun, might have tried the constitution of the best of\\nAfricans; and of the poor Frenchmen thirty died, worn out.\\nThe carpenter was lost; and, worse still. La Salle, wearied,\\nworried, disappointed, lost his temper and insulted his men.\\nSo closed July the Chevalier turned carpenter, marking out\\nthe tenons and mortises of what timber he could get, and grow-\\ning daily more morose. In March he thought much might be\\ndone before autumn, and now autumn stands but one month\\nremoved from him, and not even a house built yet.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "1686. Disastrous Exjicdition. 49\\nAnd August soon passed too, not without results, however\\nfor the timber that had been buried below was got up, and a\\nsecond house built, all covered with planks and bullock s\\nhides over them.\\nAnd now once more was La Salle ready to seek the Missis-\\nsippi. First, he thought he would try with the last of the four\\nbarks with which he left France the bark La Belle, a little\\nfrigate carrying six guns, which the King had given our Che-\\nvalier to be his navy. But, after having put all his clothes\\nand valuables on board of her, he determined to try with\\ntwenty men to reach his object by land. This was in Decem-\\nber, 16S5. From this expedition he did not return until March,\\n1686, when he came to his fort again, ragged, hatless, and\\nworn down, Avith six or seven followers at his heels, his travels\\nhaving been all in vain. It was not very encouraging; but,\\nsays Joutel, we thought only of making ourselves as mer-\\nry as we could. The next day came the rest of the party,\\nwho had been sent to find the little frigate, which should have\\nbeen in the bay. They came mournfully, for the little frigate\\ncould not be found, and she had all La Salle s best effects on\\nboard.\\nThe bark was gone but our hero s heart was still beating\\nin his bosom, a little cracked and shaken, but strong and iron-\\nbound still. So, borrowing some changes of linen from Jouiel,\\ntoward the latter end of April, he again set forth, he and\\ntwenty men, each with his pack, to look for his river, as our\\nWTiter aptly terms it. Some days after his departure, the bark\\nLa Belle came to light again for she was not lost, but only\\nashore. Deserted by her forlorn and diminished crew, how-\\never, she seems to have been suffered to break up and go to\\npieces in her own way, for we hear no more of the little\\nfrigate.\\nAnd now, for a time, things went on pretty smoothly. There\\nwas even a marriage at the fort and Monsieur le Marquis\\nla Sabloniere wished to act as groom in a second, but Joutel\\nabsolutely refused. By and by, however, the men, seeing that\\nLa Salle did not return, began to mutter. There were even\\nproposals afloat to make away with Joutel, and start upon a\\nnew enterprise the leader in which half-formed plan was one\\nSieur Duhaut, an unsafe man, and inimical to La Salle, who\\nhad, probably, maltreated him somewhat. Joutel, however,", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "50 Attempt an Overland Journey. 1687.\\nlearned the state of matters, and put a stop to all such pro-\\nceedings. Knowing idleness to be a root of countless evils\\nhe made his men Avork and dance as long as there was vigor\\nenough in them to keep their limbs in motion and in such\\nmanner the summer passed away, until in August La Salle\\nreturned. He had been as far as the sources of the Sabine,\\nprobably, but had suffered greatly; of the twenty men he had\\ntaken with him, onl} eight came back, some having fallen\\nsick, some having died, and others deserted to the Indians. He\\nhad not found his river, though he had been so far in that\\ndirection but he came back full of spirits, which, says our\\nwriter, revived the lowest ebb of hope. He was all ready,\\ntoo, to start again at once, to seek the Mississippi, and go on-\\nward to Canada, and thence to France, to get new recruits\\nand supplies but, it was determined to let the great heats\\npass before that enterprise was taken in hand. And the\\nheats passed, but with them our hero s health, so that the\\nproposed journey was delayed from time to time until the 12th\\nof January, 16S7.\\nOn that day started the last company of La Salle s adven-\\nturers. Among them went Joutcl, and also the discontented\\nDuhaut and all took their leaves with so much tenderness\\nand sorrow as if they had all presaged that they should never\\nsee each other more. They went northwest along the bank\\nof the river on which their fort stood, until they came to\\nwhere the streams running toward the coast were favorable,\\nand then turned eastward. From the 12th of January until\\nthe 15th of March did the} thus journey across that southern\\ncountry, crossing curious meadows, through which ran\\nseveral little brooks, of very clear and good water, which,\\nwitii the tall trees, all of a size, and planted as if by a line,\\nallbrded a most delightful land ;kip. They met many Indians\\ntoo, with whom La Salle established relations of peace and\\nfriendship. Game was abundant, plenty of fowl and par-\\nticularly of turkeys, was there, which was an ease to their\\nsufferings and so they still toiled on in shoes of green bul-\\nlock s hide, which, dried by the sun, pinched cruelly, until,\\nfollowing the trac!cs of the bullalocs, who choose by instinct\\nthe best ways, they had come to a pleasanter country than\\nthey had yet passed through, and were well on toward the\\nlong-iBought Father of Waters.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "1687. Assassination of La Salic. 51\\nOn the 15th of March, La Salle, recognizing the spot\\nwhere they were as one through which he had passed in his\\nformer journey, and near which he had hidden some beans\\nand Indian wheat, ordered the Sieurs Duhaut, Hiens, Liotot\\nthe Surgeon, and some others, to go and seek them. This\\nthey did, but found that the goods were all spoiled, so they\\nturned toward the camp again. While coming campward\\nthey chanced upon two bullocks, which was killed by one of\\nLa Salle s hunters, who was with them. So they sent the\\ncommander word that they had killed some meat, and that, if\\nhe would have the flesh dried, he might send horses to carry it\\nto the place where he lay; and, meanwhile, they cut up the\\nbullocks, and took out the marrow-bones, and laid them aside\\nfor their own choice eating, as was usual to do. When La\\nSalle heard of the meat that had been taken, he sent his\\nnephew and chief confident, M. Moranget, with one De Male\\nand his own footman, giving them orders to send all that was\\nfit to the camp at once. M. Moranget, when he came to where\\nDuhaut and the rest were, and found that they had laid by for\\nthemselves the marrow-bones, became angry, took from them\\ntheir choice pieces, threatened them, and spoke harsh words.\\nThis treatment touched these men, already not well pleased,\\nto the quick; and, when it was night, they took counsel to-\\ngether how they might best have their revenge. The end of\\nsuch counseling, where anger is foremost, and the wilderness\\nis all about one, needs scarce to be told we will have their\\nblood, all that are of that party shall die, said these mal-\\ncontents. So, when M. Moranget and the rest had supped and\\nfallen asleep, Liotot the surgeon took an axe, and with few\\nstrokes killed them all all that were of La Salle s party, even\\nhis poor Indian hunter, because he was faithful and, lest De\\nMale might not be with them (for him they did not kill,) they\\nforced him to stab M. Moranget, who had not died by the first\\nblow of Liotot s axe, and then threw them out for the carrion-\\nbirds to feast on.\\nThis murder was done upon the i7th of March. And at\\nonce the murderers would have killed La Salle, but he and\\nhis men were on the other side of a river, and the Mater for\\ntwo days was so high that they could not cross.\\nLa Salle, meantime, was growing anxious also his nephew\\nso long absent, what meant it? and he went about asking if", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "62 Posts in Illinois. 1687.\\nDuhaut had not been a malcontent; but none said, Yes.\\nDoubtless there was something in La Salle s heart, which told\\nhim his Ibllowers had cause to be his foes. It was now the\\n20th of the month, and he could not forbear setting out to\\nseek his lost relative. Leaving Joutel in command, therefore,\\nhe started with a Franciscan monk and one Indian. Coming\\nnear the hut which the murderers had put up, though still on\\nthe opposite side of the river, he saw carrion-birds hovering\\nnear, and to call attention if any were there, fired a shot.\\nThere were keen and watching ears and eyes there the gun\\ntold them to be quick, for their prey was in the net; so, at\\nonce, Duhaut and another crossed the river, and, while the\\nfirst hid himself among the tall weeds, the latter showed him-\\nself to La Salle at a good dstance off Going instantly to\\nmeet him, the fated man passed near to the spot where Du-\\nhaut was hid. The traitor lay still till he came opposite;\\nthen, raising his piece, shot his commander through the head;\\nafter lingering an hour, he died.\\nThus fell La Salle, on the threshold of success. No man\\nhad more strongly all the elements that would have borne\\nhim safe through, if we except that element which insures\\naffection. He had a capacity and talent, says Joutel, one\\nof his staunche-st friends, to make his enterprise successful;\\nhis constancy and courage, and extraordinary knowledge in\\narts and sciences, which rendered him fit for anything, together\\nM ith an indefatigable body, which made him surmount all\\ndifficulties, would have procured a glorious issue to his under-\\ntaking, had not all those excellent qualities been counterbal-\\nanced by too haughty a behavior, which sometimes made him\\ninsupportable, and by a rigidness toward those that were\\nunder his command, which at last drew on him an implacable\\nhatred, and was the occasion of his death.\\nLa Salle died, as far as can be judged, upon a branch of the\\nBrazos.*\\nAnd now, the leader being killed, his followers toiled on\\nmournfully, and in fear, each of the others Duhaut assuming\\nthe command until May. Then there arose a difterence\\namong them as to their future course and, by and by, things\\ncoming to extremities, some of La Salle s murderers turned\\nupon the others, and Duhaut and Liotot were killed by their\\nSparks, 158.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "1688. Adventures of Tonti. 53\\ncomrades. This done, the now dominant party determined to\\nremain among the Indians, with whom they then were, and\\nwhere they found some who had been with La Salle in his\\nformer expedition, and had deserted. These were living among\\nthe savages, painted, and shaved, and naked, with great store\\nof squaws and scalps. But Joutel was not of this way of think-\\ning he and some others still wished to find the Great River\\nand get to Canada. At last, all consenting, he did, with six\\nothers, leave the main body, and take up his march for the\\nIllinois, where he hoped to find Tonti, who should have been\\nall this while at Fort St. Louis. This was in May, 16S7.\\nWith great labor this little band forced their heavy-laden\\nhorses over the fat soil, in which they often stuck fast; and,\\ndaring countless dangers, at length, upon the 24th of July,\\nreached the Arkansas, where they found a post containing a\\nfew Frenchmen who had been placed there by Tonti. Here\\nthey stayed a little while, and then went forward again, and\\non the 14th of September, reached Fort St. Louis, upon the\\nIllinois. At this post, Joutel remained until the following\\nMarch that of 16S8 when he set off for Quebec, which city\\nhe reached on the last of July, just four years having passed\\nsince he sailed from Rochelle.\\nThus ended La Salle s third and last voyage, producing no\\npermanent settlement; for the Spaniards came, dismantled\\nthe fort upon the Bay of St. Louis, and carried away its gar-\\nrison, and the Frenchmen who had been left elsewhere in the\\nsouthwest intermingled with the Indians, until all trace of\\nthem was lost.\\nAnd so closed his endeavors in defeat. Yet he had not\\nworked and suffered in vain. He had thrown open to France\\nand the world an immense and most valuable country had\\nestablished several permanent forts, and laid the foundation of\\nmore than one settlement there. Peoria, Kaskaskia, Cahokia,\\nto this day, are monuments of La Salle s labors for though he\\nfounded neither of them, (unless Peoria, which was built nearly\\nupon the sight of Fort Crevecoeur,) it was by those whom he\\nled into the West, that these places were peopled and civilized.\\nHe was, if not the discoverer, the first settler of the Mississippi\\nValley, and as such deserves to be known and honored.*\\n*Tlie authorities in relation to La Salle are Hennepin; a narrative published in the\\nname of Tonti in 1697, but disclaimed by him; (Charlevoix iii. S65.\u00e2\u0080\u0094Lettres Edifiantes,", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "54 Mission of Father Gravier. 1689.\\nTonti, left by La Salle when he sailed for France, after\\nreaching the Gulf Mexico in 16S2, remained as commander\\nof that Rock Fort of St. Louis, which he had begun in 16S0.\\nHere he sta3-cd, swaying absolutely the Indian tribes, and\\nacting as viceroy over the unknown and uncounted French-\\nmen who were beginning to wander through that beautiful\\ncountr} making discoveries of which we have no records left.\\nIn 16S6, looking to meet La Salle, he went down to the mouth\\nof the Mississippi but discovering no signs of his old comrade,\\nhe turned northward again. [There is evidence that in this\\nvoyage he proceeded up the Arkansas, and left a corps of men\\nat the place long known as the Post, who became the nu-\\ncleus of that ancient settlement.] After reaching his post on\\nthe Illinois, he found work to do for the Iroquois, long threat-\\nening, were now in the battle-field, backed b} the English,\\nand Tonti, with his western wild allies, was forced to march\\nand fight. Engaged in this business, he appears to us at inter-\\nvals in the pages of Charlevoix; in the fall of 1687 we have\\nhim with Joutel, at Fort St. Louis; in April, 1G89, he suddenly\\nappears to us at Crevecoear, revealed by the Baron La Hon-\\ntan and again, early in 1700, D Iberville is visited by him at\\nthe mouth of the Mississippi. After that we see him no more,\\nand the Biographie Vnivcrsclle tells us, that, though he re-\\nmained m;iny years in Louisiana, he finally was not there\\nbut of his death, or departure thence, no one knows.\\nNext in sequence, we have a glimpse of the above-named\\nBaron La Hontan, discoverer of the Long River, and, as\\nthat discovery seems to prove, drawer of a somewhat long\\nbow. By his volumes, published a la Haye, in 170G, we\\nlearn, that he too, warred against the Iroquois in 1687 and\\n1688; and, having gone so far westward as the Lake of the\\nIllinois, tliought he would contribute his mite to the discove-\\nries of those times. So, with a sutHcient escort, he crossed by\\nMarquette s old route. Fox River and the Wisconsin, to the\\nMississippi and, turning up that stream, sailed thereon till\\nhe came to the mouth of a river, called Long River, coming\\nfrom the West. [It is marked on the map of Mr. Nicollet, as\\na small stream entering the JMississippi a short distance belov/\\nletter of Marcst, xi. 30S, original edition. Introi.luction to Sparks Life of La Salle:) the\\nwork of Lo Clercii, already lucntioued; Joutel a Journal; and Sjiarka Life: the last U\\nespecially valuable.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "1693. Kaskaskia and Cahokia Founded. 65\\nSt. Peters. He represents this river as of immense size, up\\nwhich he sailed more than eighty days, and did not reach half\\nthe distance of its navigable waters, and that in the depth of\\nwinter Very little dependence can be placed on the story of\\nLa Hontan,]\\nAfter La Hontan s alleged discoveries, we have few events\\nworth recording in the annals of the north-west previous to\\n1750. La Salle s death, says Charlevoix, in one place, dis-\\npersed the French who had gathered upon the Illinois but in\\nanother, he speaks of Tonti and twenty Canadians, as estab-\\nlished among the Illinois three years after the Chevaliers fate\\nwas known there.* This, however, is clear that before 1693,\\nthe reverend Father Gravier began a mission among the\\nIllinois, and became the founder of Kaskaskia, though in what\\nyear we know not but for some time it was merely a mis-\\nsionary station, and the inhabitants of the village consisted\\nentirely of natives, it being one of three such villages, the other\\ntwo being Cahokia and Peoria. This we learn from a let-\\nter written by Father Gabriel Marest, dated Aux Cascaskias,\\nautrement dit de I Immaculee Conception de la Sainte Vierge,\\nle 9 Novembre 1712. In this letter the writer, after telling\\nus that Gravier must be regarded as the founder of the Illinois\\nMissions, he having been the first to reduce the principles of\\nthe language of those Indians to grammatical order, and so\\nto make preaching to them of avail, goes on near the close\\nof his epistle to say, These advantages (rivers, c.) favor the\\ndesign which some French have of establishing themselves in\\nour village. If the French, who may come\\namong us, will edify our neophytes by their piety and good\\nconduct, nothing would please us better than their coming;\\nbut if immoral, and perhaps irreligious, as there is reason to\\nfear, they would do more harm than we can do good. f\\nSoon after the founding of Kaskaskia, though in this case\\nalso we are ignorant of the year, the missionar} Pinet gath-\\nered a flock at Cahokia ;J Mobile Peoria arose near the remains\\n*.Vfiy France, vol. iii. pp. 395, 383.\\nt Bancroft, iii. 195. Lettres EJifiantes, (Paris 1781,) 328, 339, 375. Ilall and others\\nspeak of the Kafikaskia records as containing deeds dated 1712; those may have been to\\nthe French referred to by Marest, or perhaps to converted Indians.\\nj Bancroft, iii. 19G.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "56 Adventrires of D Iberville. 1699.\\nof Fort CrevecoBur.lJ An unsuccessful attempt was also made\\nto found a colony on the Ohio, it failed in consequence of\\nsickness. In the north De la Motte Cadillac, in June, 1701,\\nlaid the foundation of Fort Pontchartrain on the Strait, (le\\nDetroit)^! while in the southwest efforts were making to realize\\nthe dreams of La Salle. The leader in the last named enter-\\nprise was Lemoine D Iberville, a Canadian officer, who, from\\n1694 to 1697, distinguished himself not a little by battles and\\nconquests among the icebergs of the Baye d Udson or Hud-\\nson s Bay.* He having, in the year last named, returned to\\nFrance, proposed to the minister to try, what had been given\\nup since La Salle s sad fate, the discovery and settlement of\\nLouisiana by sea. The Count of Pontchartrain, who was\\nthen at the head of marine affairs, was led to take an interest\\nin the proposition; and, upon the l7th of October, 1698,\\nD lberville took his leave of France, handsomely equipped\\nfor the expedition, and with two good ships to forward him in\\nhis attempt. t\\nOf this D lberville we have no very cLear notion, except\\nthat he was a man of judgment, self-possession, and prompt\\naction.\\nSuch was the man who, upon the 31st of January, 1699, let\\ngo his anchor in the Bay of Mobile. Having looked about\\nhim at this spot, he went thence to seek the great river called\\nby the savages, says Charlevoix, Malbouchia, and by the\\nSpaniards, la Palissade. from the great number of trees\\nabout its mouth. Searching carefully, upon the 2d of March,\\nli There was an Old Peoria on the north-west shore of the lake of that n*me, a mile and\\na half above the outlet. From 177S to 1700 the inhabitants left this for New Peoria, (Fort\\nClark,) at the outlet, American State Papers, xviii. 470.\\n2 Judge Law, in his address of February, 1839, before the Vinoennes Historical Society,\\ncontends that tkis post was on the Wabash, and at Vincennes, (p. 14, 15, and note B.)\\nCharlevoix, (ii. 260, edition 1744,) says it was a V entree it la Riviere Ouabache, qui le\\ndccharge dans le ^ficis ipi, \u00c2\u00a7-c. At the entrance (or mouth) of the Rirer Oubache which\\ndischarges itself into the Mississippi. The name Ouabache was applied to the Ohio below\\nthe mouth of what we now call the Wabash. Soc all the more ancient maps, ic. Fort\\nMaasac, on the Ohio, was a missionary station in 1712, and Ohio was then called Ouabache.\\nE.I.]\\n^Charlevoix, ii. 234. Le Detroit was the whole Strait from Erie to Huron. (Charlevoix,\\nii. 2G J, note sec also his Journal.) The fir. t grants of land at Detroit, i. e. Fort Pont-\\nchartrain, were made in 1707. (See American State Papers, xvi. 20.3 to 2S4. Lanman s\\nHistory of jMichigan, 336.)\\n*fffv) France, vol. iii. pp. 215, 2*6.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Lef/rM Edijiantei, vol. S. p. 230.\\nf Sew France, vol. iii. p. 377.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "1700. A British Vessel. 57\\nour commander found and entered the Hidden River, whose\\nmouth had been so long and unsuccessfully sought. As soon\\nas this was done, one of the vessels returned to France to carry\\nthither the news of D Iberville s success, while he turned his\\nprow up the Mississippi. Slowly ascending the vast stream,\\nhe found himself puzzled by the little resemblance which it\\nbore to that described by Tonti. So great were the discrepan-\\ncies, that he begun to doubt if he were not upon the wrong\\nstream, when an Indian chief sent to him Tonti s letter to La\\nSalle, on which, through thirteen years, those wild men had\\nbeen looking with wonder and awe. Assured by this, that he\\nhad indeed reached the desired spot, and wearied probably by\\nhis tedious sail thus far, he returned to the Bay of Biloxi, be-\\ntween the Mississippi and the Mobile waters, built a fort in\\nthat neighborhood, and, having manned it in a suitable manner,\\nreturned to France himself.*\\nWhile he was gone, in the month of September, 1699, the\\nlieutenant of his fort, M. De Bienville, went round to explore\\nthe mouths of the Mississippi, and take soundings. Engaged\\nin this business, he had rowed up the main entrance some\\ntwenty-five leagues, when, unexpectedly, and to his no little\\nchagrin, a British corvette came in sight, a vessel carrying\\ntv^relve cannon, slov/ly creeping up the swift current. M.\\nBienville, nothing daunted, though he had but his lea,ds and\\nlines to do battle with, spoke up, and said, that, if this vessel\\nliid not leave the river without delay, he had force enough at\\nhand to make her repent it. All which had its effect the\\nBritons about ship and stood to sea again, growling as the}?\\nwent, and saying, that they had discovered that country fifty-\\nyears before, that they had a better right to it than the French,,\\nand would soon make them know it. The bend in the river,,\\nwhere this took place, is still called English Turn. This-\\nwas the first meeting of those rival nations in the Mississippi;\\nValley, which, from that day, was a bone of contention be-\\ntween them till the conclusion of the French war of 1756.\\nNor did the matter rest long with this visit from the corvette..\\nEnglishmen began to creep over the mountains from Caro-\\nlina, and trading with the Chicachas, or Chickasaws of our\\nday, stirred them up to acts of enmity against the French.\\nWhen D Iberville came back from France, in January, 1700,,\\nNew France, vol. iii. p. S80, et. seq,\\n4", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "58 Expedition of Le Sueur. 1708.\\nand heard of these things, he determined to take possession of\\nthe country anew, and to build a fort upon the banks of the\\nMississippi itself. So, with due form, the vast valley of the\\nWest was again sworn in to Louis, as the whole continent\\nthrough to the South Sea had been previously sworn in by\\nthe English to their Kings; and, what was more effectual, a\\nlittle fort was built, and four pieces of cannon placed thereon.\\nBut even this was not much to the purpose for it soon disap-\\npeared, and the marshes about the mouth of the Great River\\nwere again, as they had ever been, and long must be, unin-\\nhabited by men.\\nD Iberville, in the next place, having been visited and guided\\nup the river by Tonti in 1700, proposed to found a city among\\nthe Natchez, a city to be named, in honor of the Countess of\\nPontchartrain, Rosalie. Indeed, he did pretend to lay the cor-\\nner-stone of such a place, though it was not till 1714 that the\\nfort called Rosalie was founded, where the city of Natchez is\\nstanding at this day.\\nHaving thus built a fort at the mouth of the Great River,\\nand designated a choice spot above for a settlement, D Iber-\\nville once more sought Europe, having, before he left, ordered\\nM. Le Sueur to go up the Mississippi in search of a copper\\nmine, which that personage had previously got a clue to, upon\\na branch of the St. Petera river;* which order was fulfilled,\\nand much metal obtained, though at the cost of great suffer-\\ning. Mining was always a Jack-a-lantern with the first set-\\ntlers of America, and our French friends were no wiser than\\ntheir neighbors. The products of the soil were, indeed, scarce,\\nithough valuable on a large scale, it being supposed that the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2wealth of Louisiana consisted in its pearl-fishery, its mines,\\n.and the wool of its wild cattle. f In 1701 the commander\\ncame again, and began a new establishment upon the river\\nMobile, one which superseded that at Biloxi, which thus far\\nhad been the chief port in that southern colony. After this,\\nthings went on but slowly until 1708 D Iberville died on one\\nof liis voyages between the mother country and her sickly\\ndaughtcir, and after his death little was done. In 1708, how-\\never, M. D Artaguette came from France as commissary of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Charlevoix, toI. ir. pp. 162, 164. In Long s Second Erpedition, p. 318, may be teen\\na detailed account of Le Sueur s procMdingi, taken from a manaachpt statement of them,\\nj- Charlevoix, Yol. iiL p. 389.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "1717. The Great Bank of Law. 59\\nLouisiana, and, being a man of spirit and energy, did more\\nfor it than had been done before. But it still lingered and,\\nunder the impression that a private man of property might\\nmanage it better than the government could, the king, upon\\nthe 14th of September, 1712, granted to Crozat, a man of great\\nM ^ealth, the monopoly of Louisiana for fifteen years, and the\\nabsolute ownership of whatever mines he might cause to be\\nopened.*\\nCrozat, with whom was associated Cadillac, the founder of\\nDetroit, and Governor of Louisiana, relied mainly upon two\\nthings for success in his speculation the one, the discovery of\\nmines; the other, a lucrative trade with New Mexico. In re-\\ngard to the first, after many years labor, he was entirely dis-\\nappointed and met with no better success in his attempt to\\nopen a trade with the Spaniards, although he sent to them\\nboth by sea and land.\\nCrozat, therefore, being disappointed in his mines and his\\ntrade, and having, withal, managed so badly as to diminish\\nthe colony, at last, in 1717, resigned his privileges to the king\\nagain, leaving in Louisiana not more than seven hundred\\nsouls.f\\nThen followed the enterprises of the far-famed Mississippi\\nCompany or Company of the West, established to aid the im-\\nmense banking and stock -jobbing speculations of John Law,\\na gambling, wandering Scotchman, who seems to have been\\npossessed with the idea that wealth could be indefinitely in-\\ncreased by increasing the circulating medium in the form of\\nnotes of credit. The public debt of France was selling at 60\\nto 70 per cent, discount Law was authorized to establish a\\nBank of circulation, the shares in which might be paid for in\\npublic stock at par, and to induce the public to subscribe for the\\nbank shares, and to confide in them, the Company of the West\\nwas established in connection with the Bank, having the ex-\\nclusive right of trading in the Mississippi country for twenty-\\nfive years, and with the monopoly of the Canada beaver trade.\\nThis was in September, 1717; in 1718 the monopoly of tobac-\\nco was also granted to this favored creature of the State in\\n1719, the exclusive right of trading in Asia, and the East\\nThe grant may be foand, Land Laws 944.\\nJ By Louisiana here is to be understood Louisiana proper; not the Illinoifl country com-\\nmonly included at that period. Ed.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "60 The Great Bankruptcy. 1722.\\nIndies; and soon after the farming of the public revenue, to-\\ngether with an extension of all these privileges to the year\\n1770 and as if all this had been insufficient, the exclusive\\nright of coining, for nine years, was next added to the im-\\nmense grants already made to the Company of the West.*\\nUnder this hot bed system, the stock of the Company rose to\\n500, 600, 800, 1000, 1500, and at last 2050 per cent.; this was\\nin April, 1720. At that time the notes of the Bank in circula-\\ntion exceeded two hundred millions of dollars, and this abun-\\ndance of money raised the price of every thing to twice its\\ntrue value. Then the bubble burst decree after decree was\\nmade to uphold the tottering fabric of false credit, but in vain;\\nin January, 1720, Law had been made minister of finance, and\\nas such he proceeded first, to forbid all persons to have on\\nhand more than about one hundred dollars in specie, any\\namount beyond that must be exchanged for paper, and all\\npayments for more than twenty dollars w^ere to be made in\\npaper; and this proving in.sufficient, in March, all payments\\nover two dollars were ordered to be in paper, and he who\\ndared attempt to exchange a bill for specie forfeited both.\\nHuman folly could go no farther in xVpril the stock began to\\nfall, in May the Company was regarded as bankrupt, the notes\\nof the Bank fell to ten cents on the dollar, and though a de-\\ncree made it an offence to refuse them at par, they were soon\\nworth little more than waste paper.\\nUnder the direction of a Company thus organized and con-\\ntrolled, and closely connected with a bank so soon ruined, but\\nlittle could be hoped for a colony, which depended on good\\nmanagement to develop its real resources for trade and agri-\\nculture. f In 1718, colonists were sent from Europe, and New\\nOrleans laid out with much ceremony and many hopes but\\nin January, 1722, Charlevoix writing thence, says: if the\\neight hundred fine houses and the five parishes that were two\\nyears since represented by the journals, as existing here,\\nshrink now to a hundred huts, built vrithout order, a large\\nwooden magazine, two or three houses that would do but\\nlittle credit to a French village,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and half of an old store-\\nhouse, which was to have been occupied as a chapel, but from\\nAft-er 1719, called the Company of the Indies.\\nfA set of regulations for goreming the Company, pessed in 1721, may be found in Dil-\\nlon s Indiana, 41 to 41.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "1722 Condition of New Orleans. 61\\nwhich the priests soon retreated to a tent as preferable, if all\\nthis is so, still how pleasant to think of what this city will one\\nday be, and instead of weeping over its decay and ruin to look\\nforward to its growth to opulence and power. And again,\\nThe best idea you can form of New Orleans, is to imagine\\ntwo hundred persons, sent to build a city, but who have en-\\ncamped on the river-bank, just sheltered from the weather,\\nand waiting for houses. They have a beautiful and regular\\nplan for this metropolis, but it will prove harder to execute\\nthan to draw. f Such, not in words precisely, but in sub-\\nstance, were the representations and hopes of the wise his-\\ntorian of New France, respecting the capital of the colony\\nof Law s great corporation and we may be sure that with\\nthe chief place in such a condition, not much had been done\\nfor the permanent improvement of the country about it. The\\ntruth was, the same prodigality and folly which prevailed in\\nFrance during the government of John Law, over credit and\\ncommerce, found their way to his western possessions and\\nthough the colony then planted, survived, and the city then\\nfounded became in time what had been hoped, it was long\\nbefore the influence of the gambling mania of 1718, 19 and\\n20 passed away. Indeed the returns from Louisiana never\\nrepaid the cost and trouble of protecting it, and, in 1732, the\\nCompany asked leave to surrender their privileges to the\\ncrown, a favor which was granted them.\\nBut though the Company of the West did little for the en-\\nduring welfare of the Mississippi valley, it did something; the\\ncultivation of tobacco, indigo, rice and silk, was introduced,\\nthe lead mines of Missouri were opened, though at vast ex-\\npense and in hope of finding silver; and, in Illinois, the culture\\nof wheat began to assume some degree of stability and, of\\nimportance. In the neighborhood of the river Kaskaskia,\\nCharlevoix found three villages, and about Fort Chartres, the\\nhead quarters of the Company in that region, the French\\nwere rapidly settling.J\\nAll the time, however, during which the great monopoly\\nlasted, was, in Louisiana, a time of contest and trouble. The\\n*Charlevois, iii. 420\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ed. 17 U.\\ntCharlevoix, iii. 441\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ed. 1744.\\nJSce Appendix Annals of Illinois.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "62 Destruction of the Natchez. 1729,\\nEnglish, who, from an early period, had opened commercial\\nrelations with the Chickasaws, through them constantly inter-\\nfered with the trade of the Mississippi. Along the coast from\\nPensacola to the Rio del Norte, Spain disputed the claims of\\nher northern neighbor and at length the war of the Natchez\\nstruck terror into the hearts of both white and red men. Amid\\nthat nation, as we have said, D Iberville had marked out Fort\\nRosalie, in 1700, and fourteen years later its erection had been\\ncommenced. The French, placed in the midst of the natives,\\nand deeming them worthy only of contempt, increased their\\ndemands and injuries until they required even the abandon-\\nment of the chief town of the Natchez, that the intruders\\nmight use its site for a plantation. The inimical Chickasaws\\nheard the murmurs of their wronged brethren, and breathed\\ninto their ears counsels of vengeance the sufferers determin-\\ned on the extermination of their tyrants. On the 28th of No-\\nvember, 1729, every Frenchman in that colony died by the\\nhands of the natives, with the exception of two mechanics\\nthe women and children were spared. It was a fearful re-\\nvenge, and fearfully did the avengers suffer for their murders.\\nTwo months passed by, and the French and Choctaws in\\none day took sixty of their scalps; in three months they were\\ndriven from their country and scattered among the neighbor-\\ning tribes; and within two years the remnants of the nation,\\nchiefs and people, were sent to St. Domingo and sold into\\nslavery. So perished this ancient and peculiar race, in the\\nsame year in which the Company of the West yielded its\\ngrants into the royal hands.\\nWhen Louisiana came again into the charge of the govern-\\nment of France, it was determined, as a first step, to strike\\nterror into the Chickasaws, who, devoted to the English, con-\\nstantly interfered with the trade on the Mississippi. For this\\npurpose the forces of New France, from New Orleans to De-\\ntroit, were ordered to meet in the country of the inimical\\nIndians, upon the 10th of May, 1736, to strike a blow which\\nshould be final. D Artaguette, governor of Illinois, with the\\nyoung and gallant Vincennes, leading a small body of French\\nand more than a thousand northern Indians, on the day ap-\\npointed, was at the spot appointed but Bienville, who had\\nreturned as the king s lieutenant to that southern land which\\nhe had aided to explore, was not where the commanders from", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "1736. D Artaguette and Vincennes Killed. 63\\nabove expected to meet him. During ten days they waited,\\nand still saw nothing, heard nothing of the forces from the\\nsouth. Fearful of exhausting the scant patience of his red\\nallies, at length D Artaguette ordered the onset a first and a\\nsecond of the Chickasaw stations were carried successfully,\\nbut in attacking a third the French leader fell when the Illi-\\nnois saw their commander wounded, they turned and fled,\\nleaving him and de Vincennes, who would not desert him, in\\nthe hands of the Chickasaws. Five days afterwards, Bien-\\nville and his followers, among whom were great numbers of\\nChoctaws, bribed to bear arms again st their kinsmen, came\\ncreeping up the stream of the Tombecbee but the savages\\nwere on their guard, English traders had aided them 1o fortify\\ntheir position, and the French in* vain attacked their log fort.\\nOn the 20th of May, D Artaguette had fallen on the 27th\\nBienville had failed in his assault on the 31st, throwing his\\ncannon into the river, he and his white companions turned their\\nprows to the south again. Then came the hour of barbarian\\ntriumph, and the successful Chickasaws danced around the\\nflames in which were crackling the sinews of D Artaguette,\\nVincennes, and the Jesuit Senat, who stayed and died of his\\nown free will, because duty bade him.\\nThree years more passed away, and again a French army\\nof nearly four thousand white, red and black men, was gath-\\nered upon the banks of the Mississippi, to chastise the Chicka-\\nsaws. From the summer of 1739 to the spring of 1740, this\\nfoody of men sickened and wasted at Fort Assumption, upon\\nthe site of Memphis. In March of the last named year, with-\\nout a blow struck, peace was concluded, and the province of\\nLouisiana once more sunk into inactivity.*\\nOf the ten years which followed, we know but little that is\\ninteresting in relation to the West: and of its condition in\\n1750, we can give no better idea than may be gathered from\\nthe following extracts of letters written by Vivier, a missiona\\nry among the Illinois.\\nWriting Aux Illinois, six leagues from Fort Chartres,\\nJune 8th, 1750, Vivier says We have here, Whites, Negroes\\nIn reference to Crozat, Law, and events in Louisiana, we refer to Bancroft iii. Penny\\nCyclopedia, articles Law; Mississippi Company; Charlevoix, vol. ii.; Du Pratz s Louis-\\niana; Niles Register, ii. 161, 189; and the collection of documents (mostly official) rela-\\ntive to the Company of the West, published at Amsterdam, in 1720, in the work called\\nRelations de la Louisiane, et du Fleuve Mi\u00c2\u00a3siesipi\u00c2\u00bb, 2 vols.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "64 Population of Illinois. 1750.\\nand Indians, to say nothing of cross-breeds. There are five\\nFrench villages, and three villages of the natives, within a\\nspace of twenty-one leagues, situated between the Mississippi\\nand another river called the Karkadiad (Kaskaskia.) In the\\nfive French villages are, perhaps, eleven hundred whites,\\nthree hundred blacks, and some sixty red slaves or savages.\\nThe three Illinois towns do not contain more than eight hun-\\ndred souls, all told.* Most of the French till the soil they\\nraise wheat, cattle, pigs and horses, and live like princes.\\nThree times as much is produced as can be consumed and\\ngreat quantities of grain and flour are sent to New Orleans.\\nIn this letter, also, Vivier says that which shows Father\\nMarest s fears from French influence over the Indian neo-\\nphytes to have been w^ell founded. Of the three Illinois\\ntowns, he tells us, one was given up by the missionaries as be-\\nyond hope, and in a second but a poor harvest rewarded their\\nlabors; and all was owing to the bad example of the French,\\nand the introduction by them of ardent spirits. f\\nAgain, in an epistle dated November 17, 1750, Vivier says\\nFor fifteen leagues above the mouth of the Mississippi one\\nsees no dwellings, the ground being too low to be habitable.\\nThence to New Orleans the lands are only partially occupied.\\nNew Orleans contains, black, white and red, not more, I\\nthink, than twelve hundred persons. To this point come all\\nkinds of lumber, bricks, salt-beef, tallow, tar, skins and bear s\\ngrease and above all, pork and flour from the Illinois. These\\nthings create some commerce, forty vessels and more have\\ncome hither this year. Above New Orleans plantations are\\nagain met with the most considerable is a colony of Germans,\\nsome ten leagues up the river. At Point Coupee, thirty-five\\nleagues above the German settlement, is a fort. Along here,\\nwithin five or six leagues, arc not less than sixty habitations.\\nFifty leagues farther up is the Natchez post, where we have a\\ngarrison who are kept prisoners by their fear of the Chicka-\\nsaws and other savages. Here and at Point Coupee, they\\nraise excellent tobacco. Another hundred leagues brings us\\nThere was a fourth, (Peoria probablj eighty leagues distant, nearly as large as the\\nthroe referred to; this is stated in another part of the same letter. See appendix An-\\nnala of Illinois, art. Aborigines. Ed.\\nt Criminals, vagabonds and strumpets, were largely exported to Louifiiana, when the first\\nBcttlementa were mode. Father Poisson in Lettres Edifiantes, (Paris, 17S1,) vi. 393, \u00c2\u00a3c.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "1750. Lead and Copper Mines. 65\\nto the Arkansas, where we have also a fort and garrison, for\\nthe benefit of river traders. There were some inhabitants\\nabout here formerly, but in 1748, the Chickasaws attacked the\\npost, slew many, took thirteen prisoners, and drove the rest\\ninto the fort. From the Arkansas to the Illinois, near five\\nhundred leagues,* there is not a settlement. There should,\\nhowever, be a good fort on the Oubache, (Ohio) the only path\\nby which the English can reach the Mississippi. In the Illi-\\nnois are numberless mines, but no one to work them as they\\ndeserve. Some individuals dig lead near the surface, and\\nsupply the Indians and Canada. Two Spaniards, now here,\\nwho claim to be adepts, say that our mines are like those of\\nMexico, and that if we would dig deeper, we should find sil-\\nver under the lead at any rate the lead is excellent. There\\nare also in this country copper mines beyond doubt, as from\\ntime to time large pieces are found in the streams.\\n*Distances are overrated in all the old French journals. The distance in fkot, was aboai\\n500 English miles, instead of French leagues.\\nfLettres Edifiantes, (Paris, 1781,) vii. 79 to 106.\\n[See Annajs of Missouri, Appendix, for a Sketch of the Lead and Copper mineg.-r-EJ,]", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nENGLISH DISCOVERIES AND CLAIMS.\\nEnglish Discoveries by Virginia By Pennsylvania Daniel Coxe British Purchases of\\nthe Five Nations Ohio and other Companies formed Agency of Gist Fort attacked\\nby the French, and the Natives killed and Traders carried to Canada Gen. Washing-\\nlon a Mission Preparations for War Pittsburgh Taken.\\nWe have now sketched the progress of French discovery in\\nthe Valley of the Mississippi. The first travelers reached that\\nriver in 1673, and when the new year of 1750 broke upon the\\ngreat wilderness of the West, all was still, except those little\\nspots upon the prairies of Illinois, and among the marshes of\\nLouisiana, which we have already named. Perhaps we\\nought also to except Vincennes, or St. Vincent s, on the Wa-\\nbash,* as there is cause to believe that place was settled as\\nearly as 1735, at least. But the evidence in relation to this\\nmatter is of a kind which we think worth stating, not from\\nthe importance of the matter itself, but to illustrate the diffi-\\nculty which besets an inquirer into certain points of our early\\nwestern history. Volney, by conjecture, fixes the settlement\\nof Vincennes about 1735 ;f Bishop Brute, of Indiana, speaks\\nof a missionary station there in 1700, and adds, The friendly\\ntribes and traders called to Canada for protection, and then\\nM. de Vincennes came with a detachment, I think, of Carig-\\nnan, and was killed in 1735. J Mr. Bancroft says a military\\nestablishment was formed there in 1716, and in 1742, a settle-\\nment of herdsmen took place. Judge Law regards the post\\nas dating back to 1710 or 1711, supposing it to be the same\\nwith the Ohio settlement noticed on page 30, and quotes also\\nan Act of Sale, existing at Kaskaskia, (if we understand him\\naright,) which in January, 1735, speaks of M. de Vinsenne, as\\nCommandant au Poste de Ouabache. Again, in a petition\\nof the old inhabitants at Vincennes, dated in November, 1793,\\nwe find the settlement spoken of as having been made before\\n1742 and such is the general voice of tradition. On the\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Also called Post St. Vincent s and Au Posto or O Post.\\ntVolncy s View, p. 336.\\nJButlcr s Kentucky, Introduction, xiz., note.\\nIHistory United Rates, iii. 346.\\nJLaw s Address, 18;!9, p. 21.\\n^American State Papers, xvi. 32.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "1735. Settlement of Vincennes. 67\\nother hand, Charlevoix, who records the death of Vincennes,\\nwhich took place among the Chickasaws, (see ante p. 63,) in\\n1736, makes no mention of any post on the Wabash, or any-\\nmissionary station there neither does he mark any upon his\\nmap, although he gives even the British forts upon the Tennes-\\nsee and elsewhere. Vivier, a part of whose letters we have\\nalready quoted, says in 1750, nothing of any mission on the\\nWabash, although writing in respect to western missions, and\\nspeaks of the necessity/ of a fort upon the Ouabache; by this,\\nit is true, he meant doubtless the Ohio, but how natural to refer\\nto the post at Vincennes, if one existed. In a volume of Me-\\nmoires on Louisiana, compiled from the minutes of M. Du-\\nmont and published in Paris, in 1753, but probably prepared\\n1749,* though we have an account of the Wabash or St.\\nJerome, its rise and course, and the use made of it by the\\ntraders, not a word is found touching any fort, settlement or\\nstation on it. Vaudreuil, when Governor of Louisiana, in\\n1751 mentions even then no post on the Wabash, although he\\nspeaks of the need of a post on the Ohio, near to where Fort\\nMassac or Massacre was built afterwards, and names Fort\\nMiami, on the Maumee.f The records of Vincennes, Judge\\nLaw says, show no earlier mission than 1749. J Still farther,\\nin The Present State of North America, a pamphlet pub-\\nlished in London, in 1755, with which is a map of the French\\nposts in the West, we have it stated that in 1750 a fort was\\nfounded at Vincennes, and that in 1754, three hundred families\\nwere sent to settle about it.\\nSuch is the state of proof relative to Vincennes: one thing\\nhowever, seems certain, which is, that the Wabash was very,\\nearly frequented. Hennepin, in 1663-4, had heard of the\\nHohio the route from the lakes to the Mississippi, by the\\nWabash, was explored in 1676 ;1| and in Hennepin s volume\\n*Memoires Historiques sur La Louisiane, c.\\n[\u00e2\u0096\u00a0fThere were /owr places called Miami, or Maumee; one at the junction of the Little\\nSt. Joseph and Ste. Marie, in Indiana, now called Fort Wayne.\\nThe second was on the St. Joseph river of Michigan.\\nThe third was on the Illinois river, and placed by Charlevoix on his Map of New France\\n1723.\\nThe fourth was the fort erected by the British at the foot of the rapids of the Maumee,\\nabout fifteen miles from the west end of Lake Erie.\\nSome of the authorities quoted, by the Ouabache mean the Ohio river, which had the\\nname of Ouabache, in French and English documents until about 1736. Ed.]\\nJ Address, p. 17.\\nJHifltoire General des*\\\\ oyages, xiv. 758.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "e8 The British in the West. 1749.\\nof 1698, is a journal, said to be that sent by La Salle to Count\\nFrontenac, in 1682 or 3, which mentions the route by the\\nMaumee* and Wabash as the most direct to the great western\\nriver.\\nIn 1749, therefore, when the English first began to move\\nseriously about sending men into the West, there were only\\nthe Illinois and the lower country settlements, and perhaps\\n^incennes; the present States of Ohio, Indiana, and Ken-\\ntucky, being still substantially in possession of the Indians.\\nFrom this, however, it must not be inferred that the English\\ncolonists were ignorant of, or indiflerent to, the capacities of\\nthe West, or that the movements of the French were unob-\\nserved up to the middle of the eighteenth century. Governor\\nSpotswood, of A^ irginia, as early as 1710, had commenced\\nmovements, the object of which was to secure the country\\nbeyond the AUcghenies to the English crown. He caused the\\nmountain passes to be examined, and with much pomp and a\\ngreat retinue, undertook the discovery of the regions on their\\nwestern side. Then it was that he founded The Tramontine\\nOrder, giving to each of those who accompanied him a golden\\nhorse shoe, in commemoration of their toilsome mountain\\nmarch, upon which they were forced to use horse-shoes, which\\nwere seldom needed in the soft soil of the eastern vallies. In\\nPennsylvania, also, Governor Keith and James Logan, Secre-\\ntary of the Province, from 1719 to 1731 represented to the\\npowers in England, the necessity of taking steps to secure\\nthe western lands, j Xotliing, however, was done by the gov-\\nernment of the mother country, except to take certain diplo-\\nmatic steps to secure the claim of Britain to those distant and\\nunexplored wildernesses.\\nEngland, from the outset, claimed from the Atlantic to the\\nPacific, on the ground that the discovery and possession of the\\nseacoast was a discovery and possession of the country and,\\nas is well known, her grants to Virginia, Connecticut, and\\nother colonies were through to the South Sea. It was not\\nupon this, however, that Great Britain relied in her contest\\nwith P ance she Lad other grounds, namely, actual discovery,\\nand purchase or title of some kind from the Indian owners.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Until this century, usually called the Miami, an l sometimes the Tnwa or Ottawa River\\nfBancroft, iii. 3M; Jones rrcscnt State of Virginia, (1724,) 14; Universal History,\\n192.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "1742. British Explorations. 69\\nHer claim on the score of actual discovery was poorly sup-\\nported however, and little insisted on.\\nKing Charles the First, in the fifth year of his reign (1630)\\ngranted unto Sir Robert Heath, his attorney general, a patent\\nof all that part of America/ which lies between thirty-one\\nand thirty-six degrees north latitude, from sea to sea. Eight\\nyears afterwards. Sir Robert conveyed this vcr}^ handsome\\nproperty to Lord Maltravers, who was soon, by his father s\\ndeath. Earl of Arundel. From him, we know not by what\\ncourse of conveyance, this grant, which formed the province\\nof Carolana (not Carolina,) came into the hands of Dr. Dan-\\niel Coxe, who was, in the opinion of the attorney-general of\\nEngland, true owner of that Province in the year of D lber-\\nville s discovery, 1699.*\\n[We will give a brief sketch of the British through the dis-\\ncoveries of Coxe and others.\\nDaniel Coxe states that one Colonel Wood of Virginia, dis-\\ncovered at different times, several branches of the great rivers\\nOhio and Meschasebe, says that he, (Coxe,) had seen the\\njournal of a Mr. Needham, who was employed by Col. Wood.\\nHe tells of another journal, which he affirms was in his pos-\\nsession for some time, written by some one in English, who\\nhad gone up the Mississippi to the Yellow or Muddy river,\\notherwise called the Missouri, that a number of persons\\nwent from New England one hundred and fifty leagues beyond\\nthe river Meschasebe, to New Mexico. He claims to have\\nmade discoveries himself, by saiHngup the Mississippi in 169S.\\nThis was probably the English expedition met by Bienville at\\nthe English Turn. These statements of Dr. Coxe are\\nfound in his Memorial to King William, but are unsup-\\nported by any other authority except his voyage up the Mis-\\nsissippi when he came in contact with Bienville, and made\\nthe English Turn.\\nThere is a tradition,! that in 1742 John Howard crossed the\\nmountains of Virginia, went down the Ohio in a canoe made\\nof a buffaloe skin, and was taken prisoner by the French on\\nthe Mississippi. In the London edition of Du Pratz, published\\nA Description of the English Province of Carolana, 4-c., by Daniel Coxo, Esquire-\\nLondon 1722, pp. 113 et seq. By Carolana, Coxo includes what is called the Valley of\\nthe Mississippi, and not the States of Carolina. Ed.\\ntKercheval e VaUey of Virginia.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "70 Purchase from the Iroquois. 1754.\\nin 1774, the same facts of Howard are stated in a note, and\\nreference given to an official report of tfie Governor of Vir-\\nginia. This visit of Howard, though it could give the gov-\\nernment no claim to this Valley, is mentioned as the first\\nEnglish exploration to the Ohio and Mississippi which is\\nfairly authenticated.\\nThe next adventurer under British authority was Conrad\\nWeiser, an Interpreter to the Indians, in 1748. Weiser was\\nsent from Philadelphia to the Indians at Logstown on the\\nOhio river, between Pittsburgh and Big Beaver creek, to carry\\npresents and a friendly talk and English traders are refer-\\nred to as residing in that vicinity. That traders resided\\namongst the Indians on the Ohio at an early period, is well\\nauthenticated.\\nThe Government of Pennsylvania recalled its traders from\\nOhio in 1732, in consequence of troubles with the French.\\nThe Indians at a council in Albany, in 1754, acknowledged\\nthe English had been on the Ohio thirty years.\\nMr. Butler, in his History of Kentucky, Introduction to the\\nsecond edition, gives the adventures of one Sailing, in the\\nWest, as early as 1730, but in a note to Du Pratz, he is named\\nas having been with Howard in 1742.\\nBut the principal ground of claim of the British to the\\ncountry west of the Alleghenies, was by treaties of purchase\\nfrom the Five Nations, or Iroquois. This was the only con-\\nfederacy of Indian tribes that deserved the name of govern-\\nment in this part of North America. They had the rude ele-\\nments of a confederated republic, and they were the con-\\nquerors of most of the other tribes from Lower Canada to the\\nMississippi and even beyond. The facts and proofs of these\\nconquests will be found in the Appendix. Different from the\\npolicy of all the other tribes, they left the conquered nations\\nto manage their own internal affairs as they might choose,\\nbut exacted tributes, and especially claimed the right as con-\\nquerors to dispose of their country. On this right the Five\\nNations sold in treaty with the British authorities, the country\\non the Ohio, including Western Virginia, and Kentucky; a\\nlarge part of Illinois, and the country along the northern\\nlakes into Upper Canada.\\nWaiving for the present, all questions as to the justice of\\ntheir claims, we only state a fact now fully established, that", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "1754. Claims of the English. 71\\nthis confederacy did set up claims to the whole countr)^ now\\nembraced in Kentucky and Western Virginia north of the\\nCherokee claims, and the Northwestern Territory except a\\ndistrict in Ohio and Indiana and a small section in South-\\nwestern Illinois, which was claimed and held by the Miami\\nconfederacy.\\nIn 1684, Lord Howard, Governor of Virginia, held a treaty\\nwith the Five Nations, at Albany, when at the request of\\nColonel Dungan, Governor of New York, they placed them-\\nselves under the protection of the British nation.* They\\nmade a deed of sale by treaty to the British Government of a\\nvast tract of country South and East of the Illinois river, and\\nextending across Lake Huron into Canada.\\nAnother formal deed was drawn up, and signed by the\\nChiefs of the National Confederacy in 1726, by which their\\nlands were conveyed in trust to England, to be protected and\\ndefended by his Majesty, to and for the use of the grantors\\nand their heirs. t\\nIf, then, the Six Nations had a good claim to the western\\ncountry, there could be but little doubt that England was justi-\\nfied in defending that country against the French, as France,\\nby the treaty of Utrecht, had agreed not to invade the lands\\nof Britain s Indian allies. But this claim of the New York\\nsavages has been disputed. Among others General William\\nH. Harrison has attempted to disprove it, and show, that the\\nMiami confederacy of Illinois and Ohio could not have been\\nconquered by the Iroquois.J We shall not enter into the con-\\ntroversy but will only say, that to us the evidence is very\\nstrong, that, before 1(580, the Six Nations had overrun the\\nwestern lands, and were dreaded from Lakes Erie and Michi-\\ngan to the Ohio, and west to the Mississippi. In 1673, Allouez\\nand Dablon found the Miamis upon Lake Michigan, fearing a\\nvisit from the Iroquois,\u00c2\u00a7 and from this time forward we hear\\nPlain Facts, Philadelphia, 1781, pp. 22, 23.\\nfThis may be found at length in Pownall a Administration of the Colonies, fourth edition,\\nLondon, 1763, p. 269.\\nJSee Harrison s Historical Address, 1837.\\nGeneral llaniion, probably, was not aware the Iroquois made their ingress and egress\\ninto the Illinois country by the Ohio and the Lakes. Wo have no evidence they conquer-\\ned the Miami confederacy, and at one period the two confederacies appear to have been\\nconfirmed by terms. Ed.\\ng George Croghan, the Indian agent, took an oath that the Iroquois claimed no farther\\noa the north Bide of the Ohio than the Great Miami or Stony river; (called also Rocky", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "*J2 Western Lands claimed by ihe Britisli. 1744.\\nof them in that far land from all writers, genuine and spuri-\\nous, as may be easily gathered from \\\\vhat Ave have said\\nalready of Tonti and his wars.* We cannot doubt, therefore,\\nthat they did overrun the lands claimed by them, and even\\nplanted colonies in what is now Ohio but that they had any\\nclaim, which a Christian nation should have recognized, to\\nmost of the territory in question, we cannot for a moment,\\nthink, as for half a century at least it had been under the rule\\nof other tribes, and, when the difference between France and\\nEngland began, was, with the exception of the lands just\\nabove the head of the Ohio, the place of residence and the\\nhunting-ground of other tribes. f\\nBut some of the western lands were also claimed by the\\nBritish, as having actually been purchased. This purchase\\nwas said to have been made at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in\\n1744, when a treaty was held between the colonists and the\\nSix Nations, relative to some alleged settlements that had\\nbeen made upon the Indian lands in Pennsylvania, Virginia,\\nand jMaryland and to this treaty, of which we have a very\\ngood and graphic account, written by Witham Marshe, who\\nwent as secretary with the commissioners for Maryland, we\\nnow turn. The IMaryland commissioners reached Lancaster\\nupon the 21st of June, before either the governor of Penn-\\nsylvania, the Virginia commissioners, or the Indians had arri-\\nved though all but the natives came that evening.\\nThe next forenoon wore wearily away, and all were glad\\nto sit d \u00c2\u00bbwn, at one o clock, to a dinner in the court-house,\\nwhich the Virginians gave their friends, and from which not\\nmany were drawn, even by the coming of the Indians, who\\ncame, to the number of two hundred and fifty-two, with squaws\\nand little children on horseback, and with their fire-arms, and\\nbows, and arrows, and tomahawks, and, as they passed the\\nriver, Great Mincami; and Assercniet.) Ilutchin s Geographical Description, 25. Tho\\npiiqwrt of this oath has Lecu niisundcrstood, it says nothing of what the Iroquois trans-\\nferred to En^lond in 176S. See Butler s Kentucljy, 5, 6.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Hall s Statistics of tho AYest,\\nPreface, viii. Butler s Chronology, 9.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The oath is given, American State PaiH}r3, XAii.\\n110.\\n*Scc Charlovoi.x, Do La Ilontan, Hennepin, Tonti, Ac\\nf In 1774, when the Lancaster treaty was held with the Six Nations, some of their\\nnumber were making war ui^- n the Catawbas. !5Iarsh 3 Journal, Ma!sa\u00c2\u00abhusetta Hiftori-\\ncal Collections, vol. vii. pp. 190, 19 1.\\n[Sec the facts stated In the AppcndLv, Annals of Illinois, Art. Aborigines.]", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "1748. Ohio Company Proposed. 73\\ncourt-house, invited the white men with a song to renew their\\nformer treaties. Cn the outskirts of the town, vacant lots\\nhad been chosen for the savages to build their wigwams upon,\\nand thither they marched on with Conrad Weiser, their friend\\nand interpreter,* while the Virginians drank the loyal\\nhealths, and finished their entertainment. [Here follows a\\nminute description of the drunkenness and festivity of the\\nIndians, which continued at intervals for several days. It\\nappears, however, in Marshe s journal, that the chiefs nar-\\nrowly scanned the goods paid by the commissioners of\\nMaryland for the lands that colony purchased, amounting to\\n\u00c2\u00a3220 Pennsylvania currency. The commissioners of Virginia\\npaid \u00c2\u00a3200 in gold and a like sum in goods, with a promise\\nthat as settlements increased more should be paid.] The\\ncommissioners from Virginia, at this treaty of Lancaster,\\nwere Col. Thomas Lee and Col. William Beverly.f\\nOn the 5th of July, everything having been settled satisfac-\\ntorily, the commissioners left the filthy town of Lancaster,\\nand took their homeward way, having suffered much from the\\nvermin and the water, though when they used the latter\\nwould be a curious enquiry.\\nSuch was the treaty of Lancaster, upon which, as a corner-\\nstone, the claim of the colonists to the West, by purchase^\\nrested and upon this, and the grant from the Six Nations,\\nGreat Britain relied in all subsequent steps.\\nAs settlements extended, and the Indians murmured, the\\npromise of further pay was called to mind, and Weiser was\\nsent across the Alleghenies to Logstown, in I748,J with pre-\\nsents, to keep the Indians in good humor; and also to sound\\nthem, probably, as to their feeling with regard to large settle-\\nments in the West, which some Virginians, with Col. Thomas\\nLee, the Lancaster commissioner, at their head, were then\\ncontemplating.\u00c2\u00a7 The object of these proposed settlements\\n*ror some idea of Weiser, see Proud s History of Penmylvania, vol. ii., p. 316, where\\na. long letter by him is given. Day s Historical Collections of Pennsylvania, 134.\\nf Plain Facts, being an Examination, ^-c, and a Vindication of the Grant from the\\nSix United Nations of Indians to the Proprietors of Indiana, vs. the Decision of the Lcnis- V\\nlalure of Virginia. Pp. 29-39. Philadelphia: R. Aitkcn. 1781, Sparks Washington,\\nvol. ii. p. 480. Marshe s Joiimal. The whole proceedings may be found in Colden s His-\\ntory of the Iroquois, given with proper formal solemnity.\\ntPlain Facts, pp. 40, 119, 120.\\n^Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 478. Scarce anything was known of the old Ohio Com-\\npany, until Mr. Spark s inquiries led to the note referred to; and even now so littleia\\n5", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "74 Ohio Company. 1750.\\nwas not the cultivation of the soil, but the monopoly of the\\nIndian trade, which, with all its profits, had till that time\\nbeen in the hands of unprincipled men, half civilized, half\\nsavage, who, through the Iroquois, had from the earliest period\\npenetrated to the lakes of Canada and competed everywhere\\nwith the French for skins and furs.* It was now proposed in\\nVirginia to turn these fellows out of their good berth beyond\\nthe mountains, by means of a great company, which should\\nhold lands and build trading-houses, import European goods\\nregularly, and export the furs of the West in return to Lon-\\ndon. Accordingly, after Weiser s conference with the Indians\\nat Logstown, which was favorable to their views, Thomas Lee,\\nwith twelve other Virginians, among whom were Lawrence\\nand Augustine, brothers of George Washington, and also Mr.\\nHanbury of London, formed an association which they called\\nthe Ohio Company, and ip. 1748, petitioned the king for a\\ngrant beyond the mountains. This petition was approved by\\nthe monarch, and the government of Virginia was ordered to\\ngrant to the petitioners half a million of acres within the\\nbounds of that colony, beyond the Alleghenies, two hundred\\nthousand of which were to be located at once. This portion\\nwas to be held for ten years free of quit-rent, provided the\\ncompany would put there one hundred families within seven\\nyears, and build a fort sufficient to protect the settlement; all\\nwhich the company proposed, and prepared to do at once,\\nand sent to London for a cargo suited to the Indian trade,\\nwhich was to come out so as to arrive in November, 1749.\\nOther companies were also formed about this time in Vir-\\nginia, to colonize the West. Upon the 12th of June, 1749, a\\ngrant of 800,000 acres, from the line of Canada, on the north\\nand west, was made to the Loyal Company; and, upon the\\n29th of October, 1751, another of 100,000 acres to the Careen-\\nbriar Company.f\\nBut the French were not blind all this while. They saw,\\nthat if the British once obtained a strong-hold upon the Ohio,\\nknown, that we cannot but Iioim; some Historical Society will prevail on Charles Fcnton\\nMercer, formerly of Virginia, who holds the pajx^rs of that Company, to allow their publi-\\ncation. No full history of the West can be written, until the facts relative to the great\\nland companies are better known.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Seo Charlevoix, first and second volume in many places; especially i. 502, 515, ii. 133,\\n269, 373. The English were at Mackinac as early as 1686.\\nIRovised Statutes of Virginia, by W. B. Leigh, ii. 347.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "1749. Movements of the French. 75\\nthey might not only prevent their settlements upon it, but\\nmust at last come upon their lower posts, and so the battle be\\nfought sooner or later. To the danger of the English pos-\\nsessions in the West, Vaudreuil, the French governor, had\\nbeen long alive. Upon the 10th of May, 1744, he wrote\\nhome representing the consequences that must come from\\nallowing the British to build a trading-house among the\\nCreeks;* and, in November, 1748, he anticipated their seizure\\nof Fort Prudhomme, which was upon the Mississippi below\\nthe Ohio.f Nor was it for mere sickly missionary stations\\nthat the governor feared; for, in the year last named, the Illi-\\nnois settlements, few as they were, sent flour and corn, the\\nhams of hogs and bears, pickled pork and beef, myrtle wax,\\ncotton, tallow, leather, tobacco, lead, iron, copper, some little\\nbuffalo wool, venison, poultry, bear s grease, oil, skins, and\\ncoarse furs to the New Orleans market. Even in 1746, from\\nfive to six hundred barrels of flour, according to one authority,\\nand two thousand according to another, went thither from\\nIllinois, convoys annually going down in December with the\\nproduce. J Having these fears, and seeing the danger of the\\nlate movements of the British, Gallisoniere, then Governor of\\nCanada, determined to place along the Ohio, evidences of the\\nFrench claim to, and possession of the country and for that\\npurpose, in the summer of 1749, sent Louis Celeron with a\\nparty of soldiers, to place plates of lead, on which were writ-\\nten out the claims of France, in the mounds, and at the\\nmouths of the rivers. Of this act William Trent, who was\\nsent out in 1752, by Virginia, to conciliate the Indians, heard\\nwhile upon the Ohio, and mentioned it in his Journal; and\\nwithin a few years, one of the plates, with the inscription\\nPownall s Memorial on Service in America, as before quoted. Vaudreuil came out as\\nGovernor of Canada in 1755. Massachusetts Historical Collections, vol. vii., p. 105. See\\nalso Holmes Annals, vol. ii. p. 23.\\ntPownall s Memorial.\\nJIbid. Representations to Earl of Hillsborough, 1770, quoted in Filson s Kentuclsy,\\n1784: also, in Ilutcliins Geographical Description, p. 15.\\nSparks Washington, vol. ii. p. \u00e2\u0096\u00a0430. Atwater s History of Ohio, first edition, p. 109.\\nTransactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vol. ii. pp. 535-641. De Witt Clinton\\nreceived the plate mentioned in the text from Mr. Atwater, who says it was found at the\\nmouth of the Muskingum, though marked as having been placed at the mouth of the Ve-\\nnango (Yenangue) river, (French Creek, we presume.) Celeron wrote from an old Shawnee\\ntown on the Ohio to Governor Ilamilton of Pennsylvania, respecting the intrusion of tra-\\nders from that colony into the French dominions. Mmutes of the Council of Pennsylva-\\nnia, quoted in Dillon s History of Indiana, 1. 66.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "76 GisVs Exploration. 1751.\\npartly defaced, has been found near the mouth of the Muskin-\\ngum. Of this plate, the date upon which is August 16th, 1749,\\na particular account was sent, by De Witt Clinton, to the\\nAmerican Antiquarian Society, in whose second volume (p.\\n535-41) the inscription may be found at length. By this\\nstep, the French, perhaps, hoped to quiet the title of the\\nriver, Oyo but it produced not the least result. In that\\nvery year, we are told, a trading-house was built by the Eng-\\nlish, upon the Great Miami, at the spot since called Loramie s\\nStore while, from another source, we learn, that two traders\\nwere, in 1749, seized by the French upon the Maumee. At\\nany rate, the storm was gathering; the English company was\\ndetermined to carry out its plan, and the French were deter-\\nmined to oppose them.\\nDuring 1750, we hear of no step, by either party; but in\\nFebruary, 1751, wc find Christopher Gist, the agent who had\\nbeen appointed by the Ohio Company to examine the western\\nlands, upon a visit to the Twigtwees or Tuigtuis, who lived\\nupon the Miami River, one hundred and thirty miles from its\\nmouth. t In speaking of this tribe, Mr. Gist says nothing of a\\ntrading-house among them, (at least in the passage from his\\nJournal quoted by Mr. Sparks,) but he tells us, they left the\\nWabash for the salie of trading with the English and we have\\nno doubt, that the spot which he visited was at the mouth of\\nLoramie s Creek, where, as we have said, a trading-house\\nwas built about or before this time. Gist says, the Twigtwees\\nwere a very numerous people, much superior to the Six Na-\\ntions, and that they were formerly in the French interest.\\nWynne speaks of them as the same with the Ottowas; but Gist\\nundoubtedly meant the great Miamis confederacy; for he says\\nthat they are not one tribe, but many different tribes, under\\nthe same form of government. J [The journey of Gist com-\\nContest in America, by an Impartial Hand. Once this writer speaks of this post as\\nupon th\u00c2\u00ab Wabash, but he doubtless meant that on the Miami.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0fSparks Washington, vol. ii. p- 37.\\nJSee Harrison s Discourse, already quot\u00c2\u00abd. Franklin, following a Twigtweo chief pre-\\nsent at Carlisle, in 1753, (Minutes of that Council, p. 7. Sparks Franklin, vol. iv. p. 71,)\\nspeaks of the Piankeshaws, a tribe of the Twigtwees; and again, of the Miamis or Twig-\\ntwees (ibid. vol. iii. p. 72.)I Tho name is spelt in the Minutes of the Provincial Council of\\nPennsylvania, Twechtwese, and they are described as those Indians, called by tho French,\\nMiamis, (iii. 479.) On Evans map, of 1755, they are called Tawisti, and are mentioned\\namong the confederated nations of the West. See also General Ilarrison s letter of March\\n22, ISU, in McAfee, p. 43.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "1751. Conference at Logstown. 77\\nmenced October 31, 1750, and lasted until May 1751. From\\nthe head of the Potomac, he went to the forks of the Ohio\\n(Pittsburgh), thence across what is now the State of Ohio to\\nthe mouth of the Scioto then to the Tvvigtwee towns on the\\nMiami; from thence r^urned to the Scioto, then followed\\nthe Ohio to within fifteen miles of the Falls, which he dared\\nnot visit on account of the Indians there and thence returned\\nto the settlements by Kentucky river and Cumberland Gap.\\nA journal of his tour was published as an Appendix to Pow-\\nnall s Topography, London, 1776; and large extracts are\\ngiven by Dr. Hildreth.*]\\nHaving thus generally examined the land upon the Ohio,\\nin November Gist commenced a thorough survey of the tract\\nsouth of the Ohio and east of the Kanawha, which was that\\non which the Ohio Company proposed to make their first\\nsettlement. He spent the winter in that labor. In 1751, also,\\nGeneral Andrew Lewis, commenced some surveys in the\\nGreenbriar country, on behalf of the company already men-\\ntioned, to which one hundred thousand acres of land had\\nbeen granted in that region ;t but his proceedings, as well as\\nGist s, were soon interrupted. Meanwhile no treaty of a defi-\\nnite character had yet been held with the western Indians\\nand, as the influence both of the French and of the indepen-\\ndent English traders, was against the company, it was thought\\nnecessary to do something, and the Virginia government was\\ndesired to invite the chiefs to a conference at Logstown,\\nwhich was done.\\nAll this time the French had not been idle. They not only\\nstirred up the savages, but took measures to fortify certain\\npoints on the upper waters of the Ohio, from which all low-\\ner posts might be easily attacked, and, beginning at Presqu Ile,\\nor Erie, on the lake, prepared a line of communication with\\nthe Allegheny. This was done by opening a wagon-road from\\nErie to a little lake lying at the head of French Creek, where\\na second fort was built, about fifteen miles from that at Erie.\\nWhen this second fort was made, we do not clearly learn but\\n^Pownall s work was a folio of 46 pages, called, Topographical Description of such\\nporta of North America as are contained in the annexed Map. The Map was Evans\\nGist s Journal occupies ten pages. MS. Letters of L. C. Draper and Dr. Sparks to Mr.\\nPerkim. Ed.\\nt Stuart s Memoir of Indian War. Border Warfare, 48.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "78 First English Settlement Destroyed. 1750.\\nsome time in 1752, we believe.* But lest, while these little\\ncastles were quietly rising amid the forest, the British also might\\nstrengthen themselves too securely to be dislodged, a party of\\nsoldiers was sent to keep the Ohio clear; and this party,\\nearly in 1752, having heard of the trading-house upon the\\nMiami, and, very likely, of the visit to it by Gist, came to the\\nTwigtwees and demanded the traders, as unauthorized intru-\\nders upon French lands. The Twigtwees, however, were\\nneither cowards nor traitors, and refused to deliver up their\\nfriends.f The French, assisted by the Ottowas aad Chip-\\npewas, then attacked the trading-house, [where several fami-\\nlies lived,] which was probably a block-house, aiwl after a\\nsevere battle, in which fourteen of the natives were killed,^\\nand others wounded, took and destroyed it, carrjing the tra-\\nders away to Canada as prisoners, or, as one account says,\\nburning some of them alive. This fort, or trading-house, was\\ncalled by the English writers Pickawill any\\nSuch was the fate of the first British settlement in the Ohio\\nvalley, of which we have any record. It was destroyed early\\nin 1752, as we know by the fact, that its destruction was re-\\nferred to by the Indians at the Logstown treaty in June.\\nWhat traders they were who were taken, we do not know\\nwith certainty. Some have thought them agents of the Ohio\\nCompany but the Gist s proceedings about the Kanawha do\\nnot favor the idea, neither do the subsequent steps of the\\ncompany and in the History of Pennsylvania,* ascribed to\\nFranklin, we find a gift of condolence made by that Province\\nto the Twigtwees for those slain in defence of the traders\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Washington s Journal of 1753. Mante, in his History of the War, says, early in 1753,\\nbut there was a post at Erie when the traders were taken, before June, 1752.\\nfSparks TrankUn, vol. iv. p. 71. vol. iii.p. 2?0. Plain Facts, p. 42. Contest in \\\\orth\\nAmerita, c. j SQ. Western Monthly Magazine, 1S33. This fort was always, referred to\\nin the early treaties of the United States with the Indians see Land Laws and Treaties,\\npost. Several other captures beaido this are referred to by Franklin and others. The\\nattack on Logstown, spoken of by Smollett and Russell, was doubtless this attack on the\\nMiami post. Smollett; George II. chap. is. See also Burk s Virginia, vol. iii. p. 170.\\nJAmong them a king of the Piankeshaws. (Minutes of the Council of Carlisle, 1753.)\\nFrom those Minutes we learn also that the Ottowas and Chipi^ewas aided the French.\\n2 Washington s Journal (London, 1754) has a map on which the name is printed Pik-\\nkawalinna. A memorial of the king s minister, in 1755, refers to it as Pickawillanes,\\nin the centre of the territory between the Ohio and the Wabash. Sparks Franklin, vol.\\niv. p. S. IO.) The name is probably some variation of Piqua or Pickaway: in 1773, written\\nby Rev. David Jones Pickawake. (Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 265.)", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "1752 Treaty Negotiations. 79\\namong them, in 1752, which leads us to believe that they were\\nindependent merchants from that colony.*\\nBlood had now been shed, and both parties became more\\ndeeply interested in the progress of events in the West. The\\nEnglish, on their part, determined to purchase from the Indians\\na title to the lands they wished to occupy, by fair means or\\nfoul and, in the spring of 1752, Messrs, Fry,f Lomax, and Pat-\\nton, were sent from Virginia to hold a conference with the na-\\ntives at Logstown, to learn what they objected to in the treaty\\nof Lancaster, of which it was said they complained, and to\\nsettle all difficulties.^ On the 9th of June, the commissioners\\nmet the red men at Logstown this was a little village, seven-\\nteen miles and a half below Pittsburgh, upon the north side\\nof the Ohio.\u00c2\u00a7 It had long been a trading point, but had been\\nabandoned by the Indians in 1750.|| Here the Lancaster treaty\\nwas produced, and the sales of the western lands insisted\\nupon but the chiefs said, No they had not heard of any\\nsale west of the warrior s road,T| which ran at the foot of the\\nAllegheny ridge. The commissioners then offered goods for\\na ratification of the Lancaster treaty spoke of the proposed\\nsettlement by the Ohio Company and used all their persua-\\nsions to secure the land wanted. L^pon the 11th of June, the\\nIndians replied They recognized the treaty of Lancaster,\\nand the authority of the Six Nations to make it, but denied\\nthat they had any knowledge of the western lands being con-\\nveyed to the English by said deed and declined, upon the\\nThe Twigtwees met the Pennsylvanians at Lancaster, in July, 1748, and made a\\ntreaty with them. (Dillon s Indiana, i. G3.) Croghan, also, (Butler s Kentucky, 471,)\\nspeaks of them as connected with Pennsj lvania. The Shawnees, from the West, went to\\nPhiladelphia to make treaties, in 1732. (Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylva-\\nnia, iii. 491.)\\nAfterwards Commander in Chief over Washington, at the commencement of the French\\nwar of 17\u00c2\u00a75\u00e2\u0080\u0094 63 he died at Will s Creek, (Cumberland) May 31. 1754. Sparks Wash-\\nington, ii. 27- not\u00c2\u00ab.\\nj Plain Facts, p. 40. Sparks Washington, vol. iL p. 480.\\nCroghan, in his JowmaZ says, that Logstown was soufA of the Ohio. (Butler s Ken-\\ntuckj App.) The river is itself nearly north and south at the spot in question but we\\nalways call the Canada side the north side, having reference to the general direction of the\\nstream.\\nf; Bancroft s Exptdition, London, 1766, p. 10. Logstown is given on the map accompany-\\ning the volume.\\nWashington (Sparks ii. 526,) speaks of a warrior s path coming out upon the Ohio\\nabout thirty miles above the Great Kanawha; Filsons and Hutchins (see map) make the\\none referred to by them terminate below the Scioto. One may have been a branch used\\nby the Muskingum and Hocking tribes, the other by those of the Scioto Valley.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "80 Terms agreed upon. 1752.\\nwhole, having any thing to do with the treat} of 1744. How-\\never, said the savages, as the French have already struck\\nthe Twigtwees, we shall be pleased to have your assistance\\nand protection, and wish you would build a fort at once at\\nthe Forks of the Ohio. But this permission was not what\\nthe Virginians wanted; so they took aside Montour, the inter-\\npreter, who was a son of the famous Catharine Montour,f and\\na chief among the Six Nations, being three-fourths of Indian\\nblood, and persuaded him, by valid arguments, (of the kind\\nwhich an Indian mostly appreciates doubtless,) to use his in-\\nfluence with his fellows. This he did; and, upon the 13th of\\nJune, they all united in signing a deed, confirming the Lan-\\ncaster treaty in its full extent, consenting to a settlement south-\\neast of the Ohio, and guaranteeing that it should not be dis-\\nturbed by them.J By such means was obtained the first treaty\\nwith the Indians in the Ohio valley.\\nAll this time the two powers beyond the Atlantic were in a\\nprofessed state of profound peace and commissioners were\\nat Paris trying to out-manoeuvre one another with regard to\\nthe disputed lands in America,^ though in the West all looked\\nlike war. We have seen how the English outwitted the\\nIndians, and secured themselves, as they thought, by their\\npolitic conduct. But the French, in this as in all cases, proved\\nthat they knew best how to manage the natives and, though\\nthey had to contend with the old hatred felt toward them by\\nthe Six Nations, and though they by no means refrained from\\nstrong acts, marching through the midst of the Iroquois coun-\\ntry, attacking the Twigtwees, and seizing the English traders,\\nnevertheless they did succeed, as the British never did, in at-\\ntaching the Indians to their cause. As ^n old chief of the\\nSix Nations said at Easton, in 175S: The Indians on the Ohio\\nleft you because of your own fault. When we heard the French\\nwere coming, we asked you for help and arms, but we did not\\nPlain Facts, p. 42.\\n,t For ft sketch of this woman, see Mauachtuetts Historical Collections, First Series, toI.\\nvii. p. ISO, or Stone s Life of Brant, vol. i. p. .339. She had two stms, Andrew and Ucnry.\\nThe latter was a Captain among the Iroquois, the former a common interpreter, appa-\\nrently. Andrew was taken by the French in 1749. Which of them was at Logstown we\\nare aot told; but, from his influence with the Indians, it was probably Ilenry.\\nX Plain Facta, pp. 38-44. The Virginia commissioners were men of high character, but\\ntrcatad with the Indians according to the ideas of their day.\\n\u00c2\u00a7See SmoUet George IT., chap. viii. and is.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "1753. Preparations for Hostilities. 81\\nget them. The French came, they treated us kindly, and\\ngained our affections. The Governor of Virginia settled on\\nour lands for his own benefit, and, when we wanted help,\\nforsook us.\\nSo stood matters at the close of 1752. The English had\\nsecured (as they thought) a title to the Indian lands southeast\\nof the Ohio, and Gist was at work laying out a town and fort\\nthere on Chartier s Creek, about two miles below the Fork.f\\nEleven families also were crossing the mountains to settle at\\nthe point where Gist had fixed his own residence, west of\\nLaurel Hill, and not far from the Youghiogany. Goods, too,\\nhad come from England for the Ohio Company, which, how-\\never, they could not well, and dared not, carry beyond Will s\\nCreek, the point where Cumberland now stands, whence they\\nwere taken by the traders and Indians and there was even\\nsome prospect of a road across the mountains to the Monon-\\ngahela.\\nOn the other hand, the French were gathering cannon and\\nstores upon Lake Erie, and, without treaties or deeds for land,\\nwere gaining the good will of even inimical tribes, and pre-\\nparing, when all was ready, to strike the blow. Some of the\\nsavages, it is true, remonstrated. They said they did not un-\\nderstand this dispute between the Europeans, as to which of\\nthem the western lands belonged, for they did not belong to\\neither. But the French bullied when it served their turn, and\\nflattered when it served their turn, and all the while went on\\nwith their preparations, which were in an advanced state\\nearly in 1753. J\\nIn May of that year, the governor of Pennsylvania informed\\nthe Assembly of the French movements, a knowledge of which\\nwas derived, in part at least, from Montour, who had been\\npresent at a conference between the French and Indians rela-\\ntive to the invasion of the West.\u00c2\u00a7 The Assembly, thereupon,\\nvoted six hundred pounds for distribution among the tribes,\\nbesides two hundred for the presents of condolence to the\\nTwigtwees, already mentioned. This money was not sent,\\n*Plain Facts, p. 55. Pownall s Memoir on Service in North America.\\nj Sparks Washington, vol. ii. pp. 433, 4S2, and map, p. 38.\\nX See in Washington s Journal, the speech of Half-king to the French commander and\\nbis answer. Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 484.\\nI Sparks Franklin, vol. iii. p. 219.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "82 Another Treaty. 1753.\\nbut Conrad Weiser was despatched in August to learn how-\\nthings stood among the Ohio savages.* Virginia was moving\\nalso. In June, or earlier, a commissioner was sent westward\\nto meet the French, and ask how they dared to invade his\\nMajesty s province. The messenger went to Logstown, but\\nwas afraid to go up the Allegheny, as instructed.! Trent was\\nalso sent off with guns, powder, shot and clothing for the\\nfriendly Indians and then it was, that he learned the fact\\nalready stated, as to the claim of the French, and their burial\\nof medals in proof of it. While these measures were taken,\\nanother treaty with the wild men of the debatable land was\\nalso in contemplation and in September, 1753, William Fair-\\nfax met their deputies at Winchester, Virginia, where he con-\\ncluded a treaty, with the particulars of which we are unac-\\nquainted, but on which, we are told, was an endorsement,\\nstating that such was their feeling, that he had not dared to\\nmention to them either the Lancaster or the Los;stoicn treaty ;J a\\nmost sad comment upon the modes taken to obtain those\\ngrants. In the month following, however, a more satisfactory\\ninterview took place at Carlisle, between the representatives\\nof the Iroquois, Delawares, Shawnees, Twigtwees and Wyan-\\ndots, and the commissioners of Pennsylvania, Richard Peters,\\nIsaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklin. At this meeting the\\nattack on the Twigtwees was talked over, the plans of the\\nFrench discussed, and a treaty concluded. The Indians had\\nsent three messages to the French, warning them away; the\\nreply was, that they were coming to build forts af Wenengo,\\n(Venango,) Mohongiala forks, (Pittsburgh,) Logstown and\\nBeaver Creek. The red men complained of the traders as\\ntoo scattered, and killing them with rum; they wished only\\nthree trading stations, viz mouth of Mohongely, (Pitts-\\nburgh,) Logstown, and mouth of Conawa.\\nSoon after this, no satisfaction being obtained from the\\nOhio, either as to the force, position, or purposes of the\\nFrench, Robert Dinwiddle, then Governor of Virginia, deter-\\nmined to send to them another messenger, and selected a\\nyoung surveyor, who, at the age of nineteen, had received\\nthe rank of major, and whose previous life had inured him to\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Sparks Franklin, vol. iii. p. 230.\\ntSparkg Washington, vol. ii. p. 430.\\nX Plain FaclK, p. 44.\\ngMinutes of Treaty at Carlisle in October, 1753, pp. 5 to 8.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "1753. Washington. 83\\nhardship and woodland ways while his courage, cool judg-\\nment, and firm will, all fitted him for such a mission. This\\nyoung man, as all know, was George Washington, who was\\ntwenty-one years and eight months old, at the time of the\\nappointment.* With Gist as his guide, Washington left\\nWill s Creek, where Cumberland now is, on the 15th of Novem-\\nber, and, on the 22d, reached the Monongahela, about ten\\nmiles above the Fork. Thence he went to Logstown, where\\nhe had long conferences with the chiefs of the Six Nations\\nliving in that neighborhood. Here he learned the position of\\nthe French upon the Riviere aux Bceufs, and the condition of\\ntheir forts. He heard, also, that they had determined not to\\ncome down the river till the following spring, but had warned\\nall the Indians, that, if they did not keep still, the whole\\nFrench force would be turned upon them and that, if they\\nand the English were equally strong, they would divide the\\nland between them, and cut off all the natives. These threats,\\nand the mingled kindness and severity of the French, had\\nproduced the desired effect. Shingiss, king of the Delawares.\\nfeared to meet Washington, and the Shannoah (Shawnee)\\nchiefs would not come either.f\\nThe truth was, these Indians were in a very awkward\\nposition. They could not resist the Europeans, and knew\\nnot which to side with so that a nun-committal policy\\nwas much the safest, and they were wise not to return by\\nWashington (as he desired they should) the wampum they\\nreceived from the French, as that would be equivalent to-\\nbreaking with them.\\nFinding that nothing could be done with these people,\\nWashington left Logstown on the 30th of November, and,\\ntraveling amid cold and rain, reached Venango,^ an old In-\\ndian town at the mouth of French Creek, on the 4th of\\nthe next month. Here he found the French and through\\nthe rum, the flattery, and the persuasions of his enemies,\\nhe very nearly lost all his Indians, even his old friend, the\\nSparks Washington, vol. ii. pp. 42S 147.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f Shingiss, or Shingask, was the great Delaware Warrior of that day, and did the\\nBritish much mischief. See Hackewelder s Narrativo, p. 64.\\nX A corruption of Innungah (Day s Historical Collections of Pennsylvania, 636, note.)\\nThe French fort there was called Fort Machault. Memoires sur la Dcrniere Guerre,\\niii. ISl.)", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "84 Washimton^s Return* 1754.\\no\\nHalf-king. Patience and good faith conquered, however,\\nand, after another effort through mires and creeks, snow, rain\\nand cold, upon the 11th he reached the head of French Creek.\\nHere he delivered Governor Dinwiddle s letter, took his ob-\\nservations, received his answer, and upon the 16th set out\\nupon his return journey, having had to combat every art\\nand trick which the most faithful brain could suggest, in\\norder to get his Indians away with him. Flattery, liquor,\\nguns, and provisions were showered upon the Half-king and\\nhis comrades, while Washington himself received bows,\\nsmirks, and compliments, with a plentiful store of creature-\\ncomforts also.\\nFrom Venango, Washington and Gist went on foot, leaving\\ntheir Indian friends to the tender mercies of the French. Of\\ntheir hardships and dangers on this journey out and back, we\\nneed only say, that three out of five men who went with\\nthem Avere too badly frost-bitten to continue the journey.*\\nIn spite of all, however, they reached Will s Creek, on the\\n6th of January, well and sound. f During the absence of the\\nyoung messenger, steps had been taken to fortify and settle\\nthe point formed by the junction of the Monongahela and\\nAllegheny and while upon his return, he met seventeen\\nhorses, loaded with materials and stores for a fort at the Fork\\nof the Ohio, and, soon after, some families going out to set-\\ntle. These steps were taken by the Ohio Company; but, as\\nsoon as Washington returned with the letter of St. Pierre,\\nthe commander on French Creek, and it was perfectly clear\\nthat neither he nor his superiors meant to yield the West\\nwithout a struggle. Governor Dinwiddle wrote to the Board\\nof Trade, stating that the French were building another fort\\nat Venango, and that in March twelve or fifteen hundred\\nrnen would be ready to descend the river with their Indian\\nallies, for which purpose three hundred canoes had been col-\\nlected and that Logstown was then to be made head-quar-\\nters, while forts were built in various other positions, and the\\nwhole countr} occupied. He also sent expresses to the Gov-\\nernors of Pennsylvania and New York, calling upon them for\\nassistance and with the advice of his council, proceeded to\\nSparks Washington, ii. 55.\\nt Grist s Journal of this Expedition maj be found in the Massachusetts Ilistoncal Col-\\nlections, third serie?, vol. t. (1S36,) 101 to 103.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "1754. Fort at Venango Finished. 85\\nenlist two companies, one of which was to be raised by\\nWashington, the other by Trent, who was a frontier man.\\nThis last was to be raised upon the frontiers; and to proceed\\nat once to the Fork of the Ohio, there to complete in the best\\nmanner, and as soon as possible, the fort begun by the Ohio\\nCompany and in case of attack, or any attempt to resist the\\nsettlements, or obstruct the works, those resisting were to be\\ntaJten, and if need were, to be killed.*\\nWhile Virginia was taking these strong measures, which\\nwere fully authorized by the letter of the Earl of Holdernesse,\\nSecretary of State ,f written in the previous August, and which\\ndirected the Governors of the various provinces, after repre-\\nsenting to those who were invading his Majesty s dominions\\nthe injustice of the act, to call out the armed force of the\\nprovince, and repel force by force; while Virginia was thus\\nacting, Pennsylvania was discussing the question, whether the\\nFrench were really invading his Majesty s dominions, the\\nGovernor being on one side, and the Assembly on the other,J\\nand New York was preparing to hold a conference with the\\nSix Nations, in obedience to orders from the Board of Trade,\\nwritten in September, 1753.\u00c2\u00a7 These orders had been sent\\nout in consequence of the report in England, that the natives\\nwould side with the French, because dissatisfied with the oc-\\ncupancy of their lands by the English and simultaneous orders\\nwere sent to the other provinces, directing the Governors to\\nrecommend their Assemblies to send commissioners to Albany\\nto attend this grand treaty, which M^as to heal all wounds.\\nNew York, however, was more generous w^hen called on by\\nVirginia, than her neighbor on the south, and voted, for the\\nassistance of the resisting colony, five thousand pounds cur-\\nrency.ll\\nIt was now April, 1754. The fort at Venango was finished,\\nand all along the line of French Creek troops were gathering;\\nand the wilderness echoed the strange sounds of an European\\ncamp, the watch-word, the command, the clang of muskets,\\nthe uproar of soldiers, the cry of the sutler and with these\\n^Sparks Waihington, Yol. ii. pp. 1, 431, 446. Sparks Franklin, vol. iii. p. 254.\\nfSparks Franklin, vol. iii. p. 251, where the letter is given.\\nJSparke Franklin, vol. iii. pp. 254, 263.\\ngPlain Facts, pp. 45, 46. Sparks Franklin, vol. iii. p. 253.\\niJMassachusetta Historical Collections, first seric!, vol. vii. p. 73.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "86 Volunteers called out. 1754.\\nwere mingled the shrieks of drunken Indians, won over from\\ntheir old friendship by rum and soft words. Scouts were\\nabroad, and little groups formed about the tents or huts of\\nthe officers, to learn the movements of the British. Canoes\\nwere gathering, and cannon were painfully hauled here\\nand there. All was movement and activity among the old\\nforests, and on hill-sides, covered already with young wild\\nflowers, from Lake Erie to the Allegheny. In Philadelphia,\\nmeanwhile. Governor Hamilton, in no amiable mood, had\\nsummoned the Assembly, and asked them if they meant to\\nhelp the King in the defence of his dominions and had de-\\nsired them, above all things, to do whatever they meant to do,\\nquickly. The Assembly debated, and resolved to aid the King\\nwith a little money, and then debated again and voted not to\\naid him with any money at all, for some would not give less\\nthan ten thousand pounds, and others would not give more\\nthan five thousand pounds; and so, nothing being practicable,\\nthey adjourned upon the 10th of April until the 13th of May.*\\nIn New York, a little, and only a little better spirit, was at\\nwork; nor was this strange, as her direct interest was much\\nless than that of Pennsylvania. Five thousand pounds indeed\\nwas, as wo have said, voted to Virginia but the Assembly\\nquestioned the invasion of his Majesty s dominions by the\\nFrench, and it was not till June that the money voted was\\nsent for ward. t\\nThe Old Dominion, however, was all alive. As, under the\\nprovincial law, the militia could not be callei^ forth to march\\nmore than five miles beyond the bounds of the colony, and as\\nit was doubtful if the French were in Virginia, it was deter-\\nmined to rely upon volunteers. Ten thousand pounds had\\nbeen voted by the Assembly; so the two companies were now\\nincreased to six, and Washington was raised to the rank of\\nlieutenant colonel, and made second in command under\\nJoshua Fry. Ten cannon, lately from England, were for-\\nwarded from Alexandria; wagons were got ready to carry\\nwestward provisions and stores through the heavy spring\\nroads; and everywhere along the Potomac men were enlist-\\ning under the Governor s proclamation, which promised to\\nSparks Franklin, vol. iii. pp. 264, 265.\\nIMassachusctts IliBtoricol C!ollections, first scries, vol. vii. pp. 72, 73, and note.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "1754. The War Begun. 87\\nthose that should serve in that war, two hundred thousand\\nacres of land on the Ohio, or, already enlisted, were gathering\\ninto grave knots, or marching forward to the field of action,\\nor helping on the thirty cannon and eighty barrels of gun-\\npowder, which the King had sent out for the western forts.\\nAlong the Potomac they were gathering, as far as to Will s\\nCreek and far beyond Will s Creek, whither Trent had come\\nfor assistance, his little band of forty-one men was working\\naway, in hunger and want, to fortify that point at the Fork of\\nthe Ohio, to which both parties were looking with deep inter-\\nest. The first birds of spring filled the forest with their songs\\nthe redbud was here and there putting forth its flowers on the\\nsteep Allegheny hill-sides, and the swift river below swept by,\\nswollen by the melting snows and April showers a few In-\\ndian scouts were seen but no enemy seemed near at hand\\nand all were so quiet, that Frazier, an old Indian trader, who\\nhad been left by Trent in command of the new fort, ventured\\nto his home at the mouth of Turtle Creek, ten miles up the\\nMonongahela. But, though all was so quiet in that wilder-\\nness, keen eyes had seen the low entrenchment that was\\nrising at the Fork, and swift feet had borne the news of it up\\nthe valley; and, upon the 17th of April, Ensign Ward, who\\nthen had charge of it, saw upon the Allegheny a sight that\\nmade his heart sink sixty batteaux and three hundred canoes,\\nfilled with men, and laden deep with cannon and stores. The\\nfort was called on to surrender by the advice of the Half-\\nking, Ward tried to evade the act, but it would not do Con-\\ntrecGBur, with a thousand men about him, said Evacuate,\\nand the Ensign dared not refuse. That evening he supped\\nwith his captor, and the next day was bowed off by the\\nFrenchman, and, with his men and tools, marched up the\\nMonongahela. From that day began the war.*\\nSparks Washington, vol. ii. The number of French troops was probably over-stated,\\nbut to the captives there seemed a round thousand. Burk, in his History of Virginia,\\nspeaks of the taking of Logstown by the French but Logstown was never a post of the\\nOhio Company as he represents it, as is plain from all contemporary letters and accounts.\\nBurk s ignorance of Western matters is clear in this, that he says the French dropped\\ndown from Fort Du Quesne to Prcsqu Ilo and Venango; they, or a part of them, did drop\\ndown the Ohio, but surely not to posts, one of which was on Lake Erie, and the other far\\nup the Allegheny! In a letter from Captain Stobo, written in July, 1754, at Fort Du\\nQuesne, where he was then confined as hostage under the capitulation of Great Meadows,\\nhe says there were but two hundred men in and about the Fort at that time. (American\\nPioneer, i. 236.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 For plan of Forts Du Quesne and Pitt, see article in Pioneer; also, Day s\\nHistorical Collections of Pennsylvania, 77.)", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER 111.\\nWAR OF 1754 TO 1703.\\nFort Necessity Proposed compromise by the French March of Braddock Defeat of\\nBraddock Expedition to the Indian Towns on the Ohio\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Fort Du Quesno taken by the\\nBritish Journey of Post Treaty at Easton Settlements in the West Treaty of Peace\\nat Paris.\\nWashington was at Will s Creek, (Cumberland,) when the\\nnews of the surrender of the Forks reached him. He was.on\\nhis way across the mountains, preparing roads for the King s\\ncannon, and aiming for the mouth of Red Stone Creek,\\n(Brownsville,) where a store-house had been already built by\\nthe Ohio Company by the 9th of May, he had reached Lit-\\ntle Meadows, on the head waters of a branch of the Youghio-\\ngheny, toiling slowly, painfully forward, four, three, sometimes\\nonly two miles a day All the while from traders and others\\nhe heard of forces coming up the Ohio to reinforce the French\\nat the Fork, and of spies out examining the valley of the\\njNIonongahela, llattcring and bribing the Indians. On the\\n27th of May he was at Great Meadows, west of the Youghi-\\no -heny, near the Fort of Laurel Hill, close by the spot now\\nknown as Braddock s Grave. He had heard of a body of\\nFrench somewhere in the neighborhood, and on the 27th, his\\nformer fuide. Gist, came from his residence beyond Laurel\\nHill near the head of Red Stone Creek, and gave information\\nof a body of French, who had been at his plantation the day\\nbefore. That evening from his old friend the Half-king, he\\nheard again of enemies in the vicinity. Fearing a surprise,\\nWashington at once started, and early the next morning at-\\ntacked the party referred to by the Chief of the Iroquois. In\\nthe contest ten of the French were killed, including M. de\\nJumonville, their commander; of the Americans but one was\\nlost. This skirmish France saw fit to regard as the commence-\\nment of the war, and inconsequence of a report made by M. de\\nContreccDur, to the Marquis Du Quesne, founded upon the tales\\ntold by certain of Jumonvillc s men, who had run away at the\\nfirst onset, it has been usual with French writers to represent\\nthe attack by Washington as unauthorized, and the party as-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "1754. Cvpitulation of Fort Necessfity. 89\\nsailed by him as a party sent with peaceable intentions; and\\nthis impression was confirmed by the term assassination of M.\\nde Jumonville, used in the capitulation of Great Meadows in\\nthe following July this having been accepted by Washing-\\nton {to whom the term icas falsely translated,) it was naturally\\nregarded as an acknowledgment by him of the improper\\ncharacter of the attack of May 28th. Mr, Sparks, in his ap-\\npendix to Washington s papers, vol. ii. pp. 447, 459, has dis-\\ncussed this matter at length, and fully answered the aspersions\\nof the European writers to his work we refer our readers.\\nFrom the last of May until the 1st of July, preparations\\nwere made to meet the French who were understood to be\\ngathering their forces in the West. On the 28th of June,\\nWashington was at Gist s house, and new reports coming in\\nthat the enemy was approaching in force, a council of war\\nwas held, and it was thought best, in consequence of the\\nscarcity of provisions, to retreat to Great Meadows, and even\\nfarther if possible. When, however, the retiring body of\\nProvincials reached that post, it was deemed impossible to go\\nfarther in the exhausted state of the troops, who had been\\neight days without bread. Measures were therefore taken to\\nstrengthen the fort, which, from the circumstances, was named\\nFort Necessity. On the 1st of July, the Americans reached\\ntheir position on the 3d, alarm was given of an approaching\\nenemy; at eleven o clock, A. M., nine hundred in number,\\nthey commenced the attack in the midst of a hard rain and\\nfrom that time until eight in the evening, the assailants ceased\\nnot to pour their fire upon the little fortress. About eight\\nthe French requested some officer to be sent to treat with\\nthem Captain Vanbraam, the only person who pretended to\\nunderstand the language of the enemy, was ordered to go to\\nthe camp of the attacking party, whence he returned bringing\\nterms of capitulation, which, by a flickering candle, in the\\ndripping quarters of his commander, he translated to Wash-\\nington, and as it proved, from intention or ignorance, mis-\\ntranslated. By this capitulation, the garrison of Fort Neces-\\nsity were to have leave to retire with everything but their\\nartillery; the prisoners taken May 28th were to be returned;\\nand the party yielding were to labor on no works west of the\\nmountains for one year; for the observance of these condi-\\ntions Captain Vanbraam, the negotiator, and Captain Stobo,\\n6", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "90 Resignation of Washington. 1754.\\nwere to be retained by the French as sureties.* The above\\nprovisions having been agreed to, Washington and his men,\\nhard pressed by famine, hastened to the nearest depot which\\nwas at Will s Creek. At this point, immediately afterwards,\\nFort Cumberland was erected under the charge of Colonel\\nInnes, of North Carolina, who, since the death of Colonel\\nFry, had been Commander-in-Chief. At that time there were\\nin service, 1st, the Virginia militia 2nd, the Independent Com-\\npanies of Virginia, South Carolina, and New York, all of whom\\nwere paid by the King 3d, troops raised in North Carolina\\nand paid by the Colony; and 4th, recruits from Maryland; of\\nthese the Virginia and South Carolina troops alone had been\\nbeyond the mountains.\\nFrom August to October little appears to have been done,\\nbut in the latter month the Governor of Virginia, (Dinwiddle,)\\nso changed the military organization of the Colony, as to leave\\nno one in the army with a rank above that of Captain this\\nwas done in order to avoid all contests as to precedence\\namong the American officers, it being clear that troops from\\nvarious Provinces would have to be called into the field, and\\nthat the different commissions from the Crown, and the Colo-\\nnies, would give large openings fur rivalry and conflict but\\namong the results of the measure was the resignation of\\nWashington, who for a time retired to Mount Vernon. y\\nIt was now the fall of 1754. In Pennsylvania, Morris, who\\nhad succeeded Hamilton, was busily occupied with making\\nspeeches to the Assembly and listening to their stubborn re-\\nplies; J, while in the north the Kennebec was fortified, and a\\nplan talked over for attacking Crown Point on L\u00c2\u00a3Lke Cham-\\nplain the next spring; and in the south things went on much\\nas if tliere were no war coming. All the colonics united in\\none thing, however, in calling loudly on the mother country\\nfor help. During this same autumn the pleasant Frenchmen\\nwere securing the West, step by step; settling the valley of\\nthe Wabash gallanting with the Dela wares, and coquetting\\nwith the Iroquois, who still balanced between them and the\\n*Tbi5 fart would scem to show that Vanbraam s mistranslation must have been from\\nignoranoo or accident.\\nfSparks Washington, ii. 64, C7, and generally, the whole volume, as to this war.\\nJSparks Franklin, vol. iii. p. 2S2.\\ngMossauhusottij llistorical Collections, vol. vii. p. 8S.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "1755. Braddoc/c in America. ^1\\nEnglish. The forest of the Ohio shed their leaves, and the prai-\\nries filled the sky with the smoke of their burning arid along\\nthe great rivers, and on the lakes, and amid the pathless\\nwoods of the West, no European was seen, whose tongue spoke\\nother language than that of France. So closed 1754.\\nThe next year opened with professions, on both sides, of the\\nmost peaceful intentions, and preparations on both sides to\\npush the war vigorously. France, in January, proposed to re-\\nstore every thing to the state it was in before the last war,\\nand to refer all claims to commissioners at Paris to which\\nBritain, on the 22nd, replied that, the west of North America\\nmust be left as it was at the treaty of Utrecht. On the 6th of\\nFebruary, France made answer, that the old Enghsh claims in\\nAmerica were untenable and oftered a new ground of compro-\\nmise, namely, that the English should retire east of the Alle-\\nghenies, and the French west of the Ohio. This offer was long\\nconsidered, and at length ^oas agreed to by Eiigland on the 7th\\nof MnYch, jwovided the French would destroy all their forts on\\nthe Ohio and its branches to which, after twenty days had\\npassed, France said, No. While all this negotiation was\\ngoing on, other things also had been in motion. General\\nBraddock, with his gallant troops, had crossed the Atlantic,\\nand, upon the 20th of February, had landed in Virginia, com-\\nmander-in-chief of all the land forces in America; and in the\\nnorth all this while there was whispering of, and enlisting for,\\nthe proposed attack on Crown Point and even Niagara, far\\noff by the falls, was to be taken in case nothing prevented. Ini\\nFrance, too, other work had been done than negotiation for\\nat Brest and Rochelle ships were fitting out, and troops gath-\\nering, and stores crowding in. Even old England herself had\\nnot been all asleep, and Boscawen had been busy at Plymouth,\\nhurrying on the slow workmen, and gathering the unready sai-\\nlors.f In March the two European neighbors were smiling\\nand doing their best to quiet all troubles in April they still\\nsmiled, hut the fleets of both were crowding sail across the At-\\nlantic and, in Alexandria, Braddock, Shirley, and their fellow-\\nofficers were taking counsel as to the summer s campaign.\\nIn America four points were to be attacked Fort Du\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Plain Facts, pp. 51, 52. Secret Journals, vol. iv. p. 74.\\ntSparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 68. Masj-acliusetts Historical Collections, vol. vii. p. 89.\\nSmollett. George II, c lapter s.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "92 Difficulties of Braddock. 1755.\\nQuesne, Crown Point, Niagara, and the French posts in Nova\\nScotia. On the 20th of April, Braddock left Alexandria to\\nmarch upon Du Quesne, whither he was expressly ordered,\\nthough the officers in America looked upon it as a mistaken\\nmovement, as they thought New York should be the main\\npoint for regular operations. The expedition for Xova Scotia,\\nconsisting of three thousand Massachusetts men, left Boston\\non the 20th of May while the troops which General Shirley\\nwas to lead against Niagara, and the provincials which Will-\\niam Johnson was to head in the attack upon Crown Point,\\nslowly collected at Albany.\\nMay and June passed away, and mid summer drew nigh.\\nThe fearful and desponding colonists waited anxiously for\\nnews; and, when the news came that Nova vScotia had been\\nconquered, and that Boscawen had taken two of the French\\nmen of war, and lay before Louisburg, hope and joy spread\\neverywhere. July passed aw-ay, too, and men heard how t lowly\\nand painfully Braddock made progress through the wilderness,\\nhow his contractors deceived him, and the colonies gave little\\nhelp, and neither horses nor w-agons could be had, and only\\none, Benjamin Franklin, sent any aid and then reports came\\nthat he had been forced to leave many of his troops, and much\\nof his baggage and artillery, behind him and then, about the\\nmiddle of the month, through Virginia there went a whisper,\\nthat the great general had been defeated and wholly cut off;\\nand, as man after man rode down the Potomac confirming it,\\nthe planters hastily mounted, and were off to consult with\\ntheir neighbors; the country turned out; companies were\\nformed to march to the frontiers; sermons were preached,\\nand every heart and mouth was full. In Pennsylvania the\\nAssembly were called together to hear the shocking news;\\nand in New York it struck terror into those who were there\\ngathered to attack the northern posts. Soldiers deserted the\\nbatteaux men dispersed; and when at length Shirley, since\\nBraddock s death the commander-in-chief, managed with infi-\\nnite labor to reach Oswego on Lake Ontario, it was too late\\nand stormy, and his force too feebU to allow him to more tlian\\ngarrison that point, and march back to Alhany again-f Johii-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 77, Ac\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Sparks Franklin, vol. vii. p. 94, ic.\\n+For ft full account of Shirley s Expedition, see the paper in Jlaa-achusotts Iliytorical\\nCollections, vol. vii.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "1755. Services of Franklin. 93\\nson did better for he met and defeated Baron Dieskau upon\\nthe banks of Lake George, though Crown Point was not\\ntaken, nor even attacked.\\nBut we must turn back for a moment to describe particu-\\nlarly the events of Braddock s famous defeat, connected as it\\nis with the history of the West and we cannot do it more\\nperfectly than in the words of Mr. Sparks in his appendix to\\nthe second volume of the writings of Washington.\\nThe defeat of General Braddock, on the banks of the Monon-\\ngahela, is one of the most remarkable events in American\\nhistor} Great preparations had been made for tho expedi-\\ntion, under that experienced officer, and there was the most\\nsanguine anticipation, both in England and America, of its\\nentire success. Such was the confidence in the prowess of\\nBraddock s army, according to Dr. Franklin, that, while he was\\non his march to Fort Du Quesne, a subscription paper was\\nhanded about in Philadelphia, to raise money to celebrate his\\nvictory by bonfires and illuminations, as soon as the intelli-\\ngence should arrive.\\nGeneral Braddock landed in Virginia on the 20th of Feb-\\nruary, 1755, with two regiments of the British army from\\nIreland, the forty-fourth and forty-eighth, each consisting of\\nfive hundred men, one of them commanded by Sir Peter\\nHalket, and the other by Colonel Dunbar. To these were\\njoined a suitable train of artillery, with military supplies\\nand provisions. The General s first head-quarters were at\\nAlexandria, and the troops were .stationed in that place\\nand its vicinity, till they marched for Will s Creek, where they\\narrived about the middle of May. It took four weeks to\\nefl ect that march. In letters written at Will s Creek, General\\nBraddock, with much severity of censure, complained of the\\nlukewarmness of the colonial governments and tardiness of\\nthe people, in facilitating his enterprise, the dishonesty of\\nagents and the faithlessness of contractors. The forces which\\nhe brought together at Will s Creek, however, amounted to\\nsomewhat more than two thousand efiective men, of whom\\nabout one thousand belonged to the royal regiments, and the\\nremainder were furnished by the colonies. In this number\\nwere embraced the fragments of two independent companies\\nfrom New York, one of which was commanded by Captain\\nGates, afterwards a Major-General in the Revolutionary war.\\nThirty sailors had also been granted for the expedition by\\nAdmiral Keppel, who commanded the squadron that brought\\nover the two regiments.\\nAt this post the army was detained three weeks, nor could\\nit then have moved, had it not been for the energetic personal\\nservices of Franklin, among the Pennslyvania farmers, in pro-", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "94 Braddock s Defeat. 1755.\\ncuring horses and wagons to transport the artillery, provisions\\nand baggage.\\nThe details of the march Mere well described in Colonel\\nWashington s letters. The army was separated into two\\ndivisions. The advanced division, under General Braddock,\\nconsisted of twelve hundred men, besides officers. The other,\\nunder Colonel Dunbar, was left in the rear, to proceed by\\nslower marches. On the 8th of July, the General arrived\\nwith his division, all in excellent health and spirits, at the\\njunction of the Youghiogheny and Monongahela rivers. At\\nthis place Colonel Washington joined the advance division,\\nbeing but partially recovered from a severe attack of fever,\\nwhich had been the cause of his remaining behind. The\\nofficers and soldiers were now in the highest spirits, and firm\\nin the conviction, that they should within a few hours, vic-\\ntoriously enter the walls of Fort Du Quesne.\\nThe steep and rugged grounds on the north side of the\\nMonongahela prevented the army from marching in that di-\\nrection, and it was necessary in approaching the Fort, now\\nabout fifteen miles distant, to ford the river twice, and march\\npart of the way on the south side. Early on the morning of\\nthe 9th, all things were in readiness, and the whole train pass-\\ned through the river a little below the mouth of the Youghio-\\ngheny, and proceeded in perfect order along the southern mar-\\ngin of the INIonongahcla.\\nWashington was often heard to say during his lifetime, that\\nthe most beautiful spectacle that he ever beheld was the dis-\\nplay of the British troops on this eventful morning. Every man\\nwas neatly dressed in full uniform, the soldiers were arranged\\nin columns and marched in exact order, the sun gleamed from\\ntheir burnished arms, the river flowed tranquilly on their\\nright, and the deep forest overshadowed them with solemn\\ngrandeur on their left. Officers and men were equally in-\\nspired with cheering hopes and confident anticipations.\\nIn this manner they marched forward till about noon, when\\nthey arrived at the second crossing place, ten miles from Fort\\nDu Quesne. They halted but a little time, and then began\\nto ford the river and regain its northern bank. As soon as\\nthey had crossed, they came upon a level plain, elevated but\\na few leet above the surface of the rivei-, and extending\\nnorthward nearly half a mile from its margin. Then com-\\nmenced a gradual ascent at an angle of about three degrees,\\nwhich terminated in hills of a considerable height at no great\\ndistance beyond. The road from the fording place to Fort Du\\nQuesne, led across the })liiin and up this ascent, and thence\\nproceeded through an uneven country, at that time covered\\nwith woods.\\nBy the order of march, a body of three hundred men, under\\nColonel Gage, afterwards General Gage, of Boston memory,", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "1755. Braddock s Defeat. 95\\nmade the advanced party, which was immediately followed\\nby another of two hundred. Next came the General with\\nthe columns of artillery, the main body of the army, and the\\nbaggag-e. At one o clock the whole had passed the river, and\\nalmost at this moment a sharp firing was heard upon the ad-\\nvance parties, who were now ascending the hill, and had got\\nforward about a hundred yards from the termination of the\\nplain. A heavy discharge of musketry was poured in upon\\ntheir front, which was the first intelligence they had of the\\nproximity of an enemy, and this was suddenly followed by\\nanother on their right flank. They were filled with great con-\\nsternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the firing seemed to\\nproceed from an invisible foe. They fired in their turn, how-\\never, but quite at random, and obviously without effect, as\\nthe enemy kept up a discharge in quick, continued succession.\\nThe General advanced speedily to the relief of these de-\\ntachments; but before he could reach the spot which they oc-\\ncupied, they gave way and fell back upon the artillery and\\nthe other columns of the army, causing extreme confusion,\\nand striking the whole mass with such a panic, that no order\\ncould afterwards be restored. The General and the officers\\nbehaved with the utmost courage, and used every efl^ort to\\nrally the men, and bring them to order, but all in vain. In\\nthis state they continued nearly three hours, huddling together\\nin confused bodies, firing irregularly, shooting down their own\\nofficers and men, and doing no perceptible harm to the enemy.\\nThe Virginia provincials were the only troops who seemed to\\nretain their senses, and they behaved with a bravery and reso-\\nlution worthy of a better fate. They adopted the Indian\\nmode, and fought each man for himself behind a tree. This\\nwas prohibited by the General, who endeavored to form his\\nmen into platoons and columns, as if they had been manoeu-\\nvring on the plains of Flanders. Meantime the French and\\nIndians, concealed in the ravines and behind trees, kept up a\\ndeadly and unceasing discharge of musketry, singling out\\ntheir objects, taking deliberate aim, and producing a carnage\\nalmost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare. More\\nthan half of the whole army, which had crossed the river in so\\nproud an array, only three hours before, were killed or wound-\\ned the General himself had received a mortal wound, and\\nmany of his best officers had fallen by his side.\\nIn describing the action a few days afterwards, Colonel\\nOrme wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania The men\\nwere so extremely deaf to the exhortations of the General and\\nthe officers, that they fired away in the most irregular manner\\nall their ammunition, and then ran off leaving to the enemy\\nthe artillery, ammunition, provisions and baggage nor could\\nthey be persuaded to stop till they had got as far as Gist s plan-\\ntation, nor there only in part, many of them proceeding as far", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "96 B ruddock s Defeat. 1755.\\nas Colonel Dunbar s party, Avho lay six miles on this side. The\\nofficers were absolutely sacrificed by their good behavior, ad-\\nvancing sometimes in bodies, sometimes separately, hoping\\nby such example to engage the soldiers to follow them, but to\\nno purpose. The General had five horses shot under him,\\nand at last received a wound through his right arm into his\\nlungs, of which he died the l3th instant. Secretary Shirley\\nwas shot through the head Captain JMorris, wounded, Colonel\\nWashington had tv\u00c2\u00bbo horses shot under him, and his clothes\\nshot through in several places, behaving the whole time with\\nthe greatest courage and resolution. Sir Peter Ilalket was\\nkilled upon the spot. Colonel Burton and Sir John St. Clair\\nwere wounded. In addition to these, the other field officers\\nwounded were Lieutenant-Colonel Gage, (afterwards so well\\nknown as the commander of the British forces in Boston, at\\nthe beginning of the Revolution,) Culonel Orme, Major Sparks,\\nand Brigade Major Halket. Ten Captains were killed, and\\ntwenty-two wounded the whole number of officers in the\\nengagement was eighty-six, of whom twenty-six were killed,\\nand thirty-seven wounded. The killed and wounded of the\\nprivates amounted to seven hundred and fourteen. Of these\\nat least one-half were supposed to be killed. Their bodies\\nleft on the field of action were stripped and scalped by the\\nIndians. All the artillery, amnmuition, provisions, and bag-\\ngage, every thing in the train of the army, fell into the ene-\\nmy s hands, and were given up to be pillaged by the savages.\\nGeneral Braddock s papers wtre also taken, among which\\nwere his instructions and correspondence with the ministry\\nafter his arrival in Virginia. The same fate befell the j)apej S\\nof Colonel Washington, including a private journal and his\\nofiicial correspondence, during his campaign of the preceding\\nyear.\\nM. de Contreccpur, the commandant of Fort Du Quesne,\\nreceived early intelligence of the arrival of General Braddock\\nand the British regiments in A irginia. After his removal from\\nWill s Creek, French and Indian scouts Mere constantly abroad,\\nwho watched his motions, repoited the progress of his march,\\nand tlie route he was pursuing. His army was represented to\\nconsist of three thousand men. M. de Contrecoeur was hesi-\\ntating what measures to take, believing his small force wholly\\ninadequate to encounter so formidable an enemy, when jM. de\\nBeaujeu, a Captain in the French service, proposed to head a\\ndetachment of French and Indians, and meet the enemy in\\ntheir march. The consent of the Indians was first obtained.\\nA large body of them was then encamj ed in the vicinity of\\nthe Fort, and M. de Beaujeu opened to them his plan, and re-\\nquested their aid. This they at first declined, giving as a\\nreason the superior force of the enemy, and the impossibility\\nof success. But at the pressing solicitation of JM. de Beaujeu,", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "1755. Braddock s Defeat. 97\\nthey agreed to hold a council on the subject, and talk with him\\nagain the next morning. They still adhered to their first de-\\ncision, and M hen M. de Bcaujeu went out among them to in-\\nquire the result of their deliberations, they told him a second\\ntime they could not go. This was a severe disappointment\\nto M. de Bcaujeu, who had set his heart upon the enterprise.\\nand was resolved to prosecute it. Being a man of great good\\nnature, affability, and ardor, and much beloved by the savages,\\nhe said to them, I am determined to go out and meet the\\nenemy. What will you suffer your father to go out alone\\nI am sure we shall conquer. With this spirited harangue,\\ndelivered in a manner that pleased the Indians, and won upon\\ntheir confidence, he subdued their unwillingness, and they\\nagreed to accompany him.\\nIt was now the 7th of July, and news came that the English\\nwere within six leagues of the Fort. This day and the next\\nwere spent in making preparations, and reconnoitering the\\nground for attack. Two other Captains, Dumas and Liquery\\nwere joined with M. deBeaujeu, and also four Lieutenants, six\\nEnsigns and two Cadets. On the morning of the 9th they\\nwere all in readiness, and began their march at an early\\nhour. It seems to have been their first intention to make a\\nstand at the ford, and annoy the English while crossing the\\nriver, and then retreat to the ambuscade on the side of\\nthe hill where the contest actually commenced. The trees\\non the bank of the river afforded a good opportunity to\\neftect this measure, in the Indian mode of warfare, since the\\nartillery could be of little avail against an enemy, where every\\nman was protected by a tree, and at the same time the En-\\nglish would be exposed to a point blank musket shot in fording\\nthe river. As it happened, however, M. de Beaujeu and his\\nparty did not arrive in time to execute this part of the plan.\\nThe English were preparing to cross the river, when the\\nFrench and Indians reached the defiles on the rising ground,\\nwhere they posted themselves, and waited until Braddock s\\nadvanced columns came up. This was the signal for the at-\\ntack, which was made at first in front, and repelled by so heavy\\na discharge from the British, that the Indians believed it pro-\\nceeded from artillery, and showed symptoms of wavering and\\nretreat. At this moment M. de Beaujeu was killed, and the\\ncommand devolving on M. Dumas, he showed great presence\\nof mind in rallying the Indians, and ordered his oiFicers to\\nlead them to the wings and attack the enemy in the flank,\\nwhile he with the French troops would m.aintain the position\\nin front. This order was promptly obeyed, and the attack be-\\ncame general. The action was warm and severely contested\\nfor a short time; but the English fought in the European method,\\nfiring at random, which had little efi ect in the woods, while\\nthe Indians fired from concealed places, took aim, and almost", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "98 Braddock s Defeat. 1755.\\nevery shot brought down a man. The English columns soon\\ngot into confusion the yell of the savages with which the\\nwood:;; resounded, struck terror into the hearts of the soldiers,\\ntill at length they took to flight, and resisted all the endeavors\\nof their ollicers to restore any degree of order in their escape.\\nThe route was complete, and the fi(dd of battle was left cov-\\nered with the dead and wounded, and all the artillery, ammu-\\nnition, provisions, and baggage of the English army. The\\nIndians gave themselves up to pillage, which prevented them\\nfrom pursuing the English in their flight.\\nSuch is the substance of the accounts written at the time\\nby the French officers and sent home to their Government.\\nIn regard to the numbers engaged, there are some slight varia-\\ntions in the three statements. The largest number reported\\nis two hundred and fifty French and Canadians, and six hun-\\ndred Indians. If we take a medium, it will make the whole\\nnumber led out by M. de Beaujeu, at least eight hundred and\\nfifty. \\\\xi an imperfect return, three officers were stated to be\\nkilled, and four wounded about thirty soldiers and Indians\\nkilled, and as many wounded. When these facts are taken\\ninto view, the result of the action will appear much less\\nwonderful, than has generally been supposed. And this won-\\nder will still be diminished, when another circumstance is\\nrecurred to, worthy of particular consideration, and that is,\\nthe shape of the ground upon which the battle was fought.\\nThis part of the description, so essential to the understanding\\nof militar} operations, and above all in the present instance,\\nhas never been touched upon, it is believed, by any writer.\\nWe have seen that Braddock s advanced columns, after cross-\\ni ng the valley extending nearly half a mile from the margin\\nof the river, began to move up a hill, so uniform in its ascent,\\nthat it was little else than an inclined plane of a somewhat\\ncrowning form. Down this inclined surface extended two\\nravines, beginning near together, at about one hundred and\\nfifty yards from the bottom of the hill, and proceeding in dif-\\nferent dircctionfi till they terminated in the valley below. In\\nthese ravines the French and Indians were concealed and pro-\\ntected. At this day they are from eight to ten feet deep, and\\nsufficient in extent to contain at least ten thousand men. At\\nthe time of the battle, the ground was covered with trees and\\nlong grass, so that the ravines were entirely hidden from view,\\ntill they were approached within a few feet. Indeed, at the\\npresent day, although the place is cleared from trees, and con-\\nverted into pasture, they arc perceptible only at a very short\\ndistance. By this knowledge of the local peculiarities of the\\nbattle ground, the mystery, that the British conceived them-\\nselves to be contending with an invisible Ibe, is solved. Such\\nwas literally the fact. They were so paraded between the\\nravines, that their whole front and right flank were exposed", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "1755. Braddocts Defeat. 99\\nto the incessant fire of the enemy, who discharged their mus-\\nkets over the edge of the ravines, concealed during the opera-\\ntion b}^ the grass and bushes, and protected b}^ an invisible\\nbarrier below the surface of the earth. William Butler, a\\nveteran soldier still living (1832,) who was in this action, and\\nafterwards at the plains of Abraham, said to me, We could\\nonly tell where the enemy were by the smoke of their mus-\\nkets. A few scattering Indians were behind trees, and some\\nwere killed venturing out to take scalps, but much the larger\\nportion fought wholly in the ravines.\\nIt is not probable, that either General Braddock, or any one\\nof his officers suspected the actual situation of the enemy,\\nduring the whole bloody contest. It was a fault with the\\nGeneral, for which no apology can be oflered, that he did not\\nkeep scouts and guards in advance and on the wings of the\\narmy, who would have made all proper discoveries before the\\nwhole had been brought into a snare. This neglect was the\\nprimary cause of his defeat; which might have been avoided.\\nHad he charged with the bayonet, the ravine would have\\nbeen cleared instantly or had he brought his artillery to the\\npoints where the ravines terminated in the valley, and scoured\\nthem with grape-shot, the same consequence would have fol-\\nlowed.\\nBut the total insubordination of his troops Vv ould have\\nprevented both these movements, even if he had become ac-\\nquainted with the ground in the early part of the action. The\\ndisasters of this day, and the fate of the commander, brave\\nand resolute as he undoubtedly was, are to be ascribed to his\\ncontempt of Indian warfare, his overweening confidence in\\nthe prowess of veteran troops, his obstinate self-complacency,\\nhis disregard of prudent counsel, and his negligence in leaving\\nhis army exposed to a surprise on their march, lie freely con-\\nsulted Colonel Washington, whose experience and judgment,\\nnotwithstanding his youth, claimed the highest respect for his\\nopinions but the General gave little heed to his advice.\\nWhile on his march, George Croghan, the Indian interpreter,\\njoined him with one hundred friendl} Indians, who oti ered\\ntheir services. These were accepted in so cold a manner, and\\nthe Indians themselves treated with so much neglect, that\\nthey deserted him one after another. Washington pressed\\nupon him the importance of these men, and the necessity of\\nconciliating and retaining them, but without effect.\\n[A report has prevailed in Western Pennsylvania, that\\nBraddock was shot by a pi ovincial soldier, whose brother had\\nbeen sentenced and shot by a court-martial, and an old man\\ndied a few years since who made this claim.]\\nWhen the battle was over, and the remnant of Biaddock s\\narmy had gained, in their flight, the opposite bank of the\\nriver, Colonel Washington was dispatched by the General to", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "100 Testimony of Smith. 1756.\\nmeet Colonel Dunbar, and order forward wagons for the\\nwounded with all possible speed. But it was not till the\\n11th, after they had reached Gist s plantation with great dif-\\nficulty and much sullering from hunger, that any arrived.\\nThe General was first brought off in a tumbril he was next\\nput on horse-back, but being unable to I idc, was obliged to be\\ncarried by the soldiers. They all reached Dunbar s camp, to\\nwhich the panic had already extended, and a day was passed\\nthere in great confusion. The artillery was destroyed, and\\nthe public stores and heavy baggage were burnt, by whose\\norder was never known. They moved forward on the 13th,\\nand that night General Braddock died, and was buried in the\\nroad, for the purpose of concealing his body from the Indians.\\nThe spot is still pointed out, within a few yards of the present\\nnational road, and about a mile Mxst of the site of Fort A^eces-\\nsity at the great meadows. Captain Stewart, of the Virginia\\nforces, had taken particular charge of him from the time he was\\nwounded till his death. On the 17th, the sick and wounded\\narrived at Fort Cumberland, and were soon after joined by\\nColonel Dunbar with the remaining fragments of the army.\\nThe French sent out a party as far as Dunbar s camp, and\\ndestroyed every thing that was left. Colonel Washington\\nbeing in very feeble health, proceeded in a few days to Mount\\nVernon.\\n[Col. James Smith was a prisoner at Fort Du Quesne at the\\ntime of this celebrated battle, and gives in his Narrative a\\nparticular account of the return of the parties of the French\\nand Indians. He saw them when the} went out to the field\\nand when they returned, and witnessed the horrid scene of\\nburning their prisoners. The insertion cannot add to the\\ntestimony already adduced, nor cast any additional light on\\nthe disaster to the British and colonial troops.]\\nAlthough the doings of 1755, recorded above, could not well\\nbe looked on as of a very amicable character, war was not\\ndeclared by either France or England, until May the following\\nyear; and even then France was the last to proclaim the con-\\ntest which she had been so long carrying on, though more than\\nthree hundred of her merchant vessels had been taken by\\nBritish privateers. The c;iuses of this proceeding are not\\nvery clear to us. France thought, beyond doubt, that George\\nwould fear to declare war, because Hanover was so exposed to\\nattack but why the British movements, upon the sea par-\\nticularly, did not lead to the declaration on the part of France,\\nis not easily suggested. Early in 1756, however, both king-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "1756. Expedition of Major Lewis. 101\\ndoms formed alliances in Europe; France with Austria, Rus-\\nsia, and Sweden England with the Great Frederic. And then\\ncommenced forthwith the Seven Years War, wherein most of\\nEurope, North America, and the East and West Indies par-\\ntook and suffered.\\nInto the details of that war we cannot enter; not even into\\nthose of the contest of North America. In Virginia many\\nthings worthy of notice took place, but most of them took\\nplace east of the mountains among western events we find\\nonly the following Immediately after Braddock s defeat, the\\nIndians began to push their excursions across the mountains,\\nso that in April, 1756, Washington writes from Winchester\\nThe Blue Ridge is now our frontier, no men being left in this\\ncounty (Frederick) except a few who keep close, with a num-\\nber of women and children, in forts. Under these, or similar\\ncircumstances, it was deemed advisable to send an expedition\\nagainst the Indian towns upon the Ohio Major Lewis, in\\nJanuary 1756, was appointed to command the troops to be\\nused in the proposed irruption, and the point aimed at was\\napparently the upper Shavvanese town,* situated on the Ohio\\nthree miles above the mouth of the Great Kanahwa.j The\\nattempt proved a failure, in consequence, it is said, of the\\nswollen state of the streams, and the treachery of the guides,\\nand Major Lewis and his party suffered greatly. J Of this\\nexpedition, however, we have no details, unless it be, as we\\nsuspect, the same with the Sandj^ Creek voyage, described\\nby Withers, in his Border warfare, as occurring in 1757, during\\nwhich year Washington s letters make no reference to any\\nthing of the kind. Withers, moreover, says, the return of the\\nparty was owing to orders from Governor Fauquier; but Din-\\nwiddle did not leave until .January, 1758.\u00c2\u00a7\\nUpon a larger scale it was proposed during 1756, to attack\\nCrown Point, Niagara, and Fort du Quesne, but neither was\\nThe lower Shawanese town was just below the mouth of the Scioto. See Croghan s\\nJournal Butler s Kentucky, second edition, 472.\\nt Sparks Wiishington, ii. 527.\\nJ Sparks Washington, ii. 125, 135, 136.\\nj Sparks Washington, ii. 270. Had the return been owing to the Governor s orders\\nwould Lieutenant M Nutt, as Withers states, have presented his journal blaming Lewis\\nfor returning, to the very Governor whose commands he obeyed? Border Warfare 65.\\nMr. L. E. Draper wrote Mr. Perkins he had complete proof from the MS. journal of\\nCol. William Treston of this Sandy Creek expedition, and that it occuiTed in 17J!)., as\\nwo have corrected the Text. Ed.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "102 Fort DiL Qiicsnc Taken. 1758.\\nattacked for Montcalm took the forts at Oswego, which he\\ndestroyed, to quiet the jealousy of the Iroquois, within whose\\nterritory they were built, and this stroke seemed to paralyze\\nall arms. One bold blow was made by Armstrong at Kittan-\\ning, on the Allegheny, in September,* and the frontiers of\\nPennsylvania for a time were made safe but otherwise the\\nyear in America wore out with little result.\\nDuring the next year, 1757, nothing took place, but the\\ncapture of Fort William Henry, by Montcalm, and the mas-\\nsacre of its garrison by his Indians a scene, of which the\\nreaders of Cooper s Last of the Mohicans need scarce be\\nreminded. This, and the near destruction of the British fleet\\nby a gale, off Louisburg, were the leading events of this dark\\nseason: and no wonder that fear and despair sank deep into the\\nhearts of the colonists. Xor was it in America alone, that Bri-\\ntain sutfcred during that summer. On the continent, Frederic\\nwas borne down; in the Mediterranean, the navy of England\\nhad been defeated, and all was dark in the East; and, to add\\nto the weight of these misfortunes, many of them came upon\\nPitt, the popular minister.*\\nBut the year 1758 opened under a new star. On sea and\\nland, in Asia, Europe and America, Britain regained what\\nbad been lost. The Austrians, Russians and Swedes, all gave\\nway before the great Captain of Prussia, and Pitt sent his\\nown strong, and hopeful, and energetic spirit into his subal-\\nterns. In North America, Louisburg yielded to Boscawen\\nFort Frontenac was taken by Bradstreet; and Du Quesne\\nwas abandoned upon the approach of Forbes through Penn-\\nsylvania. From that time, the post at the Fork of the Ohio\\nwas Fort Pitt.\\nIn this last capture, as more particularly connected with\\nthe West, we are now chiefly interested. The details of the\\ngathering and the march may be seen in the letters of Wash-\\nington, who, in opposition to Colonel Bouquet, was in favor\\nof crossing the mountains by Braddock s road, whereas. Bou-\\nquet wished to cut a new one through Pennsylvania. In this\\nHolmes Annals, vol. ii. p. 73. Bulk s Virginia, vol. iii. p. 221. Day s Historical Col-\\nlection! of Pcnnsj-lvania, 96. Ilolmos, (referring to New York Historical Collections, iii.\\n399,) snys tlie Ohio Indians had already killed one thousand persons on the frontier\\nArmstrong diil not, however, diwtroy more than forty savages.\\nfile returned to oflSce, June 29th, 1757.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "1758 Route to Pennsylvania. 103\\ndivision, Bouquet was listened to by the General; and late in\\nthe season a new route was undertaken, by which such delays\\nand troubles were produced, that the whole expedition came\\nnear proving a failure. Braddock s road had, in early times,\\nbeen selected by the most experienced Indians and frontier\\nmen as the most favorable whereby to cross the^mountains,\\nbeing nearly the route by which the national road has been\\nsince carried over them. In 1753, it was opened by the Ohio\\nCompany. It was afterward improved by the Provincial\\ntroops under Washington, and was finished by Braddock s\\nengineers and this route was now to be given up, and a\\nwholly new one opened, probably, as Washington suggested,\\nthrough Pennsylvania influence, that her frontiers might there-\\nby be protected, and a way opened for her traders. The\\nhardships and dangers of the march from llaystown to Fort\\nDu Quesne, where the British van arrived upon the 25th of\\nNovember, may be seen slightl}^ pictured by the letters of\\nWashington and the second journal of Post,t and may be\\nmore vividly conceived by those who have passed through the\\nvalley of the upper Juniata. J\\nBut, turning from this march, let us look at the position of\\nthings in the West, during the autumn of 1758. We have\\nsaid, that in the outset the French did their utmost to alienate\\nthe Six Nations and Delawares from their old connexion with\\nthe British and so politic were their movements, so accurate\\ntheir knowledge of Indian character, that they fully succeeded.\\nThe English, as we have seen, had made some foolish and in-\\niquitous attempts to get a claim to the western lands, and by\\nrum and bumbo had even obtained grants of those lands but\\nwhen the rum had evaporated, the wild men saw how they\\nhad been deceived, and listened not unwillingly to the French\\nprofessions of friendship, backed as they were by presents and\\npoliteness, and accompanied by no attempts to buy or wheedle\\nland from them.\u00c2\u00a7 Early, therefore, many of the old allies of\\nEngland joined her enemies; and the treaties of Albany,\\n^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 102.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0fProud s Pennsylvania, vol. ii. Appendix.\\nJGen. Forbes waa so sick on this march as to be carried on a litter. He died in Phila-\\ndelphia a few days after the British took possession of Fort Du Quetnc, now Pittsburgh.\\n\u00c2\u00a7Seo Post s Journals; Pownall s Memoir on Service in North America.", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "104 Disafcclion of the Indians. 1758.\\nJohnson Hall, and Easton, did little ornothing towards stop-\\nping the desolation of the frontiers of Pennsylvania. Mary-\\nland, and Virginia. The Quakers always believed, that this\\nstate of enmity between the Delawares and themselves, or\\ntheir rulers, might be prevented by a little friendly com-\\nmunion; but the peisuasions of the French, the renegade\\nEngUsh traders, and others who had gone to the West, were\\ngreat obstacles to any friendly conversation on the one side,\\nand the co.mmon feeling among the whites was an equal diffi-\\nculty on the other. In the autumn of 1756, a treaty w^as held\\nat Easton with the Pennsylvania Delawares.f and peace\\nagreed to. But this did not bind the Ohio Indians even of the\\nsame nation, much less the Shawanese and Mingoes and\\nthough the Sachem of the Pennsylvania savages, Teedyuscung,\\npromised to call his western relatives with a loud voice, they\\ndid not, or would not hear him; the tomahawk and brand\\nstill shone among the rocky mountain fastnesses of the inte-\\nrior. or ci^ A ny heart but pity the red men. They knew\\nnot whom to believe, nor where to look for a true friend.\\nThe French said they came to defend them from the English\\nthe English said they came to defend them from the French\\nand between the two powers they were wasting away, and\\ntheir homes disappearing before them. The kings of France\\nand England, said Teedyuscung, have settled this land so as\\nto coop us up as if in a pen. This very ground that is under\\nme was my land and inheritance, and is taken from me by\\nfraud. Such being the feeling of the natives, and success\\nbeing of late nearly balanced between the two European pow-\\ners, no wonder that they hung doubting, and knew not which\\nway to turn. The French wished the eastern Delawares to\\nmove west, so as to bring them within their intiuence :J and the\\nBritish tried to persuade them to prevail on their western\\nbrethren to leave their new allies and be at peace.\\nIn 175S, the condition of allaii-s being a,s stated, and Forbes\\n*MaEy treaties irere niaJe between 175.3 and 175S, which amounted to little or nothing.\\nSee Mas.=achusetu Hi.-torieal Collection?, toI. vii. p. 97. Sp irks Franklin, vol. iii. pp. 4o6\\n450. 471. Pniud s Pennsylvania, vol. ii. app. Friendly Association s Address, and Pott s,\\nJournals. There were two Ea^tun treaties: one with the Penn-ylvania Delawares, in 1756,\\nthe other with all the Indians in 1758. See, also, in Proud s Pennsylvania, vol. ii. p. 331,\\nan inquiry into the caases of quarrel with the Indians, and extracts from treaties, e.\\nt Sparks Franklin, vol. vii. p. 125.\\nJUeckewelder i Narrative, p. 53.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "1758. C. F. Post sent West. 105\\narmy on the eve of starting for Fort Du Quesne, and the\\nFrench being also disheartened by the British success else-\\nwhere, and their force at Du Quesne weak, it was determined to\\nmake an effort to draw the western Indians over, and thereby\\nstill further to weaken the force that would oppose General\\nForbes. It was no easy matter, however, to find a true and\\ntrustworthy man, whose courage, skill, ability, knowledge,\\nand physical power, would fit him for such a mission. He\\nwas to pass through a wilderness filled with doubtful friends,\\ninto a country filled with open enemies. The whole French\\ninterest v/ould be against him, and the Indians of the Ohio\\nwere little to be trusted. Every stream on his way had been\\ndyed with blood, every hill-side had rung with the death-yell,\\nand grown red in the light of burning huts. The man who\\nwas last chosen was a Moravian, who had lived among the\\nsavages seventeen years, and married among them his name\\nChristian Frederic Post. Of his journey, sufferings, and\\ndoings, we have his own journal, though Heckewelder tells\\nus, that those parts which redound most to his own credit, he\\nomitted when printing it. He left Philadelphia upon the 15th\\nof July, 1758; and, against the protestations of Teedyuscung,\\nwho said he would surely lose his life, proceeded up the Sus-\\nquehanna, passing many plantations deserted and laid\\nwaste. Upon the 7th of August, he came to the Allegheny,\\nopposite French Creek, and was forced to pass under the\\nvery eyes of the garrison of Fort Venango, but was not mo-\\nlested. From Venango he went to Kushkushkee, which\\nwas on or near Big Beaver Creek. This place, he says,\\ncontained ninety houses and two hundred able warriors.\\nAt this place Post had much talk with the chiefs, who seemed\\nwell disposed, but somewhat afraid of the French. The great\\nconference, however, it was determined, should be held oppo-\\nsite Fort Du Quesne, where there were Indians of eight na-\\ntions. The messenger was at first unwilling to go thither,\\nfearing the French would seize him but the savages said,\\nthey would carry him in their bosom, he need fear nothing,\\nand they well redeemed this promise. On the 24th of August,\\nPost, with his Indian friends, reached the point opposite the\\nFort and there immediately followed a series of speeches,\\nexplanations and agreements, for which we must refer to his\\nJournal. At first he was received rather hardly by an old\\n7", "height": "3343", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "106 Conference at Fort Du Quesnc. 1758.\\nand deaf Onondago, who claimed the land whereon they\\nstood as belonging to the Six Nations but a Delaware re-\\nbuked him in no very polite terms. That man speaks not\\nas a man, he said he endeavors to frighten us by saying\\nthis ground is his; he dreams he and his father (the French)\\nhave certainly drank too much liquor they are drunk pray\\nlet them go to sleep till they are sober. You do not know\\nwhat your o\\\\^ n nation does at home, how much they have to\\nsay to the English. You are quite rotten. You stink. You\\ndo nothing but smoke your pipe here. Go to sleep with your\\nfather, and when you are sober we will speak to you.\\nIt was clear that the Delawares, and indeed all the western\\nIndians, were wavering in their affection for the French and,\\nthough some opposition was made to a union with the colo-\\nnists, the general feeling, produced by the prospect of a quick\\napproach of Forbes army, and by the truth and kindness of\\nPost himself, was in favor of England. The Indians, howev-\\ner, complained bitterly of the disposition which the whites\\nshowed in claiming and seizing their lands. Why did you\\nnot fight your battles at home or on the sea, instead of coming\\ninto our country to fight them they asked, again and again\\nand were mournful when they thought of the future. Your\\nheart is good, they said to Post, you speak sincerely but\\nwe know there is always a great number who wish to get\\nrich; thc} have enough; look! we do not want to be rich,\\nand take away what others have. The white people think\\nwe have no brains in our heads; that they are big, and we a\\nlittle handful but remember, when you hunt for a rattlesnake\\nyou cannot find it, and perhaps it will bite you before you see\\nit. When the war of Pontiac came, this saying might have\\nbeen justly remembered.\\nAt length, having concluded a pretty definite peace, Post\\nturned toward Philadelphia, setting out upon the 9th of Sep-\\ntember and, after the greatest sufierings and perils from\\nFrench scouts and Indians, reached the settlements unin-\\njured-\\nWhile Post was engaged upon his dangerous mission, the\\nvan of Forbes army was pressing slowly forward under the\\nheats of August from Raystown, (Bedford,)* toward Loyal-\\nhanna, hewing their way as they went. Early in September,\\nSparks* Washington, ii. 312.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "1758. Major Grant Defeated. 107\\nthe General reached Raystovvn, whither he had also ordered\\nWashington, who had till then been kept inactive among his\\nsick troops at Fort Cumberland. Meantime two officers of the\\nfirst Virginia regiment had gone sepji,rately, each with his\\nparty, to reconnoitre Fort du Quesne, and had brought ac-\\ncounts of its condition up to the 13th of August.* It being\\ndeemed desirable, however, to have fuller statements than\\nthey were able to give, a party of eight hundred men under\\nMaj. Grant, with whom wxntMaj. Andrew Lewis of Virginia,\\nw^as pushed forward to gain the desired information. Grant\\nappears to have exceeded his orders, which were merely to ob-\\ntain all the knowledge relative to the French which he could\\nand after having unwisely divided his force, he, with equal\\nw^ant of sagacity, brought on an engagement having before\\nhim, perhaps, the vain hope that he should take the fort he\\nwas sent to examine. In the skirmish thus needlessly entered\\ninto, Grant s troops were thrown into confusion by their Indi-\\nan foes. Lewis, who had been left two miles behind, hasten-\\ning forward when he heard the sound of firearms, to relieve\\nhis comrades, was unable to check the rout which had com-\\nmenced, and, together with his commanding officer, wastakea\\nprisoner. Indeed, the whole detachment would have shared\\ntheir fate, had not Capt. Bullitt, w^ith his fifty Virginians res-\\ncued them. Ordering his men to lower their arms, this able\\nofficer waited until the Indians, who thought the little band,\\nabout to yield, were in full view, then giving the word, poured,\\nupon the enemy a deadly fire, which was instantly followed\\nby a charge with bayonet, a proceeding so unlooked for\\nand so iatal as to lead to the complete rout of the assailants.\\nThis conduct of the Virginians was much admired, and Wash.-\\nington received publicly the compliments of the Commander-\\nin Chief on account of it.f\\nOctober had now arrived, and Washington was engaged in\\nopening the road toward the Fork of the Ohio. On the 5th of\\nNovember, he was still at Loyalhanna, where at one time the\\nGeneral thought of spending the winter; on the 15th, he was\\nat Chesnut ridge, advancing from four to eight miles a day\\n*3ee map in Sparks Washington, ii.; also plate and account in Am. Pioneer, ii. 147.\\nISp.arks Washington; ii. 313; note. Butler s Kentucky,, 2J edition, Introduction, xliv.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Marshall s Life of Washington, (edition 1S04, rhiladelphia,) ii. 66. This defeat oc-\\ncurred, September 21. Washington commanded all the Virginia troops.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "108 Fort Du Quesne Taken. 1758.\\nand in ten days more stood where Fort Du Quesne had been\\nthe French having destroyed it, when they embarked for the\\nlower posts on the Ohio the preceding day.\\n[Another great Indian council was held at Easton, Pa.,\\n(1758) in October, at which peace was concluded with the\\ncolonists. Here were the chiefs of the Six Nations, (the\\nTuscaroras having joined the confederacy in 1715,) and their\\nallies. Post, the Moravian, was sent back with this treaty,\\nwith the messengers to the West, within five weeks after his\\nreturn.*] lie followed after Gen. Forbes, from whom he re-\\nceived messages to the various tribes, with which he once\\nmore sought their chiefs and was again very instrumental in\\npreventing any junction of the Indians with the French. In-\\ndeed, but for Post s mission, there would in all probability\\nhave been gathered a strong force of western savages to way-\\nlay Forbes and defend Fort Du Quesne in which case, so ad-\\nverse was the season and the way, so wearied the men, and so\\nbadly managed the whole business, that there would have\\nbeen great danger of a second Braddock s field so that\\nour humble Moravian friend played no unimportant part in\\nsecuring again to his British Majesty the key to western\\nAmerica.\\nWith the fall of Fort Du Quesne, all direct contest between\\nthe French and British in the West ceased. From that time,\\nCanada was the only scene of operations, though garrisons\\nfor a while remained in the forts on French Creek. In 1759,\\nTiconderoga, Crown Point, Niagara, and at length Quebec\\nitself yielded to the English; and, on the 8th of September,\\n1760, Montreal, Detroit, and all Canada were given up by\\nVaudreuil, the French governor.\\nBut the French had not been the only dwellers in western\\nAmerica; and when they were gone, the colonists still saw\\nbefore them clouds of dark and jealous warriors. Indeed, no\\nsooner were the Delawares quiet in the north, than the Chero-\\nkees, who had been assisting Virginia against her foes, were\\nroused to war by the thoughtless and cruel conduct of the fron-\\ntier men, who shot several of that tribe, because they took\\nsome horses which they found running at large in the woods.\\n\u00c2\u00bbSce a note in Burk s History of Virginia, vol. iii, p. 2.39. American Pioneer, i. 2Ai,\\ntaken from the Annual Register for 1759, p. 191.^ The Iroquois were angry at the promi-\\nnence of Teedyuscung in this treaty.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "1760. Settlements in the West Resumed. 109\\nThe ill-feeling bred by this act was eagerly fostered by the\\nFrench in Louisiana and, while Amherst and Wolfe were\\npushing the war into Canada, the frontiers of Georgia, the\\nCarolinas and Virginia, were writhing under the horrors of\\nIndian invasion. This Cherokee war continued through 1760,\\nand into 1761, but was terminated in the summer of the last-\\nnamed year by Colonel Grant. We should be glad, did it\\ncome within our province, to enter somewhat at large into the\\nevents of it, as then came forward two of the most remarka-\\nble chiefs of that day, the Great Warrior and the Little Car-\\npenter (xlttakullakuUa); but we must first refer our readers to\\nthe second volume of Thatcher s Indian Biography.\\nAlong the frontiers of Pennsylvania and northern Virginia,\\nthe old plantations had been, one by one, reoccupied since\\n175S, and settlers were slowly pushing further into the Indian\\ncountry, and traders were once more bearing their burdens\\nover the mountains, and finding a way into the wigwams of\\nthe natives, who rested, watching silently, but narrowly, the\\ncourse of their English defenders and allies. For it was, pro-\\nfessedly, in the character of defenders, that Braddock and\\nForbes had come into the West;* and, while every British\\nfinger itched for the lands as well as the furs of the wild men,\\nwith mistaken hypocrisy they would have persuaded them that\\nthe treasure and the life of England had been given to pre-\\nserve her old allies, the Six Nations, and their dependents, the\\nDelawares and Shawanese, from French aggression. But the\\nsavages knew whom they had to deal with, and looked at\\nevery step of the cultivator with jealousy and hate.\\nIn 1760, the Ohio Company once more prepared to pursue\\ntheir old plan, and sent to England for such orders and in-\\nstructions to the Virginia government as would enable them\\nto do so.f During the summer of that year, also, General\\nMonkton, by a treaty at Fort Pitt, obtained leave to build posts\\nwithin the wild lands, each post having ground enough about\\nit to raise corn and vegetables for the use of the garrison. J\\nNor, if we can credit one writer, were the settlements of the\\n^Sparks Franklin, vol. iv. p. 32S. Post s Journal shows how full of jealousy the Indi-\\nans were; see there also Forbes letter, sent by him.\\nfSparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 482. Plain Facts, p. 120, where a letter from the Com-\\npany, dated September 9th, 1761, is given.\\nJ Dated August 20th. Plain Facts, pp. 55, 56.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "110 Major Rogers Crosses the Ohio. 1760.\\nOhio Company, and the forts, the only inroads upon the hunt-\\ning grounds of the savages; for he says, that in 1757, by the\\nbooks of the Secretary of Virginia, three millions of acres had\\nbeen granted west of the mountains. Indeed, we know that\\nin 1758 she tried by law to encourage settlements in the\\nWest and the report of John Blair, Clerk of the Virginia\\nCouncil, in 1768 or 1769, states that most of the grants be-\\nyond the mountains were made before August, 1754.* At\\nany rate, it is clear that the Indians early began to murmur;\\nfor, in 17G2, Bouquet issued his proclamation from Fort Pitt,\\nsaying that the treaty of Easton, in 1758, secured to the red\\nmen all lands west of the mountains as hunting-grounds\\nwherefore he forbids all settlements, and orders the arrest of\\nthe traders and settlers M ho were spreading discontent and\\nfear among the Ohio Indians. f\\nBut if the Ohio Indians were early ill-disposed to the Eng-\\nlish, much more was this the case among the Lake tribes, who\\nhad known only the French, and were strongly attached to\\nthem the Ottaways, Wyandots and Chippeways. The first\\nvisit which they received from the British was after the sur-\\nrender of Vaudreuil, when Major Robert Rogers was sent to\\ntake charge of Detroit. J He left Montreal on the 13th of\\nSeptember, 17G0, and on the 8th of October, reached Presqu\\nIle, where Bouquet then commanded. Thence he went\\nslowly up Lake Eric to Detroit, which place he summoned to\\nyield itself on the 19th of November. It was, if we mistake\\nnot, while waiting for an answer to this summons, that he was\\nvisited by the great Ottawa chieftain, Pontiac, Mho demanded\\nhow the English dared enter his country to which the answer\\nwas given, that they came not to take the country, but to open\\na free way of trade, and to put out the French, who stopped\\ntheir trade. This answer, together with other moderate and\\nkindly words, spoken by Rogers, seemed to lull the rising\\nfears of the savages, and Pontiac promised him his protection.\\nBeleter, meantime, who commanded at Detroit, had not\\nyielded; nay, word was brought to Rogers on the 24th, that\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Contest in North America, by an Iinpartial Hand, p. 3C. Secret Journals, vol. iii. p.\\n187. Plain Facts. Appendix.\\nt Plain Facts, p. 56. Sec Ilcckewelder s Narrative, p. 64.\\nJ Sec his Journal, London, 1765. Also, his Concise Account of North America. Lon-\\ndon. 1765.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "1761. Henry at Mackinac. Ill\\nhis messenger had been confined, and a flag-pole erected,\\nwith a wooden head upon it, to represent Britain, on which\\nstood a crow picking the eyes out, as emblematic of the suc-\\ncess of France. In a few days, however, the commander\\nheard of the fate of the lower posts, and, as his Indians did\\nnot stand by him, on the 29th he yielded. Rogers remained\\nat Detroit until December 23d, under the personal protection\\nof Pontiac, to whose presence he probably owed his safety.\\nFrom Detroit the Major went to the Maumee, and thence\\nacross the present State of Ohio to Fort Pitt; and his Journal\\nof this overland trip is the first we have of such an one in that\\nregion. His route was nearly that given by Hatchins,* in\\nBouquet s Expedition, as the common one from Sandusky\\nto the Fork of the Ohio. It went from Fort Sandusky, where\\nSandusky City now is, crossed the Huron river, then called\\nBald Eagle Creek, to Mohickon John s Town, upon what\\nwe know as Mohicon Creek, the northern branch of White\\nWoman s River, and thence crossed to Beaver s Town, a Del-\\naware town on the west side of the Maskongam Creek,\\nopposite a fine river, which from Hutchins map, we presume\\nwas Sandy Creek. At Beaver s Town were one hundred and\\neighty warriors, and not less than three thousand acres of\\ncleared land. From there the track went up Sandy Creek\\nand across to the Big Beaver, and up the Ohio, through Logs-\\ntown, to Fort Pitt, which place Rogers reached January 23d,\\n1760, precisely one month having,passed while he was upon\\nthe way.\\nIn the spring of the year following Rogers visit, (1761,)\\nAlexander Henry, an English trader, went to Michillimackinac i\\nfor purposes of business, and he found everywhere the strong-\\nest feeling against the English, who had done nothing by\\nword or act to conciliate the Indians. Even then there were\\nthreats of reprisals and war. Having by means of a Canadi-\\nan dress, managed to reach Michillimackinac in safety, he was\\nthere discovered, and was waited on by an Indian chief, who\\nwas, in the opinion of Thatcher, Pontiac himself. This chief,\\nafter conveying to him the idea, that their French father\\nwould soon awake and utterly destroy his enemies, continued:\\nEnglishman Although you have conquered the French,\\nThomas Hutchins, afterwards Geographer of the United States, was, in 1 G4, assistant\\nengineer in Bouquet s expedition.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "Hi Treaty at Paris. 1763.\\nou have not conquered us We are not your slaves These\\nlakes, these woods, these mountains, were left to us by our an-\\ncestors. They are our inheritance, and we will part with them\\nto none. Your nation supposes that we, like the white people,\\ncannot live without bread, and pork, and beef. But you ought\\nto know that He, the Great Spirit and IMaster of Life, has\\nprovided food for us upon these broad lakes and in these\\nmountains.\\nHe then spoke of the fact that no treaty had been made\\nwith them, no presents sent them, and while he announced\\ntheir intention to allow Henry to trade unmolested, and to\\nregard him as a brother, he declared, that with his king the\\nred men were still at war.*\\nSuch were the feelings of the north-western savages imme-\\ndiately after the English took possession of their lands and\\nthese feelings were in all probability fostered and increased by\\nthe Canadians and French. Distrust of the British was gen-\\neral; and, as the war between France and England still went\\non in other lands, there was hope among the Canadians, per-\\nhaps, that the French power might be restored in America.\\nHowever this may have been, it is clear that disaffection\\nspread rapidly in the West, though of the details of the years\\nfrom 1759 to 1763 we know hardly anything.\\nUpon the 10th of February, 1763, the treaty of Paris was\\nconcluded, and peace between the European powers restored.\\nOf that treaty we give the essential provisions bearing upon\\nour subject.\\nArt. 4. His most Christian Majesty renounces all preten-\\nsions M hich he has heretofore formed, or might form, to Nova\\nScotia or Acadia in all its parts, and guarantees the whole of\\nit, and with all its dependencies, to the King of Great Britain\\nmoreover, his most Christian Majesty cedes and guarantees to\\nhis said Britannic Majesty, in full right, Canada, with all its\\ndependencies, as well as the island of Cape Breton, and all\\ntlie other islands and coasts in the gulf and river of St. Law-\\nrence and, in general, every thing that depends on the said\\ncountries, lands, islands, and coasts, with the sovereignty,\\nproperty, possession, and all rights acquired by treaty or\\notherwise, which the most Christian King and crown of France\\nhave had, till now, over the said countries, islands, lands,\\nplaces, coasts, and their inhabitants so that the most Christian\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Travels of Alexander Henry in Tanada, from 1700 to 1776. Nctt York, 1?09.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nHiatcher a Indian Biography, vol. ii. jip. 75, et eeq.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "1763. Treaty at Paris. 113\\nKing, cedes and makes over the whole to the said King, and\\nto the crown of Great Britain, and that in the most ample\\nmanner and form, without restriction, and without any liberty\\nto depart from the said cession and guarantee under any pre-\\ntence, or to disturb Great Britain in the possessions above\\nmentioned.\\nArt. 7. In order to establish peace on solid and durable\\nfoundations, and to remove forever all subjects of dispute\\nwith regard to the limits of the British and French territories\\non the continent of America, it is agreed that for the future,\\nthe confines between the dominions of his Britaninc Majesty\\nand those of his most Christian Majesty in that part of the\\nworld, shall be fixed irrevocably by a line drawn along the\\nmiddle of the river Mississippi, from its source to the river\\nIberville, and from thence by a line drawn along the middle\\nof this river, and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to\\nthe sea; and for this purpose, the most Christian King cedes,\\nin full right, and guarantees to his Britannic Majesty, the\\nriver and port of the Mobile, and every thing which he pos-\\nsesses or ought to possess on the left side of the river Missis-\\nsippi, with the exception of the town of New Orleans, and of\\nthe island in which it is situated, which shall remain to France;\\nit being well understood that the navigation of the river Mis-\\nsissippi shall be equally free, as well to the subjects of Great\\nBritain as to those of France, in its whole breadth and length\\nfrom its source to the sea and expressly, that part which is\\nbetween the said island of New Orleans, and the right bank\\nof that river, as well as the passage both in and out of its\\nmouth. It is further stipulated that the vessels belonging to\\nthe subjects of either nations shall not be stopped, visitedj or\\nsubjected to the payment of any duty whatsoever.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER iV.\\nINDIAN CONSPIRACY, TREATIES, AND EXPLORATIONS OF\\nTHE WEST, FROM 17G3 TO 1774.\\nIndian Conspiracy under Pontiac\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Stratagem at Detroit Defeated\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Massacre at Mackinac\\nTreaty of Detroit Settlement of St. Louis and transfer of Louisiana Treaty of Fort\\nStanwix Expedition of Col. Croglian Dr. Wallicr s Company Col. James Smith s\\nExpedition to Kentucky Daniel Boone s Exploration Emigration to Kentucky and\\nMississippi.\\nAgain, men began to think seriously of the West. Pamph-\\nlets wove published upon the advantages of settlements on\\nthe Ohio Colonel Mercer was chosen to represent the old\\nCompany in England, and try to have their affairs made\\nstraight, for there were counter-claims by the soldiers who\\nhad enlisted, in 1751, under Dinwiddle s proclamation and\\non all hands there were preparations for movement. But,\\neven at that moment, there existed through the whole West a\\nconspiracy or agreement among the Indians, from Lake Michi-\\ngan to the frontiers of North Carolina, by which they were,\\nwith one accord, with one spirit, to fall upon the Mhole line\\nof British posts and strike every white man dead. Chippe-\\nways, Ottoways, Wyandotts, Miamis, Shawanese, Delawares,\\nand JMingoes, for the time, laid by their old hostile feelings,\\nand united under Pontiac in this great enterprise. The voice\\nof that sagacious and noble man was heard in the distant\\nNorth, crying, Why, says the Great Spirit, do you suffer these\\ndogs in red clothing to enter your country and take the land\\nI have given you Drive them from it Drive them When\\nyou are in distress, I will help you.\\nThat voice was heard, but not by the whites. The unsus-\\npecting traders journeyed from village to village; the soldiers\\nin the forts shrunk from the sun of early summer, and dozed\\naway the day; the frontier settler, singing in fancied security,\\nsowed his crop, or, watching the sunset through the girdled\\ntrees, mused upon one more peaceful harvest, and told his\\nchildren of the horrors of the ten years war, now, thank\\nGod over. From the Alleghenies to the ^lississippi the trees", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "1763. Nine Forts Captured. 115\\nhad leaved, and all was calm life and joy. But, through that\\ngreat country, even then, bands of sullen red men were jour-\\nneying from the central valleys to the lakes and the eastern\\nhills. Bands of Chippeways gathered about Michillimackinac.\\nOttaways filled the woods near Detroit. The Maumee post,\\nPresqu lle, Niagara, Pitt, Ligonier, and every English fort was\\nhemmed in by mingled tribes, who felt that the great battle\\ndrew nigh which was to determine their fate and the posses-\\nsion of their noble lands At last the day came. The traders\\neverywhere were seized, their goods taken from them, and\\nmore than one hundred of them put to death. JNine British\\nforts yielded instantly, and the savages drank, scooped up in\\nthe hollow of joined hands, the blood of many a Briton. The\\nborder streams of Pennsylvania and Virginia ran red again.\\nWe hear, says a letter for Fort Pitt, of scalping every\\nhour. In Western Virginia, more than twenty thousand*\\npeople were driven from their homes.\\n[The forts, or rather trading posts, were those of Green Bay,-\\nSt. Joseph, Ouiatenon, Miamis, Sandusky, Presqu lle, Leboeuf,\\nVenango, and Michillimackinac. Three others, Niagara, Pitt,\\nand Detroit, were attacked but not taken. The master spirit\\nof this enterprise was Pontiac, an Ottawa chief, who resided\\nnear Detroit. He was one of those heroic men who stamp\\ntheir own character on their country and the age. No Ameri-\\ncan Savage has shown a more marked character, in forming\\ngreat and comprehensive plans, or in executing them with\\nenergy and boldness. He had been friendly and liberal with\\nthe French, but he disliked the British, though, as a matter of\\npolicy, he professed friendship at first. After Canada and its\\ndependencies had surrendered to the British arms, in 1760,\\nGeneral Amherst of Montreal, dispatched Major R. Rogers\\nwith a considerable force, to take possession of Detroit and\\nMackinac. These were the first English troops that ever\\npenetrated that region.\\nDrawing near to Detroit, they received a message from\\nPontiac, informing Major Rogers that their chief was master\\nof the country they had entered. The commander was intro-\\nduced to the great chief, who condescended to smoke the pipe\\nof peace and make a treaty.\\nOne of the speeches of Pontiac we here insert as illustra-\\ntive of the character of that man", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "116 Attempt on Detroit. 1763.\\nEnglishmen It is to you that I speak and I demand your\\nattention. Englishmen You know that the French King is\\nour father. He promised to be such, and we, in return,\\npromised to be his children this promise we have kept.\\nEnglishmen It is you that have made war with this, our\\nfather. You are his enemy how then could you have the\\nboldness to venture among us, his children? You know that\\nhis enemies are ours\\nEnglishmen We are informed that our father, the King of\\nFrance, is old and infirm; and that, being fatigued with mak-\\ning war upon your nation, he has fallen asleep. During his\\nsleep you have taken advantage of him, and possessed your-\\nselves of Canada. But his nap is almost at an end I think\\nI hear him already stirring, and inquiring for his children, the\\nIndians and when he does awake, what must become of you?\\nHe will destroy you utterly\\nAfter deceiving the British by a treaty, Pontiac laid the plan\\nof a sudden and cotemporaneous attack upon all the British\\nforts and trading posts on the northern lakes.\\nHe sent runners with a talk and a belt of wampum, which\\nhe pretended had been sent him by the King of France, to the\\nIndian tribes along the line of frontier, by which means he\\nbrought into a conspiracy the Miamis, the Ottawas, the Chip-\\npewas, the Wyandots, the Potawatamies, the ^lissisaugas, the\\nShawanoes, the Saukies, the Ottagamies, and the Winneba-\\ngoes. His measures were taken with so much secrecy that\\nthe storm burst on each garrison in the month of May, before\\nthe English had learned the plans of their enemy, or had made\\nany preparation for defence.\\nFort Pitt and Niagara, being regular fortifications, were\\nsuccessfully defended, and Detroit was saved by detection of\\nthe stratagem.\\nThis post was attempted by Pontiac in person, who, with a\\nnumber of braves, presented himself at the gate on the 8th of\\nMay, and desired to speak with the commanding officer. This\\nwas Maj. Gladwyn, who, unsuspicious of treachery, and believ-\\ning he desired to trade, and that the Indians desired to take\\ntheir new father, the King of England, by the hand, gave his\\nconsent, and the council was to be held next day in the fort.\\nThe plan of Po;itiac was to gain admittance into the fort,\\nwith a number of his braves, who had cut short their guns so\\nas to be concealed under their blankets, and at a signal he\\nwould give, they were to massacre the officers, throw open", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "1763. Macanac Captured. 117\\nthe gates, admit the other Indians, and complete the destruc-\\ntion of the garrison.\\nAn Indian woman, who had been employed by the comman-\\ndant to make moccasins, out of a curiously wrought elk skin,\\nbetrayed the conspirators. Next morning the garrison was\\nunder arms, the guards were doubled, and the officers armed\\nwith swords and pistols. Pontiac, on his arrival, enquired of\\nthe British commandant the cause of this unusual display, and\\nreceived for answer, it was necessary to keep his young men\\nfrom being idle. The council opened, the speech of Pontiac\\nwas bold and menacing, and his voice and gesticulations\\nvehement. When he was about to give his men the signal,\\nthe drums beat the charge, the guards levelled their muskets,\\nthe officers drew their swords, and Pontiac, though a brave\\nman, was disconcerted. Major Gladwyn approached the\\nchief, turned aside his blanket, discovered the shortened gun,\\nexposed his plan, reproached him for his treachery, and\\nordered him and his braves to leave the fort. The garrison in\\nthe fort consisted of 122 men, officers included, besides some\\nforty traders and engagees who resided in the fort.\\nAs the Indians retired they gave a yell, and discharged their\\nguns at the garrison. They also murdered an aged English\\nwoman and her two sons, and a discharged sergeant and his\\nfamily in the vicinity. A furious attack was made upon the\\nfort for several days, and repeated attempts made by the\\nIndians to gain possession. At one time they filled a cart\\nwith combustibles and ran it against the pickets to set them\\non fire. For several months the English were blockaded and\\ntheir supplies cut off There was great difficulty in sending\\naid to Detroit from the Southern posts. Niagara and Fort\\nPitt had become reduced to great distress, and the latter was\\nfinally relieved by Colonel Bouquet, who penetrated the\\nwilderness of Pennsylvania by Bedford and Fort Ligonier,\\nwith 300 men and forty horses, loaded with provisions.\\nThe post of Michillimackinac was attacked, entered, and\\nseventy of the garrison killed and scalped, on the 4th of June,\\nthe same year. The garrison consisted of ninety men, besides\\ntwo subaltern officers, under the command of Major Ethering-\\nton. Sometime previous, this officer had received intelligence\\nof the hostility of the Indians, but he would not believe it.\\nBesides the garrison, there were within the limits of the stock-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "lis Stratagem at Mackinac. 1763.\\nade, about thirty cabins, inhabited by as many French families.\\nAmong the traders at this post was i\\\\Ir, Alexander Henry,\\nwho, after a narrow escape from the massacre, wrote a narra-\\ntive of the events in the Northwest at this period, which is\\nreliable history. We give the substance of his account of the\\nattack on this post, with copious references.\\nOn the 4lh of June, the morning was sultry, and the\\nChippeways projected a game of ball called Baggatiicay, with\\nthe Sacks, for a high wager, and they gave an invitation to\\nthe British oIFicers, to be present. This game is played with\\na bat and ball the bat being about four feet long, curved, and\\nending in a sort of racket. Two posts were planted in the\\nground, a half mile or more apart, and the issue of the game\\nconsisted in striking the ball beyond either post.\\nOn the ground, midway between the posts, the ball is\\nplaced. The Indians being divided into two parties, played\\nwith great animation and much noise and confusion. In the\\nheat of the contest the ball was frequently, as if by accident,\\nsent over the pickets into the fort, and the commandant, with\\nthe subalterns and a part of the soldiers, went out to witness\\nthe game. When the ball was sent within the pickets, num-\\nbers of both parties ran within the fort, until the artifice was\\nrepeated several times, and the British thrown off their guard,\\nnot suspecting treachery. At this crisis, the ball was again\\nthrown over the pickets, and the Indians, in great numbers\\nrushed in, as if to recover the ball, but with arms concealed,\\nand commenced a furious attack on the garrison. In a short\\ntime they had possession of the fort. About seventy, including\\nthe commander, several officers and traders, and the garrison\\nand servants, were killed and scalped. The remainder, being\\nsaved as prisoners, were taken to Montreal, where the} were\\nredeemed. Carver says, the Indians had the humanity to\\nspare the lives of the greatest part of the garrison and\\ntraders. The Indians numbered nearly 400 braves.\\nIt was now nearly autumn, and the confederated tribes had\\n*For further imrtioulars of Pontiac, the stratagem at Detroit, massacre at Mackinac,\\nand events of 17C. 5, the reader is refen-ed to the ftl owing autXorities. Carver s Travels,\\np. 13, rhilailelphia edition, 179G. Uenry i Narrative. Dralie s Captivities, pp. 289, 292.\\nDrake s Book of the Indians, book v, art. Tontiak, pp.52, 53. Ilolmcs Annals, vol. ii, p.\\n121. Sparks Washington, vol. ii, map at p. S. Day s Historical Collections of Penn-\\nsylvania, GSl. Thateh:r s Indian Biographij, vol.ii, p. S3. Lanman s Histonj of Michigan,\\npp. 121, 121. Dillon s Indiana, vol. i, pp. S2, S3. Browa s Illinois, pp. pp. 192. 204.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "1763. Royal P reclamation. 119\\nfailed to take the three most important fortresses in the West,\\nDetroit, Pitt, and Niagara. Many of them became disheart-\\nened others wished to return home for the winter others\\nhad satisfied their longings for revenge. United merely by\\nthe hope of striking and immediate success, they fell from one\\nanother when that success did not come; jealousies and old\\nenmities revived the league was broken and Pontiac was\\nleft alone or with few followers.\\nIn October, also, a step was taken by the British govern-\\nment, in part, for the purpose of quieting the fears and sus-\\npicions of the red men, which did much, probably, toward\\ndestroying their alliance a proclamation was issued contain-\\ning the following paragraphs and prohibitions\\nAnd, whereas, it is just and reasonable, and essential to our\\ninterest and the security of our colonies, that the several na-\\ntions or tribes of Indians with whom we are connected, and\\nwho live under our protection, should not be molested or\\ndisturbed in the possession of such parts of our dominions and\\nterritories as, not having been ceded to, or purchased by us,\\nare reserved to them, or any of them, as their hunting\\ngrounds; we do, therefore, with the advice of our privy coun-\\ncil, declare it to be our royal will and pleasure, that no\\nGovernor or Commander-in-chief, in any of our colonies of\\nQuebec, East Florida, or West Florida, do presume, upon any\\npretence whatever, to grant warrants of survey, or pass any\\npatents for lands beyond the bounds of their respective gov-\\nernments, as described in their commissions as, also that no\\nGovernor or Commander-in-chief of our other colonies or\\nplantations in America, do presume for the present, and until\\nour further pleasure be known, to grant warrants of survev,\\nor pass patents for any lands beyond the heads or sources of\\nany of the rivers which fall into the Atlantic ocean from the\\nwest or northwest; or upon any lands whatever, which, not\\nhaving been ceded to, or purchased by us, as aforesaid, are\\nreserved to the said Indians or any of them.\\nAnd we do further declare it t be our royal will and\\npleasure, for the present, as aforesaid, to reserve under our\\nsovereignty, protection, and dominion, for the use of the said\\nIndians, all the land and territories not included within the\\nlimits of our said three new governments, or within the\\nlimits of the territory granted to the Pludson s Bay Company;\\nas also all the lands and territories lying to the westward of\\nthe sources of the rivers which fall into the sea from the west\\nand northwest as aforesaid; and we do hereby strictly forbid,\\non pain of our displeasure, all our loving subjects from makin\\nany purchases or settlements whatever, or taking possession", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "120 Royal Proclamation. 1763.\\nof any of the lands above reserved, w^ithout our special leave\\nand license for that purpose first obtained.\\nAnd we do further strictly enjoin and require all persons\\nwhatever, who have either wilfully or inadvertently seated\\nthemselves upon any lands within the countries above descri-\\nbed, or upon any other lands, which, not having been ceded\\nto, or purchased by us, are still reserved to the said Indians, as\\naforesaid, forthwith to remove themselves from such settle-\\nments.\\nAnd whereas, great frauds and abuses have been committed\\nin the purchasing lands from the Indians, to the great preju-\\ndice of our interests, and to the great dissatisfaction of the\\nIndians; in order, therefore, to prevent such irregularities for\\nthe future, and to the end that the Indians may be convinced\\nof our justice and determined resolution to remove all reason-\\nable cause of discontent, we do, with the advice of our privy\\ncouncil, strictly enjoin and require that no private person do\\npresume to make any purchase from the said Indians, of any\\nlands reserved to the said Indians, within those parts of our\\ncolonies where we have thought proper to allow settlement;\\nbut that, if at any time, any of the said Indians should be\\ninclined to dispose of the said lands, the same shall be pur-\\nchased only for us, in our name, at some public meeting or\\nassembly of the said Indians, to be held for that purpose, by\\nthe Governor or Commander-in-chief of our colony, respec-\\ntively, within which they shall lie and in case they shall lie\\nwithin the limits of any proprietaries, conformable to such\\ndirections and instructions as we or they shall think proper\\nto give for that purpose and we do, by the advice of our\\nprivy council, declare and enjoin, that the trade with the said\\nIndians shall be free and open to all our subjects whatever\\nProvided. That every person who may incline to trade with\\nthe said Indians, do take out a license, for carrying on such\\ntrade, from the Governor or Commander-in-chief of any of\\nour colonies, respectively, where such person shall reside\\nand also give security to observe such regulations as we shall,\\nat any time, think fit, by ourselves or commissaries, to be ap-\\npointed for this purpose, to direct and appoint, for the benefit\\nof the said trade and we do hereby authorize, enjoin, and\\nrequire the Governors and Commanders-in chief of all our\\ncolonies, respectively, as well those under our immediate\\ngovernment as those under the government and direction of\\nproprietaries, to grant such licenses without fee or reward,\\ntaking especial care to insert therein a condition that such\\nlicense shall be void, and the security forfeited, in case the\\nperson to whom tlie same is granted shall refuse or neglect to\\nobserve such regulations as we shall think proper to prescribe\\nas aforesaid.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "1763. Settlement of St. Louis. 121\\nTo assist the effect of this proclamation, it was determined\\nto make two movements in the spring and summer of 1764\\nGeneral Bradstreet being ordered into the country upon Lake\\nErie, and Bouquet into that upon the Ohio. The former\\nmoved to Niagara early in the summer, and there in June,\\naccompanied by Sir WilHam Johnson, held a grand council\\nwith twenty or more tribes, all of whom sued for peace and,\\nupon the 8th of August, reached Detroit, where, about the\\n21st of that month, a definite treaty was made Math the\\nIndians. Among the provisions of this treaty were the fol-\\nlowing\\n1. All prisoners in the hands of the Indians were to be\\ngiven up.\\n2. All claims to the Posts and Forts of the English in the\\nWest were to be abandoned and leave given to erect such\\nother forts as might be needed to protect the traders, c.\\nAround each fort as much land was ceded as a Cannon-shot\\nwould fly over.\\n3. If any Indian killed an Englishman he was to be tried\\nby English law, the Jury one-half Indians.\\n4. Six hostages were given by the Indians for the true ful-\\nfilment of the conditions of the treaty.f\\n[During the period of the Indian conspiracy under Pontiac,\\nand the negotiations for peace, a series of events were open-\\ning in another quarter, of which, British authorities took no\\nnotice. We allude to the settlement of St. Louis, and the\\nprogress of civilization along the Mississippi. The lead busi-\\nness commenced, under PhiHp Francis Renault, in 1720, and\\nwas prosecuted at various periods, and the trade with the\\nIndians in peltry was conducted by individual enterprise.\\nBut in 1763, Pierre Li rueste Laclede, an enterprising trader,\\nobtained a grant from M. D Abadie, director general of Louis-\\niana, with the necessary powers to trade with the Indians of\\nthe Missouri, and those west of the Mississippi, above the\\nMissouri, as far north as the river St. Peters.\\nAnnual Register, 1764.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 (State Papers, 181.)\\ntllenry s Narrative (New York edition, 1809, pp. 185, 186. Henry was with Bradstreet\\nThe Annual Register of 1764, (State Paper., p. 181, says the treaty waa made at Pre^-qu Ile\\n(Erie.) Mr. Harvey, of Erie, (quoted by Day in his Historical Collections of Pennsylvania\\n314, says the same. Others have named the Maumee, where a truce was a-reed to Au\\ngust Gth. (See Henry.) There may have been two treaties, one at Detroit with the Otta\\nwaa, Ac, and one at Erie with the Ohio Indians.\\n8", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "122 Site of St. Louis Described. 1764.\\nLaclede organized a company under the firm of Laclede,\\nMaxan Co., fitted out an expedition, and started from\\nNew Orleans on the third day of August, 1763, and reached\\nSte. Genevieve, (then a small village on the bank of the\\nMississippi) on the 3d of November, just three months after\\nhis departure. Finding no place in which to store his goods,\\nhe proceeded tb Fort Chartres, then under command of M. St.\\nAnge de Belle Rive. He left this point early in February,\\n1764, with the men he brought from New Orleans, with a\\nreinforcement from Ste. Genevieve, Fort Chartres and Kas-\\nkaskia, and stopped a short time at Cahokia, then called\\n^Notre Dame dcs Kahokias,^ and engaged several families to\\naccompany him to his projected settlement. On the Jiftccnth\\nof February, the party landed on the west bank of the IMissis-\\nsippi, on the spot now occupied by the city of St. Louis, and\\ncommenced cutting down the trees, and erecting cabins for the\\naccommodation of his goods and men. He laid off* a village\\nplat, with narrow streets, which he named St. Louis, in honor\\nof Louis XV. of France.\\nAt that time a skirt of tall timber lined the bank of the\\nriver, free from undergrowth, which extended back to a line\\nabout the range of Eighth street. In the rear was an exten-\\nsive prairie. The first cabins were erected near the river and\\nMarket street. No Bloody Island, or Duncan s Island, then\\nexisted. Directly opposite the Old Market square, the river\\nwas narrow and deep, and until about the commencement of\\nthe present century, persons could be distinctly heard from\\nthe opposite shore. Opposite Duncan s Island and South St.\\nLouis was an island, covered with heavy timber and separated\\nfrom the Illinois shore by a slough. Many persons are now\\nliving (1850) who recollect the only ferry from Illinois to St.\\nLouis, passed from Cahokia, below this island, and landed on\\nthe Missouri shore near the site of the United States Arsenal.\\nIt deserves note that at this period, Louisiana belonged to\\nSpain, and the Illinois country, the north-west and Canada, to\\nGreat Britain.\\nBy a secret treaty, signed on the third of November, 1702,\\nbetween the French and Spanish kings, the former ceded to\\nthe latter the part of the province of Louisiana, which lay\\non the western side of the Mississippi river, including the\\nisland and city of New Orleans, on the eastern side, but it", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "1769. Change of Government. 123\\nwas not until the 21st of April, 1764, that the governor, M.\\nD Abadie, received orders from Louis XV. to proclaim this\\nchange to the colony.\\nThe governor was so deeply distressed at these orders, that\\nit caused his death.*\\nThe administration remained in the hands of the French\\nunder Aubri, the successor of M. D Abadie. The colonists\\nhad a great aversion to the Spanish government, and when\\nthe Court of Madrid sent, as Captain General, Don Antonio\\nD Ulloa, a man of prudence and discretion, he could not\\nopenly exercise his authority. The colonists sent deputies to\\nVersailles for permission from the King to remain subjects of\\nFrance. Louis XV. declared the cession was irrevocable.\\nThe Spanish general, Don Alexander O Reilly, was ap-\\npointed as the successor of D Ulloa in 1769, with special power\\nto compel subjection, with three thousand soldiers. The col-\\nonists at New Orleans attempted to prevent his landing, and\\nit was only by the influence of the French magistrates, who\\nsaw the hopelessness of a violent contest with the crown of\\nSpain, unaided by their former government, that he obtained\\npossession. O Reilly was a tyrant and barbarian, and ruled\\nonly by superior force. Six principal citizens were con-\\ndemned and shot by his orders f\\nFor our authority, concerning the appearance of the site\\nof St. Louis and the aspect of the river, we are indebted to\\nthe late Auguste Chouteau, Sen., and several other inhabitants\\nof St. Louis, who were living thirty years since.\\nWe cannot well give the Annals of St. Louis, of Missouri,\\nand of Illinois, with the correctness and particularity desirable,\\nin the body of the work, prepared by Mr Perkins, without\\ntrenching on the narrative of events that transpired in other\\nparts of the West at the same period. Our readers will find\\nthe whole in the Appendix.]\\nBouquet, meanwhile, collected troops at Fort Pitt, and in\\nthe autumn marched across from Big Beaver to the upper\\nMuskingum, and thence to the point where the White Wo-\\nman s river comes into the main stream. There, upon the 9th\\nof November, he concluded a peace with the Delawares and\\nShawanese, and received from them two hundred and six pris-\\n*Marlx)i6 History of Louisiana, p. 136.\\ntibid. Also, Martin s History of Louisiana,\\nTol. ii. p. 7.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "124 Captives Delivered up. 1765.\\noners, eighty-one men and one hundred and twenty-five\\nwomen and children. He also received, from the Shawanese,\\nhostages for the delivery of some captives, who could not be\\nbrought to the Muskingum at that time. These hostages\\nescaped, but the savages were of good faith, and upon the\\n9th of May, 1765, the remaining whites were given up to\\nGeorge Croghan, the deputy of Sir William Johnson, at Fort\\nPitt.* Many anecdotes are related in the account of the de-\\nlivery of the captives to Bouquet, going to show that strong\\nattachments had been formed between them aud their cap-\\ntors and West s pencil has illustrated the scene of their de-\\nlivery. But we have little faith in the representations of\\neither writer or painter.f\\nPontiac, the leading spirit in the past struggle, finding his\\nattempts to save his country and his race at that time hopeless,\\nleft his tribe and went into the West, and for some years after\\nwas living among the Illinois, and in St. Louis, attempting,\\nbut in vain, to bring about a new union and new war. He\\nwas in the end killed by a Kaskaskia Indian. So far as we\\ncan form a judgment of this chieftain, he was, in point of\\ntalent, nobleness of spirit, honor, and devotion, the superior\\nof any red man of whom we have an account. His plan of\\nextermination was most masterly; his execution of it equal\\nto its conception. But for the treachery of one of his follow-\\ners, he would have taken Detroit early in May. His whole\\nforce might then have been directed in one mass, first upon\\nNiagara, and then upon Pitt, and in all probability both posts\\nwould have fallen.J Even disappointed as he was at Detroit,\\nhad the Six Nations, with their dependent allies, the Dela-\\nwares and Shawanese, been true to him, the British might\\nhave been long kept beyond the mountains; but the Iroquois,\\nclose upon the colonies, old allies of England, very greatly\\n\u00c2\u00bbScc, however, American Archives, fourth series, i. 1015, where the good faith of the\\nShawanese is disputed.\\nI An Historical Account of the Expedition against the Ohio Indians in the year 1764,\\nunder the command of Henry Bouquet, Esuuire, c. Published from Authentic Docu-\\nments, by a Lover of his Country. London, 17G6. This volume was first printed in\\nPhiladelphia.\\nJThatchcr s Indian Biography, vol. ii. Our knowledge of Pontiac and his war is very\\nimited. We hope something more ULiy come to light yet. Nicollet in his Report, (p. 81,)\\ngives some particulars from one who know Pontiac. His death was revenged by the North-\\nem nations, who nearly exterminated the Illinois.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "1765. Col. CrogharCs Exploration. 125\\nunder the influence of Sir William Johnson, and disposed, as\\nthey ever proved themselves, to claim and sell, but not to\\ndefend the West, were for peace after the King s proclama-\\ntion. Indeed, the Mohawks and leading tribes were from the\\nfirst with the British so that, after the success of Bradstreet\\nand Bouquet, there was no difficulty in concluding a treaty\\nwith all the Western Indians; and late in April, 1765, Sir\\nWilliam Johnson, at the German Flats, held a conference with\\nthe various nations, and settled a definite peace.* At this\\nmeeting two propositions were made the one to fix some\\nboundary line, west of which the Europeans should not go\\nand the savages named, as this line, the Ohio or Allegheny\\nand Susquehanna but no definite agreement was made,\\nJohnson not being empowered to act. The other propo-\\nsal was, that the Indians should grant to the traders, who\\nhad suffered in 1763, a tract of land in compensation for the\\ninjuries then done them, and to this the red men agreed. f\\nAfter the peace of 1763, Col. George Croghan, a commis-\\nsioner under Sir William Johnson, was sent to explore the\\ncountry adjacent to the Ohio river, to conciliate the Indians.\\nHis Journal may be found in the American Monthly Journal\\nof Geology and Natural Science, published m Philadelphia\\nin 1831-32, vol. i. p. 257 and in the Appendix to Butler s\\nHistory of Kentucky, (second edition.)\\nAccompanied by the deputies of the Senecas, Shawanese,\\nand Delawares, Col. Croghan left Pittsburgh, May I5th, 1765,\\nwith two batteaux, proceeded down the Ohio river, and on\\nthe 6th of June reached *the mouth of the Wabash. From\\nthis point he dispatched two Indian runners with letters to\\nLord Frazer, a British officer, who had been sent from Fort\\nPitt to take possession of Illinois, and to M. St. Ange, the\\nFrench commandant at Fort Chartres.\\nOn the 8th, at daybreak, his party was attacked by a\\nparty of Indians, consisting of eighty warriors of the Kicka-\\npoos and Musquatimes, (probably Musquakies.) They\\nkilled two white men and three Indians of his party, wounded\\nthe commander, and made him and all the white men\\nprisoners, after plundering them of all they possessed. One\\nof the Shawanese, who, being wounded, had concealed him-\\n\u00c2\u00abPlam Facts, p. 60.\\n(\u00e2\u0096\u00a0pjid. Butler s History of Kentucky, second edition, p. 479, et. seq.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "126 Col Croghan Returns. 1765.\\nself in the bushes, finding the hostile party were from Illinois,\\ncame forward, gave them an Indian talk, and threatened\\nthem with the vengeance of the Shaw^anese nation. This\\nalarmed them, and they set off with their prisoners to their\\ntowns on the Ouiatenon, up the Wabash. Passing through\\nVincennes, he found a village of eighty or ninety French\\nfamilies. The Colonel represents the French as inimical to\\nhim and the British, and as shai ing the plunder with the Indi-\\nans. He gives a description of the country and the fertility\\nof the soil with creditable accuracy. Revisited the Twigtwee\\nand several other Indian villages, passed by the present site\\nof Fort Wayne, thence down the Maumee to Lake Erie and\\nround to Detroit, which he reached on the 16th of August.\\nOn the 26th of September he set out from Detroit, passed\\nalong the north shore of Lake Erie in a birch canoe, and\\nreached Niagara on the 8th of October. At the close of his\\nJournal is a list of Indian tribes, their localities, and their\\nhunting grounds, from New York to Mississippi.]\\nMr. Perkins observes So stood matters in the West during\\nthis year, 1765. All beyond the Alleghenies, with the excep-\\ntion of a few forts, was a wilderness, until the Wabash was\\nreached, where dwelt a few French, with some fellow coun-\\ntrymen, not far from them, upon the Illinois and Kaskaskiai\\nThe Indians, a few years since, undisputed owners of the\\nprairies and broad vales, now held them by sufferance, having\\nbeen twice conquered by the arms of England. They, of\\ncourse, felt both hatred and fear and, while they despaired\\nof holding their lands, and looked forward to unknown evils,\\nthe deepest and most abiding spirit of revenge was roused\\nwithin them. They had seen the British coming to take their\\nhunting-grounds upon the strength of a treaty they knew not of.\\nThey had been forced to admit British troops into their country\\nand, though now nominally protected from settlers, that prom-\\nised protection would be but an incentive to passion, in case it\\nwas not in good faith extended to them.\\nAnd it was not in good faith extended to them by either\\nindividuals or governments. During the year that succeeded\\nthe treaty of German Flats, settlers crossed the mountains\\nand took possession of lands in western Virginia, and along\\nthe Monongahela. The Indians, haying received no pay for\\nthese lands, murmured, and once more a border war was", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "1767. Purchase of Lands. 127\\nfeared. General Gage, commander of the King s forces, was\\napplied to, probably through Sir William Johnson, and issued\\nhis orders for the removal of the settlers but they defied his\\ncommands and his power, and remained where they were.\\nAnd not only were frontier men thus passing the line tacitly\\nurged on, but Sir William himself was even then meditating\\na step which would have produced, had it been taken, a gen-\\neral Indian war again. This was the purchase and settle-\\nment of an immense tract south of the Ohio river, where an\\nindependent colony was to be formed. How early this plan\\nwas conceived we do not learn, but from Franklin s letters,\\nwe find that it was in contemplation in the spring of 1766. f\\nAt this time Franklin was in London, and was written to by\\nhis son. Governor Franklin, of New Jersey, with regard to\\nthe proposed colony. The plan seems to have been, to buy\\nof the Six jVations the lands south of the Ohio, a purchase\\nwhich it was not doubted Sir William might make, and then\\nto procure from the King a grant of as much territory as the\\nCompany, which it was intended to form, would require. Gov-\\nernor Franklin, accordingly, forwarded to his father an appli-\\ncation for a grant, together with a letter from Sir William,\\nrecommending the plan to the ministry all of which was\\nduly communicated to the proper department. But at that\\ntime there were various interests bearing upon this plan of\\nFranklin- The old Ohio Company was still suing, through\\nits agent. Colonel George Mercer, for a perfection of the\\noriginal grant. The soldiers claiming under Dinwiddle s\\nproclamation had their tale of rights and grievances. Indi-\\nviduals, to whom grants had been made by Virginia, wished\\nthem completed. General Lyman, from Connecticut, we\\nbelieve, was soliciting a new grant similar to that now asked\\nby Franklin and the ministers themselves were divided as to\\nthe policy and propriety of establishing any settlements so\\nfar in the interior Shelburne being in favor of the new colo-\\nny Hillsborough opposed to it.\\nThe Company was organized, however, and the nominally\\nleading man therein being Mr. Thomas Walpole, a London\\nbanker of eminence, it was known as the Walpole Company.\\nFranklin continued privately to make friends among the min-\\n*Plain Facts, p. 60-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0fSparks Franklin, vol. iv. p. 233, et. seq.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "128 Treaty of Fort Stanwix. 1768.\\nistry, and to press upon them the policy of making large set-\\ntlements in the West; and, as the old way of managing the\\nIndians by superintendents was just then in bad odor, in con-\\nsequence of the expense attending it, the cabinet council so\\nfar approved the new plan as to present it for examination to\\nthe Board of Trade, with members of which Franklin had also\\nbeen privately conversing.\\nThis was in the autumn of 1767. But, before any conclu-\\nsion was come to, it was necessary to arrange definitely that\\nboundary line, which had been vaguely talked of in 1765,\\nand with respect to which Sir William Johnson had written\\nto the ministry, who had mislaid his letters, and given him no\\ninstructions. The necessity of arranging this boundary was\\nalso kept in the mind by the continued and growing irritation\\nof the Indians, who found themselves invaded from every\\nside. This irritation became so great during the autumn of\\n1767, that Gage wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania on\\nthe subject. The Governor communicated his letter to the\\nAssembly on the 5th of January, 1768, and representations\\nwere at once sent to England, expressing the necessity of\\nhaving the Indian line fixed. Franklin, the father, ail this\\ntime, was urging the same necessity upon the ministers in\\nEngland; and about Christmas of 1767, Sir William s letters\\non the subject having been found, orders were sent him to\\ncomplete the proposed purchase from the Six Nations, and\\nsettle all differences. But the project for a colony was for the\\ntime dropped, a new administration coming in which was not\\nthat way disposed.\\nSir William Johnson having received, early in the spring,\\nthe orders from England relative to a new treaty with the\\nIndians, at once took steps to secure a full attendance.* No-\\ntice was given to the various colonial governments, to the\\nSix Nations, the Dclavvares, and the Shawanesc, and a con-\\ngress was appointed to meet at Fort Stanwix during the fol-\\nlowing October, (1768). It met upon the 24th of that month,\\nand was attended by representatives from New Jersey, Vir-\\nginia, and Pennsylvania; by Sir William and his deputies; by\\nthe agents of those traders who had suffered in the war of\\n1763; and by deputies from all the Six Nations, the Dela-\\n*For an account of this long-lost treaty seo Plain Facts, pp. 05 101, or Butler s Ken-\\ntucky, 2nd edition, pp. 472\u00e2\u0080\u0094488.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "1768. Claims of the Iroquois. 129\\nwares and the Shawanese. The first point to be settled was\\nthe boundary line which was to determine the Indian lands of\\nthe West from that time forward; and this line the Indians,\\nupon the 1st of November, stated should begin on the Ohio,\\nat the mouth of the Cherokee (or Tennessee) river thence\\ngo up the Ohio and Allegheny to Kittaning thence across to\\nthe Susquehanna, Slc; whereby the whole country south of\\nthe Ohio and Allegheny, to which the Six Nations had any claim,\\nwas transferred to the British. One deed for a part of this\\nland, was made on the 3d of November to William Trent, at-\\ntorney for twenty-two traders, whose goods had been destroy-\\ned by the Indians in 1763. The tract conveyed by this was\\nbetween the Kanawha and Monongahela, and was by the\\ntraders named Indiana. Two days afterwards a deed for the\\nremaining western lands was made to the King, and the price\\nagreed on paid down.* These deeds were made upon the\\nexpress agreement that no claim should ever be based upon\\nprevious treaties, those of Lancaster, Logstown, c.; and\\nthey were signed by the chiefs of the Six Nations, for them-\\nselves, their allies and dependents, the Shawanese, Dela-\\nwares, Mingoes of Ohio, and others but the Shawanese and\\nDelaware deputies present did not sign them.\\n[On the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in a great measure, rests the\\ntitle by purchase to Kentucky, Western Virginia, and Western\\nPennsylvania, and the authority of the Six Nations to sell this\\ncountry rests on their claim by conquest.]\\nBut besides the claim of the Iroquois and the north-west\\nIndians to Kentucky, it was also claimed by the Cherokees\\nand it is worthy of remembrance that the treaty of Lochabar,\\nmade in October, 1770, two years after the Stanwix treaty,\\nrecognized a title in the southern Indians to all the country\\nwest of a line drawn from a point six miles east of Big or\\nLong Island in Holston river, to the mouth of the Great Kana-\\nwha ;t although, as we have just stated, their rights to all the\\nlands north and east of the Kentucky river was purchased by\\nColonel Donaldson, either for the king, Virginia, or himself\\nit is impossible to say which. J\\n*There were also given two deeds of lands in the interior of Pennsylvania, one to\\nCroghan, and the other to the proprietaries of that colony.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2fButler, 2nd ed. Introduction, li.\\nJ Hall s Sketches, ii. 248.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "130 Land Companies in ike West. 1770.\\nBut the grant of the great northern confederacy was made.\\nThe white man could now quiet his conscience when driving\\nthe native from his forest home, and feel sure that an army\\nwould back his pretensions. A new company w^as at once\\norganized in Virginia, called the Mississippi Company, and\\na petition sent to the king for two millions and a half of\\nacres in the West. Among the signers of this were Francis\\nLightfoot Lee, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington and\\nArthur Lee. The gentleman last named was the agent for\\nthe petitioners in England. This application was referred to\\nthe Board of Trade on the 9th of March, 1769, and after that\\nwe hear nothing of it.*\\nThe Board of Trade, however, was again called on to re-\\nport upon the application of the Walpole Company, and\\nLord Hillsborough, the President, reported against it. This\\ncalled out Franklin s celebrated Ohio Settlement, a paper\\nwritten with so much ability, that the King s Council put by\\nthe official report, and granted the petition, a step which\\nmortified the noble lord so much that he resigned his official\\nstation. f The petition now needed only the royal sanction,\\nwhich was not given until August 14th, 1772; but in 1770,\\nthe Ohio Company was merged in Walpole s, and the claims\\nof the soldiers of 1756 being acknowledged both by the new\\nCompany and by government, all claims w^ere quieted. No-\\nthing was ever done, however, under the grant to Walpole,\\nthe Revolution soon coming upon America. J After the Revo-\\nlution, Mr. Walpole and his associates petitioned Congress\\nrespecting their lands, called by them Yandalia, but could\\nget no help from that body. What was finally done by Vir-\\nginia with the claims of this and other companies, we do not\\nfind written, but presume their lands were all looked on as\\nforfeited.\\nDuring the ten years in which Franklin, Pownall, and their\\nfriends were trying to get the great western land company\\ninto operation, actual settlers were crossing the mountains all\\ntoo rapidly; for the Ohio Indians viewed the settlements\\nwith an uneasy and jealous eye, and did not scruple to say,\\nthat they must be compensated for their right, if people set-\\nPlain Facts, p. 69. Butler s Kentucky, 475.\\nt Sparks Franklin, vol. 4, p. 392.\\nSparks Washington, vol. ii, p. 4S3, et seq. Plain Facts, p. 149.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "1773. Lands of Washington. 131\\ntied thereon, notwithstanding the cession by the Six Nations.\\nIt has been said, also, that Lord Dunmore, then Governor of\\nVirginia, authorized surveys and settlements on the western\\nlands, notwithstanding the proclamation of 1763; but Mr.\\nSparks gives us a letter from him, in which this is expressly\\ndenied. f However, surveys did go down even to the Falls of\\nthe Ohio, and the whole region south of the Ohio was filling\\nwith M hite men.\\nAmong the foremost speculators in western lands at that\\ntime was George Washington. He had always regarded the\\nproclamation of 1763 as a mere temporary expedient to quiet\\nthe savages, and being better acquainted with the value of\\nwestern lands than most of those who could command means,\\nhe early began to buy beyond the mountains. His agent in\\nselecting lands was Col. Crawford, afterwards burnt by the\\nOhio Indians. In September, 1767, we find Washington\\nwriting to Crawford on this subject, and looking forward to\\nthe occupation of the western territory; in 1770 he crossed\\nthe mountains, going down the Ohio to the mouth of the great\\nKanawha; and in 1773, being entitled, under the King s pro-\\nclamation of 1763, (which gave a bounty to officers and\\nsoldiers who had served in the French war,) to ten thousand\\nacres of land, he became deeply interested in the country be-\\nyond the mountains, and had some correspondence respecting\\nthe importation of settlers from Europe. Indeed, had not the\\nRevolutionary war been just then on the eve of breaking out,\\nWashington would, in all probability, have become the lead-\\ning settler of the West, and all our history, perhaps, have been\\nchanged. J\\nBut while in England, and along the Atlantic, men were\\ntalking of peopling the West south of the river Ohio, a few\\nobscure individuals, unknown to Walpole, to Franklin, and to\\nWashington, were taking those steps which actually resulted\\nin its settlement; and to these we next turn.\\nWashington s Journal to the West, in 1770. Sparks Washington, vol. ii. p. 531.\\n^Ibid, p. 37S.\\nJSparks Washington, vol. ii. pp. 346-7. He had patents for 32,373 acres; 915 on the\\nOhio, between the Kanawhas, with a river front of 13 1-2 miles 23,216 acres on the great\\nKanhawa, with a river front of forty miles. Besides these lands, he owned, fifteen miles\\nbelow Wheeling, 587 acres, with a front of two and a half miles. He considered the land\\nworth $3 33 per acre. Sparks Washington, xii, 261, 317.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "132 Dr. Walker s Expedition. 1758.\\nNotwithstanding the fact that so much attention had been\\ngiven to the settlement of the C est, even before the French\\nwar, it does not appear that any Europeans, either French or\\nEngli^sh, had, at the time the treaty of Fort Stanwix was made,\\nthoroughly examined that most lovely region near the Ken-\\ntucky river, which is the finest portion, perhaps, of the whole\\nOhio valley. This may be accounted for by the non-residence\\nof the Indians in that district; a district which they retained\\nas a hunting ground. Owing to this, the traders, who were\\nthe first explorers, were led to direct their steps northward,\\nup the Miami and Scioto valleys, and w^ere quite familiar with\\nthe country between the Ohio and the Lakes, at a period when\\nthe interior of the territory south of the river Avas wholly un-\\nknown to them. While, therefore, the impression which many\\nhave had, that the entire valley was unknow n to the English\\ncolonists before Boone s time, is clearly erroneous, it is equal-\\nly clear that the centre of Kentucky, which he and his com-\\nrades explored during their first visit, had not before that\\ntime, been examined by the whites to any considerable ex-\\ntent.\\n[Here it is necessary to call the attention of the reader to\\nanother series of events, that opened the way for the ex-\\nploration and settlement of Kentucky and Tennessee.\\nAbout the year 1758, Dr. Thomas Walker, from Albemarle\\ncount}^ Va., who had been previously employed as an agent\\namong the Cherokecs on the Holston river, from 1750, was\\napp(jintcd commissioner to take certain Cherokee chiefs to\\nEngland. Dr. Walker had explored the mountain vallies of\\nSouthwestern Virginia and East Tennessee. While in Eng-\\nland, he organized a company to settle the wild lands in\\nWestern Virginia and Carolina, of which the Duke of Cum-\\nberland was patron. lie returned to America in the capacity\\nof general agent. Dr. W^alkcr subsequently explored the\\ncountry; gave the name of his patron to Cxunbcrland river,\\nand the range of mountains that give origin to the head\\nbranches. He also explored the upper parts of the Kentucky\\nriver, and gave to it the name of Louisa, in honor of the\\nDuchess of Cumberland, which name it bore for some years.\\nHe was at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, and had no small influ-\\nence in the purchase of Western Virginia and Eastern Ken-\\ntucky from the Six Nations.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "1759. Colonels Martin and Smith. 133\\nIn March, 1769, Col. Joseph Martin, of Albemarle county, and\\ntwenty other persons, started to form a settlement in Powell s\\nvalley having received a written pledge from Dr. Walker,\\nof a grant of 21,000 acres of land, on condition that they\\nreached the valley and made a settlement, before another\\ncompany (commanded by Messrs. Kirkleys) gained possession.\\nThe party reached the valley on the 1st of April, after great\\neffort and suffering, and commenced their improvements on\\nthe 3d, and thus gained each their thousand acres. The val-\\nley, the river, and the adjacent mountain, were named from\\na hunter who first explored the country and marked his name\\non a tree.\\nColonel Joseph Martin was subsequently an agent among\\nthe Cherokees, and the father of the late Colonel William\\nMartin, of Smith county, Tennessee, in whose possession we\\nfound papers, and a letter from his father, dated May 9, 1769,\\ncontaining the foregoing facts. The explorations of Dr.\\nWalker, and Col. Martin, and the settlement of Powell s val-\\nley, prepared the way for further progress westward.]*\\nThe next explorer of Kentucky and Tennessee, was Col.\\nJames Smith. Mr. Smith had been taken prisoner by the\\nIndians, near Bedford, Pa., in 1755, and was with them four\\nand a half years. In 1764, he was a lieutenant in General\\nBouquet s campaign against the Indians, and a colonel in the\\ncontinental service in 1778.\\nDuring the summer of 1766, with four white men and a\\nmulatto slave, he made an exploration across the mountains\\nto the Cumberland, and then to the Tennessee rivers, to ex-\\namine the country in view of future settlements.\\nStone s river, a branch of the Cumberland, was so named\\nfrom Mr. Uriah Stone, one of the party. They explored the\\ncountry on each of the rivers, until they reached the mouth\\nof the Tennessee, where Paducah now stands. Col. Smith,\\nhaving stuck a piece of cane in his foot, was unable to travel,\\nhis companions left him and the boy to aid him, and pro-\\nceeded to the Illinois country. He reached Carolina on his\\n*Mr. Butler (His/ory of Kentucky, it. 18,) meHtions Dr. Walker s explorations as in\\n1747. Stipp s Miscellany, p. 9, says 1750; which date is confirmed by facts in Holmes\\nAnnals, ii, 304, note. Marshall, vol i. p. 7, says 1753. In the London edition of Wash-\\nington s Journal, jmnted in 1754, there is a map on which is marked Walker s Settle-\\nment, 1750, upon the Cumberland river. There is no discrepancy in these dates, for\\nDr. Walker was engaged several years in his explorations and Indian agency. Ed.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "134 John. Finkys Expedition. 1767.\\nreturn, in October, 1767, having been eleven months in the\\nwilderness In a few days he reached Conecocheague valley,\\nwhere his family resided.*\\nThe next persons who entered this region Mere traders\\ncoming, not from Virginia and Pennsylvania by the river, but\\nfrom North Carolina by the Cumberland Gap. These traders\\nprobably sought, in the first instance, the Cherokees and other\\nsouthern Indians, with whom they had dealings from a very\\nearly period but appear afterward to have journeyed north-\\nward upon what was called the Warrior s road, an Indian path\\nleading from the Cumberland ford along the broken country,\\nlying upon the eastern branch of the Kentucky river, and so\\nacross the Licking toward the mouth of the Scioto. f This\\npath formed the line of communication between the northern\\nand southern Indians and somewhere along its course, John\\nFinley, doubtless in company \\\\vith others, was engaged, in\\n1767, in trading with the red men we presume, with those\\nfrom north of the Ohio, who met him there with the skins\\nprocured during their hunting expedition in that central and\\nchoice region. Upon Finley s return to North Carolina, he\\nmet with Daniel Boone, to whom he described the country he\\nhad visited.\\nDaniel Boone was born in Backs county. Pa., in the month\\nof February, 1735, being the sixth of eleven children. His\\nfather moved to Berks county when Daniel was a small boy,\\nwhere, in a frontier settlement, he attended school, and where\\nin boyhood he received those impressions that were so fully\\ndisplayed in after life. From childhood, he delighted to range\\nthe woods, watch the wild animals, and contemplate the\\nbeauties of uncultivated nature. In woodcraft, his education\\nwas complete. No Indian could poise the rifle, find his way\\nthrough the trackless forest, or hunt the wild game better than\\nDaniel Boone.\\nFew men ever possessed that combination of boldness, cau-\\ntion, hardihood, strength, patience, perseverance and love of\\nsolitude that marked his character. With these qualities\\nhe was kind-hearted, humane, good-tempered, and devoid of\\nmalice. He never manifested the temper of the misanthrope\\n^Smith s Life, in Incidenti of Border Life, p. C4. llaywood s History of Tennessee,\\npage 35.\\nI Soo map in Filson s Kentucky.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "1769. Colonel Daniel Boone. 135\\nor evinced any dissatisfaction with social or domestic life.\\nHe had a natural sense of justice and equity between man\\nand man, and felt, through his whole life, repugnance to the\\ntechnical forms of law, and the conventional regulations of\\nsociety and of government, unless they were in strict accor-\\ndance with his instinctive sense of right.\\nWhen Daniel Boone was in the 18th year of his age, his\\nfather removed from Pennsylvania to North Carolina, and\\nsettled on the Yadkin, in the northwestern part of that State.\\nHere he married, and for several years, labored on a farm\\nhunting at the proper season. About 1762, he was leader of\\na company of hunters from the Yadkin, who ranged through\\nthe vallies on the waters of the Holston, in the southwestern\\npart of Virginia. In 1764, we find him, with another compa-\\nny of hunters, on the Rock Castle, a branch of Cumberland\\nriver, within the present boundaries of Kentucky, employed,\\nas he stated, by a party of land speculators to ascertain and\\nreport concerning the country in that quarter.*\\nThe oppression of the governors of the colony, and the\\nmembers of the Council and of the Assembly, who were\\nEnglish or Scotch adventurers, produced great dissatisfaction\\nwith the laboring classes, and drove many to seek their for-\\ntunes in the wilds of the West. At the same time Richard\\nHenderson, the Harts and others, were projecting a purchase\\nof the fertile lands of the West, and encouraged the hunters\\nto explore the country.\\nOn the return of Finley, as already stated, arrano-ements\\nwere made for an exploring party to examine the rich vales\\nof the Kentucky, of which Boone was the leader; and he alone\\nwas in the confidence of the speculators. His companions\\nwere John Finley, John Stewart, Joseph Holden, James Mon-\\ncey, and WilUam Cool. They left the Y^adkin settlement, and\\nBoone his family, on the first of May, and after much fatigue\\nand exposure to severe rains, reached the waters of Red river\\none of the main branches of the Kentucky, on the 7ih of June.\\nIn this region the party reconnoitered the countr}-, and hunt-\\ned, until December. At that period, the explorers divided\\nthemselves into parties, that they might have a wider range of\\nobservation. Boone had for his companion, Mr. Stewart. Of\\n^Haywood s History of Tennessee, pp. 32, 35.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "136 Explorers in the West. 1771.\\nFinlay, and the rest of the party, we hear nothing more. Of\\ntheir adventures history is silent.\\nBoone and Stewart were soon taken by a party of Indians,\\nfrom whom they made their escape after several days deten-\\ntion. Early in January, 1770, Squire Boone, a brother of\\nDaniel, and another adventurer, arrived from North Carolina,\\nwith supplies of ammunition, and intelligence from his famil}\\nShortly after this event, Stewart, while hunting, was killed by\\nthe Indians, and the man who came with Squire Boone got\\nlost in the woods and perished. The two brothers, thus left\\nalone, pursued their hunting along the banks of the main\\nKentucky river.\\nWhen spring opened Squire returned to the Yadkin for sup-\\nplies, while Daniel explored the country along Salt and Green\\nrivers. On the last of July Squire returned, and they enga-\\nged in exploring the country on the waters of Cumberland\\nriver, and hunting in that region until March, 1771. They\\nthen returned by Kentucky river, and the Cumberland Gap, to\\nthe settlements on the Yadkin.\\nDuring the same period, another exploring and hunting\\nparty of about twenty men, left North Carolina and Western\\nVirginia, for the country of Tennessee. They passed through\\nCumberland Gap into what is now called Wayne county,\\nKentucky, and, subsequently, moved in a southwestern direc-\\ntion, along the waters of Roaring river and Caney fork, and\\nreturned in April, 1770, after an absence often months.\\nThe same year another party often hunters built two boats\\nand two trapping canoes, loaded them with peltry, venison,\\nbears meat and oil, and made a voyage down the Cumber-\\nland, Ohio and JNIississippi rivers, to Natchez, where they dis-\\nposed of their cargo.\\nIn 1771, Casper Mansco, who had twice visited the valley\\nof the Cumberland, came out again in company with several\\nother persons. They traversed the country along the Cum-\\nberland river to the region north of Nashville, and into the\\nbarrens of Kentucky. From the period of their absence\\nthey were called the Long-hunters. These several explo-\\nrations excited the attention of multitudes in the colonies\\nfor authorities and further events in Ji.tail, the reader is referred to Haywood s Histo-\\nry of Tcnneasce: Butler s History of the Commomceallh of Kentucky; and Life of Daniel\\nBoone, by the editor, in Dr. Sparks American Biography, vol. xxiii.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "1773. Emigration to Kentucky. 137\\nsouth of the Potomac, and turned their thoughts to a home in\\nthe Far West.\\nDuring the same eventful period, (1770), there came into\\nWestern Virginia, no less noted a person than George Wash-\\nington. His attention, as we have before said, had been\\nturned to the lands along the Ohio, at a very early period he\\nhad himself large claims, as well as far-reaching plans of set-\\ntlement, and he wished with his own eyes, to examine the\\nWestern lands, especially those about the mouth of the Ka-\\nnawha. From the journal of his expedition, published by\\nMr. Sparks, in the Appendix to the second volume of his\\nWashington papers, we learn some valuable facts in refer-\\nence to the position of affairs in the Ohio valley at that time.\\nWe learn, for instance, that the Virginians were rapidly sur-\\nveying and settling the lands south of the river as far down\\nas the Kanawhas and that the Indians, notwithstanding the\\ntreaty of Fort Stanwix, were jealous and angry at this con-\\nstant invasion of their hunting-grounds.\\nThis jealousy and anger were not suffered to cool during\\nthe years next succeeding, and when Thomas Bullitt and his\\nparty descended the Ohio in the summer of 1773, he found, as\\nrelated above, that no settlements would be tolerated south of\\nthe river, unless the Indian hunting-grounds were left undis-\\nturbed. To leave them undisturbed was, however, no part of\\nthe plan of these white men. This very party, which Bullitt\\nled, and in which were the two McAfees, Hancock, Taylor,\\nDrennon and others, separated, and while part went up the\\nKentucky river, explored the banks, and made important\\nsurveys, including the valley in which Frankfort stands, the\\nremainder went on to the Falls, and laid out, on behalf of\\nJohn Campbell and John Connolly, the plat of Louisville. All\\nthis took place in the summer of 1773 and in the autumn of\\nthat year, or early the next, John Floyd, the deputy of Colonel\\nWilliam Preston, the surveyor of Fincastle county, Virginia,\\nin which it was claimed that Kentucky was comprehended,\\nalso crossed the mountains; while General Thompson, of\\nPennsylvania, made surveys upon the north fork of the Lick-\\ning.* Nor did the projects of the English colonists stop with\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Marshall, i 11. Butler, second edition, 20. American State Papers, xvi. 5S3. Qen..\\nThompson was surveying for the Pennsylvania soldiers under the proclamation of 1763,\\nand a permit from the Council of Virginia in 1774.\\n9", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "138 Boone starts for Kentucky. 1773.\\nthe settlement of Kentucky. In 1773, General Lyman, with\\na number of military adventurers, went to Natchez, and laid\\nout several townships in that vicinity to which point emi-\\ngration set so strongly, that we are told, four hundred families\\npassed down the Ohio, on their way thither, during six weeks\\nof the summer of that year.*\\n[Anxious as was Boone to remove his family to the fertile\\nregion of Kentucky, it was not until 1773, that he sold his farm\\non the Yadkin, and, with five other families, took up the hne of\\nmarch westward. The company started on the 25th of Sep-\\ntember, and were joined by others in Powell s valley, making\\nthe number of forty men, besides women and children. As\\nthey approached the last mountain barrier, on the 16th of\\nOctober, seven young men, who had charge of the cattle,\\nbeing five or six miles in the rear, were attacked by a party of\\nIndians. Six were slain, amongst whom was Boone s eldest\\nson James, and the seventh, though wounded, made his\\nescape. The cattle were dispersed in the woods.\\nThis calamity so disheartened the emigrants, that they gave\\nup the expedition and returned to Clinch river.]\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Holmes Annals, ii. 183; from original MSS. For a history of Natchez, see Western\\nMessenger, September and November, 1838 it is by Mann Butler. See also Ellicott g\\nJournal, (.Philadelphia, 1803,) p. 129, Ac", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V.\\nANNALS OF 1774 AND 1775.\\nSo ttlement of Wheeling ^Connolly seizes Fort Pitt Murder of Logan s Family Dun-\\nmore s War Battle of Point Pleasant Transylvania Land Company Settlement of\\nKentucky First Political Convention in the West Indians in Alliance with the\\nBritish.\\nFor a time the settlement of Kentucky and the West was\\ndelayed for though James Harrod, in the spring or early\\nsummer of 1774, penetrated the wilderness, and built his\\ncabin, (the first log-hut reared in the valley of the Kentucky,)\\nwhere the town which bears his name now stands, he could\\nnot long stay there the sounds of coming war reached even\\nhis solitude, and forced him to rejoin his companions, and aid\\nin repelling the infuriated savages. Notvvithstandino- the\\ntreaty of Fort Stanwix, the western Indians, as we have seen\\nwere in no degree disposed to yield their lands without a\\nstruggle. Wide-spread dissatisfaction prevailed among the\\nShawanese and Mingoes, which was fostered probably by the\\nFrench traders who still visited the tribes of the north-west.\\nEvidence of the feeling which prevailed, is given by Washing-\\nton in his Journal of 1770, and has been already referred to.\\nAnd from that time forward almost every event was calculated\\nstill more to excite and embitter the children of the forest. In\\n1770, Ebenezer, Silas and Jonathan Zane, settled at Wheeling\\nduring that year the Boones, as we have related, were exploring\\nthe interior of Kentucky and after them came the McAfees\\nBullitt, Floyd, Hancock, Taylor, and their companions. The\\nsavages saw their best grounds occupied or threatened with\\noccupation; but still they remembered the war of 1763 and\\nthe terrible power of Britain, and the oldest and wisest of the\\nsufferers were disposed rather to submit to what seemed inevi-\\ntable than to throw themselves away in a vain effort to with-\\nstand the whites. Hopeless hatred toward the invaders filled\\nthe breasts of the natives, therefore, at the period immediately\\npreceding the war of 1774; a hatred needing only a few acts\\nof violence to kindle it into rage and thirst for human blood.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "140 Proclmnation of Dr. Connolly. 1774.\\nAnd such acts were not wanting; in addition to the murder of\\nseveral single Indians by the frontier men, in 1772, five fami-\\nlies of the natives on the Little Kanawha, were killed, in\\nrevenge for the death of a white family on Gauley River,\\nalthough no evidence existed to prove who had committed the\\nlast-named outrage.* And when 1774 came, a series of\\nevents, of which we can present but a faint outline, led to\\nexcessive exasperation on both sides. Pennsylvania and\\nVirginia laid equal claim to Pittsburgh and the adjoining\\ncountry. In the war of 1754, doubt had existed as to which\\ncolony the fork of the Ohio w^as situated in, and the Old\\nDominion having been forward in the defence of the contested\\nterritory, while her northernneighbor had been very backward\\nin doing anything in its favor, the Virginians felt a certain\\nclaim upon the Key of the West. This feeling showed\\nitself before 1763, and by 1773 appears to have attained a\\nvery decided character. Early in 1774, Lord Dunmore,\\nprompted very probably by Colonel Croghan, and his nephew,\\nDr. John Connolly, who had lived at Fort Pitt, and was an in-\\ntriguing and ambitious man, determined, by strong measures,\\nto assert the claims of Virginia upon Pittsburgh audits vicinity,\\nand dispatched Connolly, with a captain s commission, and\\nwith power to take possession of the country upon the Monon-\\ngahela, in the name of the king. The Doctor issued his\\nproclamation to the people, in the neighborhood of Redstone\\nand Pittsburgh, calling upon them to meet on the 24th or 25th\\nof January, 1774, in order to be embodied as Virginia militia.\\nArthur St. Clair, who then represented the Proprietors of\\nPennsylvania in the West, was at Pittsburgh at the time, and\\narrested Connolly before the meeting took place. The people\\nwho had seen the proclamation, however, came together, and\\nthough they were dispersed without attempting any outbreak\\nin favor of the Virginian side of the dispute, which it was very\\nmuch feared they would do, they did not break up without\\ndrunkenness and riot, and among other things^/rrZ their guns\\nat the town occupied by friendly Indians across the river, hurting\\nno one, but exciting the fear and suspicion of the red men.\\nConnolly, soon after, was for a short time released by the\\nsheriff, upon the promise to return to the law s custody, which\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Withers Border Warfnrf, 106. Monette s History of the Misaisiippi Valley, toI. .t\\npage 369.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "1774. His Arbitrary Measures. 141\\npromise he broke however, and having collected a band of\\nfollowers, on the 28th of March, came again to Pittsburgh,\\nstill asserting the claim of Virginia to the government. Then\\ncommenced a series of contests, outrages and complaints,\\nwhich were too extensive and complicated to be described\\nwithin our limited space. The end of the matter was this, that\\nConnolly, in Lord Dunmore s name, and by his authority, took\\nand kept possessionof Fort Pitt; and as it had been dismantled\\nand nearly destroyed, by royal orders, rebuilt it, and named it\\nFort Dunmore. Meantime, in a most unjustifiable and tyranni-\\ncal manner, he arrested both private men and magistrates, and\\nkept some of them in confinement, until Lord Dunmore ordered\\ntheir release. Knowing that these measures were calculated\\nto lead to active and violent measures against himself by the\\nPennsylvanians, he took great precautions, and went to con-\\nsiderable expense to protect his own party from surprise.\\nThese expenses, it is not improbable, he feared the Virginia\\nGeneral Assembly would object to. although his noble patron\\nmight allow them and it is not impossible that he intentionally\\nfostered, as St. Clair distinctly intimated in his letters to the\\nPennsylvania authorities, the growing jealousy between the\\nwhites and natives, in order to make their quarrels serve as a\\ncolor to his profuse expenditures. At any rate, it appears that\\non the 21st of April, Connolly wrote to the settlers along the\\nOhio, that the Shawanese were not to be trusted, and that they\\n(they whites) ought to be prepared to revenge any wrong done\\nthem. This letter came into the hands of Captain Michael\\nCresap, who was looking up lands near Wheeling, and who\\nappears to have possessed the true frontier Indian-hatred.\\nFive days before its date, a canoe, belonging to William Butler,\\na leading Pittsburgh trader, had been attacked by three\\nCherokees, and one white man had been killed. This hap-\\npened not far from Wheeling, and became known there of\\ncourse while about the same time the report was general\\nthat the Indians were stealing the traders horses. When,\\ntherefore, immediately after Connolly s letter had been circu-\\nlated, the news came to that settlement, that some Indians were\\ncoming down the Ohio in a boat, Cresap, in revenge for the\\nmurder by the Cherokees, and, as he afterwards said, in obedi-\\nence to the direction of the commandant at Pittsburgh,\\ncontained in the letter referred to, determined to attack them.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "142 Massacre at Captina. 1774.\\nThey were, as it chanced, two friendly Indians, who, with two\\nwhites, had been dispatched by William Butler, when he heard\\nthat his first messengers were stopped, to attend to his peltries\\ndown the river, in the Shawanese country.* The project of\\nCresap, (and here we continue in the words of Dr. Dodd-\\nridge,) was vehemently opposed by Col. Zane, the proprietor\\nof the place. He stated to the Captain that the killing of\\nthose Indians, Avould inevitably bring on a war, in which much\\ninnocent blood would be shed, and that the act in itself would\\nbe an atrocious murder, and a disgrace to his name forever.\\nHis good counsel was lost. The party went up the river. On\\nbeing asked, at their return, what had become of the Indians?\\nthey coolly answered that they had fallen overboard into\\nthe river! Their canoe, on being examined, was found\\nbloody, and pierced with bullets. This was the first blood\\nwhich was shed in this war,* and terrible was the vengeance\\nwhich followed.\\nIn the evening of the same day, the party hearing that\\nthere was an encampment of Indians at the mouth of Captina,\\nwent down the river to the place, attacked the Indians and\\nkilled several of them. In this affair one of Cresap s party\\nwas severely wounded.\\nThe massacre at Captina and that which took place at\\nBaker s, about forty miles above Wheeling, a few days after\\nthat at Captina, were unquestionably the sole causes of the\\nwar, 1774. The last was perpetrated by thirty-two men, under\\nthe command of Daniel Greathouse. The whole number\\nkilled at this place, and on the river opposite to it, was\\ntwelve, besides several wounded. This horrid massacre\\nwas effected by a hypocritical stratagem, which reflects\\nthe deepest dishonor on the memory of those who were\\nagents in it.\\nThe report of the murders committed on the Indians near\\nWheeling, induced a belief that they would immediately\\ncommence hostilities, and this apprehension furnished the\\npretext for the murder above related. The ostensible object\\nfor raising the party under Greathouse, was that of defending\\nthe family of Baker, whose house was opposite to a large\\nencampment of Indians, at the mouth of Big Yellow Creek.\\nThe party were concealed in ambuscade, while their com-\\nmander went over the river, under the mask of friendship, to\\nthe Indian camp, to ascertain their number; while there, an\\nIndian woman advised him to return home speedily, saying\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2For the above facts relatiye to Connolly s conduct, Ac., see American Archive.\\nfonrth series, i. 252 to 28S, 435, 774, 459, 467, 470, 484, tc. It was said that Dun-\\nmore thanked Cresap for what ho did; American Archives, fonrth series, i. 506; but\\nno proof exists, we believe, of his having done so.\\n*The murder at Balltown took place in 1772.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "1774. The Affair of Greatlwuse. 143\\nthat the Indians were drinking, and angry on account of the\\nmurder of their people down the river, and might do him some\\nmischief. On his return to his party he reported that the\\nIndians were too strong for an open attack. He returned to\\nBaker s and requested him to give any Indians who might\\ncome over, in the course of the day, as much rum as they\\nmight call for, and get as many of them drunk as he possibly\\ncould. The plan succeeded. Several Indian men, with two\\nwomen, came over the river to Baker s, who had previously\\nbeen in the habit of selling rum to the Indians. The men\\ndrank freely and became intoxicated. In this state they were\\nall killed by Greathouse, and a few of his party. I say a few\\nof his party, for it is but justice to state, that not more than\\nfive or six of the whole number had any participation in the\\nslaughter at the house. The rest protested against it, as an\\natrocious murder. From their number, being by far the ma-\\njority, they might have prevented the deed but alas they did\\nnot. A little Indian girl alone was saved from the slaughter,\\nby the humanity of some one of the party, whose name is not\\nnow known.\\nThe Indians in the camps, hearing the firing at the house,\\nsent a canoe with two men in it to enquire what had happened.\\nThese two Indians were both shot down, as soon as they landed\\non the beach. A second and larger canoe was then manned\\nwith a number of Indians in arms but in attempting to reach\\nthe shore, some distance below the house, were received by a\\nwell directed fire from the party, which killed the greater\\nnumber of them, and compelled the survivors to return. A\\ngreat number of shots were exchanged across the river, but\\nwithout damage to the white party, not one of whom was\\neven wounded. The Indian men who were murdered were\\nall scalped.\\nThe woman who gave the friendly advice to the commander\\nof the party, when in the Indian camp, was amongst the slain\\nat Baker s house.\\nThe massacres of the Indians at Captina and Yellow Creek,\\ncomprehended the whole of the family of the famous, but un-\\nfortunate Logan.*\\nThis account by Doddridge is confirmed by the evidence of\\nColonel Zane, whose deposition is given by Jefferson but as\\nit differs somewhat from that of George Rogers Clark, who\\nwas also present, we give part of the letter written by the\\nlast named pioneer relative to the matter, dated June 17, 1798.\\nThis country was explored in 1773. A resolution was\\nformed to make a settlement the spring following, and the\\nmouth of the Little Kanawha appointed the place of general\\n*See Doddridge s Notes, p. 226.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "144 Colonel Clark s Account. 1774.\\nrendezvous, in order to descend the river from thence in a\\nbody. Early in the spring the Indians had done some mis-\\nchief. Reports from their towns were alarming, which deter-\\nred many. About eighty or ninety men only arrived at the\\nappointed rendezvous, where we lay some days.\\nA small party of hunters, that lay about ten miles below us,\\nwere fired upon by the Indians, whom the hunters beat back,\\nand returned to camp. This and many other circumstances\\nled us to believe, that the Indians were determined on war.\\nThe M-hole party was enrolled and determined to execute\\ntheir project of forming a settlement in Kentucky, as we had\\nevery necessary store that could be thought of. An Indian\\ntown called the Horsehead Bottom, on the Scioto and near its\\nmouth, lay nearly in our way. The determination was to\\ncross the country and surprise it. Who was to command?\\nwas the question. There were but few among us that had\\nexperience in Indian warfare, and they were such as we did\\nnot choose to be commanded by. We knew of Capt. Cresap\\nbeing on the river about fifteen miles above us, with some\\nhands, settling a plantation and that he had concluded to fol-\\nlow us to Kentucky as soon as he had fixed there his people.\\nWe also knew that he had been experienced in a former war.\\nHe was proposed and it was unanimously agreed to send for\\nhim to command the party. Messengers were dispatched,\\nand in half an hour returned with Cresap. He had heard of\\nour resolution by some of his hunters, that had fallen in with\\nours, and had set out to come to us.\\nWe now thought our army, as we called it, complete, and\\nthe destruction of the Indians sure. A council was called, and,\\nto our astonishment, our intended Commander-in-chief was\\nthe person that dissuaded us from the enterprise. He said that\\nappearances were very suspicious, but there was no certainty\\nof a war. That if we made the attempt proposed, he had no\\ndoubt of our success, but a war would, at any rate, be the re-\\nsult, and that we should be blamed for it, and perhaps justly.\\nBut if we were determined to proceed, he would lay aside all\\nconsiderations, send to his camp for his people, and share our\\nfortunes.\\nHe was then asked what he would advise. His answer\\nwas, that we should return to Wheeling, as a convenient post,\\nto hear what was going forward. That a few weeks would\\ndetermine. As it was early in the spring, if we found the In-\\ndians were not disposed for war, we should have full time to\\nreturn and make our estfiblishmcnt in Kentucky. This was\\nadopted; and in two hours the whole were under way. As\\nwe ascended the river, we met Kill-buck, an Indian chief, with\\na small party. We had a long conference with him, but re-\\nceived little satisfaction as to the disposition of the Indians.\\nIt was observed that Cresap did not come to this conference,", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "1774. Colonel Clark s Account. 145\\nbut kept on the opposite side of the river. He said that he\\nwas afraid to trust himself with the Indians. Th^it Kill-buck\\nhad frequently attempted to waylay his father, to kill him.\\nThat if he crossed the river, perhaps his fortitude might fail\\nhim, and that he might put Kill-buck to death. On our arri-\\nval at Wheeling, (the country being pretty well settled there-\\nabouts,) the whole of the inhabitants appeared to be alarmed.\\nThey docked to our camp from every direction and all\\nwe could say could not keep them from under our wings.\\nWe oftered to cover their neighborhood with scouts, until\\nfurther information, if they would return to their plantations\\nbut nothing would prevail. By this time we had got to be a\\nformidable party. All the hunters, men without families,\\netc., in that quarter, had joined our party.\\nOur arrival at Wheeling was soon known at Pittsburgh.\\nThe whole of that country, at that time, being under the\\njurisdiction of Virginia, Dr. Connolly had been appointed by\\nDunmore Captain Commandant of the District which was\\ncalled Waugusta. He, learning of us, sent a message address-\\ned to the party, letting us know that a war was to be appre-\\nhended; and requesting that we would keep our position, for\\na few days, as messages had been sent to the Indians, and a\\nfew days would determine the doubt. The answer he got,\\nwas, that we had no inclination to quit our quarters for some\\ntime. That during our stay we should be careful that the\\nenemy did not harrass the neighborhood that we lay in. But\\nbefore this answer could reach Pittsburgh, he sent a second\\nexpress, addressed to Capt. Cresap, as the most influential\\nman amongst us informing him that the messenges had re-\\nturned from the Indians, that war was inevitable, and begging\\nhim to use his influence with the party, to get them to cover\\nthe country by scouts until the inhabitants could fortify them-\\nselves. The reception of this letter was the epoch of open\\nhostilities with the Indians. A new post was planted, a\\ncouncil was called, and the letter read by Cresap, all the\\nIndian traders being summoned on so important an occasion.\\nAction was had, and war declared in the most solemn man-\\nner and the same evening two scalps were brought into the\\ncamp.\\nThe next day some canoes of Indians were discovered on\\nthe river, keeping the advantage of an island to cover them-\\nselves from our view. They were chased fifteen miles down\\nthe river, and driven ashore. A battle ensued a few were\\nwounded on both sides; one Indian only taken prisoner. On\\nexamining their canoes, we found a considerable quantity of\\nammunition and other warlike stores. On our return to camp,\\na resolution was adopted to march the next day, and attack\\nLogan s camp on the Ohio, about thirty miles above us. We\\ndid march about five miles, and then halted to take some re-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "146 Murder of Logan s Family. 1774.\\nfreshtnents. Here the impropriety of executing the projected\\nenterprise was argued. The conversation was brought for-\\nward by Cresap himself. It was generally agreed that those\\nIndians had no hostile intentions as they were hunting, and\\ntheir party were composed of men, women, and children, with\\nall their stuff with them. This we knew as I myself and\\nothers present had been in their camp about four weeks past,\\non our descending the river Irom Pittsburgh. In short, every\\nperson seemed to detest the resolution we had set out with.\\nWe returned in the evening, decamped, and took the road to\\nRedstone.\\nIt was two days after this that Logan s Family were killed.\\nAnd from the manner in which it was done, it was viewed as\\na horrid murder. From Logan s hearing of Cresap being at\\nthe head of this party on the river, it is no wonder that he sup-\\nposed he had a hand in the destruction of his family.*\\nIn relation to the murders by Greathouse, there is also a\\nvariance in the testimon} Henry Jolly, who was near by,\\nand whose statement is published in an article by Dr. Hil-\\ndreth, in Silliman s Journal for January, 1837, makes no men-\\ntion of the visit of Greathouse to the Indian camp, but says\\nthat five men and one woman with a child came from the\\ncamp across to Baker s, that three of the five were made\\ndrunk, and that the whites finding the other two would not\\ndrink, persuaded them to fire at a mark, and when their guns\\nwere empty, shot them down this done, they next murdered\\nthe woman, and tomahawked the three who were intoxicated.\\nThe Indians who had not crossed the Ohio, ascertaining what\\nhad taken place, attempted to escape by descending the river,\\nand having passed Wheeling unobserved, landed at Pipe\\nCreek, and it was then, according to Jolly, that Cresap s attack\\ntook place he killed only one Indian. f But whatever may\\nhave been the precise facts in relation to the murder of Lo-\\ngan s family, they were at any rate of such a nature as to\\nmake all concerned, feel sure of an Indian war and while\\nthose upon the frontier gathered hastily into the fortresses,J\\nan express was sent to Williamsburgh to inform the Governor\\nof the necessity of instant preparation. The Earl of Dun-\\nmore at once took the needful steps to organize forces and\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Louisville Literary News Letter, quoted in Hesperian, February, 1839. p. 309.\\nfSee Am. Pioneer, i. 12 to 24. Am. Archives, 4th Series, i. 467. Sco also Border War-\\nfare, 112, note, where the discrepancies of evidence are stated, also Jacob s Life of Cresap.\\ntBorder Warfare, 114.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "1774. Expedition against the Indians. 147\\nmeanwhile in June, sent Daniel Boone and Michael Stoner to\\nconduct into the settlements the surveyors and others who\\nwere lingering upon the banks of the Kentucky and Elkhorn,\\na duty which was ably and quickly performed. The unfortu-\\nnate traders among the Indians, however, could not thus be\\nrescued from the dangers which beset them. Some of them\\nfell the first victims to the vengeance of the natives. One,\\nnear the town of White-Eyes, the Peace Chief of the Dela-\\nwares, was murdered, cut to pieces, and the fragments of his\\nbody hung upon the bushes the kindly chief gathered them\\ntogether and buried them the hatred of the murderers, how-\\never, led them to disinter and disperse the remains of their\\nvictim anew, but the kindness of the Delaware was as perse-\\nvering as the hatred of his brethren, and again he collected\\nthe scattered limbs and in a secret place hid thtm.*\\n[The question, who killed Logan s family, has been inves-\\ntigated, and every source of evidence exhausted. It is now\\ncertain the murder was not committed by Cresap and his par-\\nty, though from circumstances Logan thought so. Those who\\ndesire to examine the subject further, are referred to the\\nAmerican Pioneer, vol. i. pp. 7 24.]\\nIt being, under the circumstances, deemed advisable, by the\\nVirginians, to assume the offensive, as soon as it could be\\ndone, an army was gathered at Wheeling, which, some time\\nin July, under Colonel McDonald, descended the Ohio to\\nthe mouth of Captina Creek, or as some say, Fish Creek,\\nwhere it w^as proposed to march against the Indian town of\\nWappatomica, on the Muskingum. The march was success-\\nfully accomplished, and the Indians having been frustrated in\\nan expected surprise of the invaders, sued for peace, and gave\\nfive of their chiefs as hostages. Two of them were set free,\\nhowever, by Colonel McDonald, for the avowed purpose of\\ncalling the heads of the tribes together to ratify the treaty\\nwhich was to put an end to warfare but it being found that\\nthe natives were merely attempting to gain time and gather\\nforces, the Virginians proceeded to destroy their towns and\\ncrops, and then retreated, carrying three of their chiefs with\\nthem as prisoners to Williamsburg. f But this invasion did\\nnothing toward intimidating the red men.\\n*Heckewelder s Narrative, 132.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Border Warfare, 115. Doddridge, 241. Am. Archives, 4th Series, 1. 722.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "148 Arbitrary Acts of Dr. Connolhj. 1774.\\nThe Delawares were anxious for peace Sir William John-\\nson sent out to all his copper-colored flock, orders to keep\\nstill;* and even the Shawanese were prevailed on by their\\nwiser leader, Cornstalk, to do all they could to preserve friendly\\nrelations :f indeed they went so far as to secure some wander-\\ning traders from the vengeance of the Mingoes, whose rela-\\ntives had been slain at Yellow Creek and Captina, and sent\\nthem with their property safe to Pittsburgh. J But Logan,\\nwho had been turned by the murderers on the Ohio from a\\nfriend to a deadly foe of the whites, came suddenly upon the\\nMonongahela settlements, and while the other Indians were\\nhesitating as to their course, took his thirteen scalps in re-\\ntaliation for the murder of his family and friends, and return-\\ning home, expressed himself satisfied, and ready to listen to\\nthe Long-Knives. But it was not, apparently, the wish of\\nDunmore or Connolly to meet the friendly spirit of the natives,\\nand when, about the 10th of June, three of the Shawanese\\nconducted the traders, who had been among them, safely to\\nPittsburgh, Connolly had even the meanness to attempt first\\nto seize them, and when foiled in this by Colonel Croghan, his\\nuncle, who had been alienated by his tyranny, he sent men to\\nwatch, waylay and kill them and one account says that one\\nof the three was slain. Indeed, the character developed by\\nthis man, while commandant at fort Dunmore, was such as to\\nexcite universal detestation, and at last to draw down upon\\nhis patron the reproof of Lord Dartmouth. Tf lie seized pro-\\nperty, and imprisoned white men without warrant or pro-\\npriety and we may be assured, in many cases beside that\\njust mentioned, treated the natives with an utter disregard of\\njustice. It is not, then, surprising that Indian attacks occurred\\nalong the frontiers from June to September; nor, on the other\\nhand, need we wonder that the Virginians (against whom, in\\ndistinction from the people of Pennsylvania, the war was car-\\nried on,) became more and more excited, and eager to repay\\nthe injuries received.\\nTo put a stop to these devastations, two large bodies of\\ntroops were gathering in Virginia; the one from the south-\\nern and western part of the State, under General Andrew\\nAm. Archives, Ith Series, i. 252 to 288.\\nt I o. do. +Do. do. gDo. 428.\\nBDo. 449. 1[Do. r74.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "1774. Battle of Point Pleasant. 149\\nLewis, met at Camp Union, now Lewisburg, Greenbriar\\ncounty, near the far-famed White Sulphur Springs the other\\nfrom the northern and eastern counties, was to be under the\\ncommand of Dunmore himself, and descending the Ohio from\\nFort Pitt, was to meet Lewis army at the mouth of the Great\\nKanawha. The force under Lewis, amounting to eleven hun-\\ndred men, commenced its march upon the 6th and 12th of\\nSeptember, and upon the 6th of October reached the spot\\nagreed upon. As Lord Dunmore was not there, and as other\\ntroops were to follow down the Kanawha under Colonel\\nChristian, General Lewis dispatched runners toward Pitts-\\nburgh to inform the Commander-in-chief of his arrival, and\\nproceeded to encamp at the point where the two rivers meet.\\nHere he remained until the 9th of October, when dispatches\\nfrom the Governor reached him, informing him that the plan\\nof the campaign was altered that he (Dunmore) meant to\\nproceed directly against the Shawanese towns of the Scioto,\\nand Lewis was ordered at once to cross the Ohio and meet\\nthe other army before those towns. But on the very day when\\nthis movement should have been executed, (October 10th,) the\\nIndians in force, headed by the able and brave Chief of the\\nShawanese, Cornstalk, appeared before the army of Virgini-\\nans, determined then and there to avenge past wrongs and\\ncripple vitally the power of the invaders. Delawares, Iro-\\nquois, Wyandots, and Shawanese, under their most noted\\nChiefs, among whom was Logan, formed the army opposed to\\nthat of Lewis, and with both the struggle of that day was one\\nof life or death. Soon after sunrise the presence of the sav-\\nages was discovered General Lewis ordered out his brother,\\nColonel Chas. Lewis, and Colonel Fleming, to reconnoitre the\\nground where they had been seen this at once brought on the\\nengagement. In a short time Col. Lewis was killed, and\\nColonel Fleming disabled the troops, thus left without Com-\\nmanders, wavered, but Colonel Field with his regiment com-\\ning to the rescue, they again stood firm about noon Colonel\\nField was killed, and Captain Evan Shelby, (father of Isaac\\nShelby, Governor of Kentucky in after time, and who was\\nthen Lieutenant in his father s company,) took the command\\nand the battle still continued. It was now drawing toward\\nevening, and yet the contest raged without decided success\\nfor either party, when General Lewis ordered a body of men", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "150 Battie of Point Pleasant. 1774.\\nto gain the flank of the enemy by means of Crooked Creek, a\\nsmall stream which runs into the Kanawha about four hundred\\nyards above its mouth. This was successfully done, and the\\nresult was the retreat of the Indians across the Ohio.*\\n[The loss on the part of the Virginians in this battle was\\nseventy-five men killed, and one hundred and forty wounded\\nabout one-fifth of their entire number.\\nAmong the slain were Colonels Charles Lewis and John\\nField; Captains Buford, Morrow, Wood, Cundiff, Wilson and\\nRobert McClanahan and Lieuts. Allen, Goldsby and Dillon,\\nwith some other subalterns. The loss of the enemy could\\nnot be fully ascertained, as, until they are driven from the field,\\nthey carry off their dead. Next morning Col. Christian ex-\\nplored the battle-ground, and found twenty-one Indians lying\\ndead, and subsequently twelve others concealed by brush and\\nlogs.f]\\nLord Dunmore, meanwhile, had descended the river from\\nFort Pitt, and was, at the time he sent word to Lewis of his\\nchange of plans, at the mouth of the Hocking, where he built\\na block-house, called Fort Gower, and remained until after the\\nbattle at the Point. J Thence he marched on towards the\\nScioto, while Lewis and the remains of the army under his\\ncommand, strengthened by the troops under Colonel Christian,\\npressed forward in the same direction, elated by the hope of\\nannihilating the Indian towns, and punishing the inhabitants\\nfor all they had done. But before reaching the enemy s coun-\\ntry Dunmore was visited by the Chiefs asking for peace he\\nlistened to their request, and appointing a place where a treaty\\nshould be held, sent orders to Lewis to stop his march against\\nthe Shawanese towns which orders, however, that officer did\\nnot obey, nor was it till the Governor visited his camp on Con go\\nCreek, near Westfall, that he would agree to give up an at-\\ntempt upon the village of Old Chillicothe, which stood where\\nWestfall now is.|| After this visit by Dunmore, General Lewis\\nfelt himself bound, though unwillingly, to prepare for a blood-\\nless retreat.\\nBorder Warfare, 125. Doddridge, 2.30. American Pioneer, i..381. Letters in Amer-\\nican Archives, fourth series, i. 80S-18, Ac. Thatcher Lives of Indians, ii. 168.\\n1 Howe s Historical Collections of Virginia, pp. 361 364.\\nJ Border Warfare, 133.\\n2 With them was one Elliott, probably Matthew Elliott, so noted in 1790 to 1795.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Amer-\\nican Pionwr, i. 18. U Whittlesey s Discourse, 18i0\u00e2\u0080\u0094 p. 24.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "1774. Lord Dunynore Retires from the West. 151\\nThe Commander-in-chief, however, remained for a time at\\nCamp Charlotte, upon Sippo Creek, about eight miles from\\nthe town of Westfall, on the Scioto.* There we met Corn-\\nstalk, who, being satisfied of the futility of any further strug-\\ngle, was determined to make peace, and arranged with the\\nGovernor the preliminaries of a treaty and from this point\\nCrawford was sent against a town of the Mingoes, who still\\ncontinued hostile, and took several prisoners, who were carried\\nto Virginia, and were still in confinement in February, 1775.-J-\\n[It was at this time and place, (Pickaway county, Ohio,)\\nthat Logan made his famous speech, and not at Camp Char-\\nlotte, as Mr. Jefferson supposed (for he would not go there.)\\nThis and many other facts are sustained by the testimony of\\nJohn Gibson, Esq., an Associate Judge of Alleghany county,\\ngiven at Pittsburgh by affidavit, April 4th, 1800.\\nThese and other documents maybe found in an Appendix\\nto Mr. Jefferson s Notes on Virginia, Boston edition, 1832.J\\nMany of the Virginians were dissatisfied with the treaty,\\nas no effectual blow had been struck. The supposition is, the\\nGovernor of Virginia foresaw the contest between England\\nand her Colonies, and desired to gain the friendship of the\\nIndians.\\nWhen Lord Dunmore retired from the West, he left one\\nhundred men at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, a few\\nmore at Pittsburgh, and another corps at Wheeling, then called\\nFort Fincastle. These were dismissed as the prospect of war\\nceased. Lord Dunmore agreed to return to Pittsburgh in the\\nspring, meet the Indians and form a definite peace but the\\ncommencement of the revolt of the Colonies prevented. The\\nMingoes were not parties to the treaty at Camp Charlotte. J\\nThe Shawanese agreed not to hunt south of the Ohio river,\\nnor molest travellers. The frontier men were much incens-\\ned against Lord Dunmore for this treaty, but not the inhabitants\\nof Old Virginia. II\\n[During Dunmore s War, as these series of hostilities\\nAmerican Pioneer, p. 331,\\nf American Archives, fourth series, i. 1222. Border Warfare, 137. American Arckires,\\nfourth series, ii. 1189.\\nX Amer. Archives, ii. 1189.\\n\u00c2\u00a7Amer. Archives, fourth series, i. 1170.\\nAmer. Archives, fourth series, ii. 170, 301.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "152 Transylvania Land Covipany. 1775.\\nwere called, the militia was called out, and Daniel Boone\\nwas appointed by the Governor to the command of three con-\\ntiguous garrisons on the frontier. James Harrod and several\\nother pioneers of Kentucky were engaged as scouts. Of these\\nlast were Simon Girty, Simon Kenton, (under the fictitious\\nname of Butler,) and others.\\nBoone, Harrod and others, on the return of peace, again\\nturned their eyes to the fertile vallies and choice hunting\\ngrounds of Kentucky. A new Land Company, called the\\nTransylvania Company, was formed in North Carolina,\\nthrough the agency of Richard Henderson, the Harts and\\nothers. This was one of the several companies formed about\\nthe same period to purchase lands of the Indians.* As the\\nCherokees claimed the country south of the Kentucky river,\\nHenderson Co. made several unsuccessful attempts at nego-\\ntiation, when they employed Boone, who, as their confidential\\nagent, had explored the country. The council was held at the\\nIndian town of Watauga, on the south branch of Holston\\nriver, in March, 1775. Boone gave them the requisite infor-\\nmation concerning the country, the rivers and other particu-\\nlars. In consideration of the sum of ten thousand pounds\\nsterling, the Indians transferred to the company two large dis-\\ntricts of country, defined as follows\\nThe first was defined as Beginning on the Ohio river, at\\nthe mouth of the Cantuckey Chenoee, or what, by the English,\\nis called Louisa river from thence running up the said river,\\nand the most northwardly fork of the same, to the head spring\\nthereof; thence a south-east course to the top of the ridge of\\nPowelTs mountain; thence westwardly along the ridge of the\\nsaid mountain, unto a point from which a northwest course\\nwill hit or strike the head spring of the most southwardly\\nbranch of Cumberland river, thence down said river, including\\nall its waters, to the Ohio river, and up the said river, as it\\nmeanders, to the beginning.\\nThe other deed comprised a tract beginning on the Holston\\nriver, where the course of Powell s mountain strikes the same;\\nthence up the said river, as it meanders, to Avhere the Virginia\\nline cro.sscs the same thence westwardly along the line run\\nby Donaldson, to a point six English miles eastward of the\\nlong island in said Holston river thence a direct course to-\\nwards the mouth of the Great Canaway, until if reaches the\\ntop ridge of Powell s mountain thence westwardly along the\\nSco Patrick Ucnry a Deposition, in Hall s Sketcho?, i. 249.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "1775. Fort Erected at Boonesborougk. 153\\nsaid ridge to the place of beginning. This transfer, how-\\never, was in opposition to the ancient and constant policy,\\nboth of England and Virginia, neither of which would\\nrecognize any private dealings for land with the natives\\nand as much of the region to be occupied by the Tran-\\nsylvania Company was believed to be within the bounds\\nof the Old Dominion, Governor Dunmore, even before the\\nbargain was completed, prepared his proclamation warning\\nthe world against one Richard Henderson and other disor-\\nderly persons, who, under pretence of a purchase from the\\nIndians, do set up a claim to the lands of the crown. This\\npaper is dated but four days later than the treaty of Watauga. f\\n[Neither did the British, or any other European government,\\nrecognize the entire sovereignty of the Indians over this coun-\\ntry, or the title as valid to any purchase made by subjects in\\ntheir own right.\\nAfter a long period of litigation, the matter was settled by\\na compromise the State of Virginia granted to the company\\na tract of land on Green river.\\nThe Company, however, not aware of the defect of their\\ntitle, proceeded to the survey and settlement of the tract in\\nKentucky, and Capt. Boone was employed to manage the\\nenterprise. A road was explored and opened, and a fort\\nerected at Boonesborough, under the command of Boone.]\\nUpon the 20th or 25th of March, an attack had been made\\nupon those first invaders of the forests, in which two of their\\nnumber were killed, and one or two others wounded repulsed\\nbut not defeated, the savages watched their opportunity, and\\nagain attacked the little band but being satisfied by these\\nattempts,^ that the leaders of the vi^hites were their equals in\\nforest warfare, the natives offered no further opposition to the\\nmarch of the hunters, who proceeded to the Kentucky, and\\nupon the 1st of April, 1775, began the erection of a fort upon\\nthe banks of that stream, sixty yards south of the river, at a\\nsalt-lick. This was Boonesboro This fort or station was\\n*Hall, i. 251. See also Butler, 504. Butler, instead of Cantucky Chenoee has\\nKentucky Chenoca. See also Haywood s Tennessee. Life of Boone, by the Editor in\\nSparks Library of Amer. Biography, xiii. new series, p. 43, 45.\\nf American Archives, 4th series, 174.\\nJSee Boone s Narrative, and his letter in Hall s Sketches, i. 254. They do not agree\\nentirely.\\n10", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "154 Settlements in Kentucky. 1775.\\nprobably, when complete, about two hundred and fifty feet\\nlong by one hundred and fifty broad, and consisted of block-\\nhouses and pickets, the cabins of the settlers forming part of\\nthe defences;* it was, from neglect, not completed until June\\n14th. and the party, while engaged in its erection, appear to\\nhave been but little annoyed by the Indians, although one\\nman was killed upon the 4th of April. To this station, while\\nyet but half complete, Henderson and his companions came\\nthe 20th of April, following the road marked out by Boone.\\n[On the 13th of June, 1775, Mr. Henderson wTote a long\\nletter from Boonesborough, Ky., to his associates in North\\nCarolina, giving many particulars of the difficulties and the\\nprogress of this enterprise of which we can give only a brief\\nsummary. The letter may be found in Sketches of the\\nWest, by James Hall, Esq., Appendix, volume second.\\nHenderson represents that things wore a gloomy aspect;\\nthat on their journey out they met people returning, and in\\nfour days saw not less than one hundred persons, who had\\nbecome alarmed at the hostile appearance of the Indians;\\nthat arguments and persuasion were needless. Eight or\\nten were the only persons he could prevail on to proceed\\nwith the little company of about forty.\\nThe panic was contagious. But on their arrival at Boones-\\nborough, they found Captain Boone and his men wholly free\\nfrom alarm, and with the fort nearly completed. The plan-\\ntations extend nearly two miles in length on the river, and up\\na creek. Here the people worked on their different lots;\\nsome without their guns, and others without care.\\nWe give an extract from the letter to show the condition of\\nthe country at that period.]\\nWe are seated at the mouth of Otter Creek on the Ken-\\ntucky, about 150 miles from the Ohio. To the West, about\\n50 miles from us, arc two settlements, within six or seven\\nmiles one of the other. There were, some time ago, about\\n100 at the two places; though now, perhaps, not more than\\n60 or 70, as many of them are gone up the Ohio for their\\nfamilies, (Sec; and some returned by the way we came, to Vir-\\nginia and elsewhere. q^ ^j^^ opposite\\nside of the river and north of us, about 40 miles, is a settle-\\nment on the crown lands, of about 19 persons; and lower\\ndown, towards the Ohio, on the same side, there are some\\n\u00c2\u00bbSee plan of the fort, Hall s Sketches, L", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "1775. First Political Convention. 155\\nother settlers, how many, or at what place, I can t exactly\\nlearn. There is also a party of about 10 or 12, with a sur-\\nveyor, who is employed in searching through the country, and\\nlaying off officers lands they have been more than three\\nweeks within ten miles of us, and will be several weeks\\nlonger ranging up and down the country.\\nColonel Harrod, who governs the two first mentioned settle-\\nments, (and is a very good man for our purpose,) Colonel\\nFloyd, (the surveyor) and myself, are under solemn engage-\\nments to communicate, with the utmost dispatch every piece\\nof intelligence respecting danger or sign of Indians, to each\\nother. In case of invasion of Indians, both the other parties\\nare instantly to march and relieve the distressed, if possible.\\nAdd to this, that our country is so fertile, the growth of grass\\nand herbage so tender and luxuriant, that it is almost impos-\\nsible for man or dog to travel, without leaving such sign that\\nyou might, for many days, gallop a horse on the trail- To be\\nserious, it is impossible for any number of people to pass\\nthrough the woods without being tracked, and of course dis-\\ncovered, if Indians, for our hunters all go on horseback, and\\ncould not be deceived if they were to come on the trace of foot-\\nmen. From these circumstances, I think myself in a great\\nmeasure secure against a formidable attack and a few skulk-\\ners could only kill one or two, which would not much affect\\nthe interest of the company.\\nUpon the 23d of May, the persons then in the country,\\nwere called on by Henderson to send representatives to\\nBoonesboro to agree upon a form of government, and to\\nmake laws for the conduct of the inhabitants. From the\\njournal of this primitive legislature, we find, that, besides\\nBoonesboro three settlements were represented, viz Har-\\nrodsburgh, which had been founded by James Harrod in 1774,\\nthough afterwards for a time abandoned, in consequence of\\nDunmore s war; the Boiling Spring settlement, also headed\\nby James Harrod, who had returned to the West early in 1775;\\nand St. Asaph, in Lincoln county, where Benjamin Logan,\\nwho is said to have crossed the mountains with Henderson,\\nwas building himself a station; well known in the troubles\\nwith the Indians which soon followed.\\nThe labors of this first of Western Legislatures were fruitless\\nas the Transjdvania colony was soon transformed into the\\ncounty ofKentucky, and yet some notice of them seems proper.\\nThere were present seventeen representatives; they met\\nabout fifty yards from the bank of the Kentucky, under the\\nbudding branches of a vast elm, while around their feet sprang", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "156 First Political Convention. 1775.\\nthe native white clover, as a carpet for their hall of legislation.\\nWhen God s blessing had been asked by the Rev. John Lythe,\\nColonel Henderson offered an address on behalf of the Pro-\\nprietors, from which we select a few paragraphs illustrative\\nof the spirit of the men and times.\\nOur peculiar circumstances in this remote country, sur-\\nrounded on all sides with difficulties, and equally subject to\\none common danger, which threatens our common overthrow,\\nmust, 1 think, in their effects, secure to us an union of inter-\\nests, and consequently, that harmony in opinion, so essential\\nto the forming good, wise, and wholesome laws. If any\\ndoubt remain amongst you with respect to the force or efficacy\\nof whatever laws you now, or hereafter, make, be pleased to\\nconsider that all power is originally in the people therefore,\\nmake it their interest, by impartial and beneficial laws, and\\nyou may be sure of their inclination to see them enforced.\\nFor it is not to be supposed that a people, anxious and desi-\\nrous to have laws made, who approve ol the method of\\nchoosing delegates, or representatives, to meet in general Con-\\nvention for that purpose, can want the necessary and con-\\ncomitant virtue to carry them into execution.\\nAmong the many objects that must present themselves for\\nyour consideration, the first in order, must, from its importance,\\nbe that of establishing Courts of Justice, or tribunals for the\\npunishment of such as may offend against the laws you are\\nabout to make. As this law will be the chief corner stone in\\nthe ground work or basis of our constitution, let us, in a par-\\nticular manner, recommend the most dispassionate attention,\\nwhile you take for your guide as much of the spirit and genius\\nof the laws of England, as can be interwoven with those of\\nthis country.\\nNext to the establishment of courts or tribunals, as well for\\nthe punishment of public offenders as the recovering of just\\ndebts, that of establishing and regulating a militia, seems of\\nthe greatest importance it is apparent, that without some\\nwise institution, respecting our mutual defence, the different\\ntowns or settlements are every day exposed to the most immi-\\nnent danger, and liable to be destroyed at the mere Mill of the\\nsavage Indians. INothing, 1 am persuaded, but their entire\\nignorance of our weakness and want of order, has hitherto\\npreserved us from the destructive and rapacious hands of cru-\\nelty, and given us an opportunity at this time, of forming\\nsecure defensive plans to be supported and carried into execu-\\ntion by the authority and sanction of a well digested law.\\nThere are sundry other things, highly worthy your consid-\\neration, and demand redress; such as the wanton destruction\\nof our game, the only support of life amongst many of us, and\\nfor want of which the country would be abandoned ere to-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "1775. First Political Convention. 157\\nmorrow, and scarcely a probability remain of its ever becom-\\ning the habitation of any Christian people. This, together\\nwith the practice of many foreigners, who make a business of\\nhunting in our country, killing, driving oft and lessening the\\nnumber of wild cattle and other game, whilst the value of the\\nskins and furs, is appropriated to the benefit of persons not\\nconcerned or interested in our settlement these are evils, I\\nsay, that I am convinced cannot escape your notice and atten-\\ntion.\\n[It should be kept in mind that this Convention was the first\\never held in the wilds of the West, to form a government, and\\nit is evident these backwoods Kentuckians had in their minds\\nthe elements of a republican representative government.]\\nTo the address of Colonel Henderson, the representatives of\\nthis infant commonwealth replied, by stating their readiness\\nto comply with the recommendations of the Proprietor, as\\nbeing just and reasonable, and proceeded, with praiseworthy\\ndiligence, to pass the necessary acts. They were in session\\nthree working days, in which time they enacted the nine fol-\\nlowing laws one for establishing courts one for punishing\\ncrimes a third for regulating the militia a fourth for punish-\\ning swearing and Sabbath-breaking a fifth providing for\\nwrits of attachment a sixth fixing fees and three others for\\npreserving the range, improving the breed of horses, and pre-\\nserving game. In addition to these laws, this working House\\nof Delegates prepared a compact, to be the basis of relation-\\nship between the people and owners of Transylvania some\\nof its leading articles were these\\n1st. That the election of Delegates in this Colony, be an-\\nnual.\\n2d. That the Convention may adjourn and meet again on\\ntheir own adjournment, provided, that in cases of great emer-\\ngency the proprietors may call together the Delegates before\\nthe time adjourned to, and if a majority does not attend, they\\nmay dissolve them and call a new one.\\n3d. That, to prevent dissension and delay of business, one\\nproprietor shall act for the whole, or some one delegated by\\nthem for that purpose, who shall always reside in the colony.\\n4th. That there be a perfect religious freedom and general\\ntoleration Provided, that the propagators of any doctrine or\\ntenets, widely tending to the subversion of our laws, shall, for\\nsuch conduct, be amenable to, and punishable by, the civil\\ncourts.\\n*See Butler s Kentucky, p. 50S.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "158 First Political Convention. 1775.\\n5th. That the Judges of Superior or Supreme Courts be\\nappointed by the proprietors, but be supported by the people^,\\nand to them answerable for their mal-eonduct.\\n9th. That the Judges of the inferior Courts be recommend-\\ned by the people, and approved of by the proprietors, and by\\nthem commissioned.\\n10th. That all civil and military officers be within the ap-\\npointment of the proprietors.\\nlllh. That the office of Surveyor General, belong tone\\nperson interested, or a partner in this purchase.\\n12th. That the legislative authority, after the strength and\\nmaturity of the colony will permit, consist of three branches,\\nto wit the delegates or representatives chosen by the people,\\na council not exceeding twelve men, possessed of landed es-\\ntate, residing in the colony, and the proprietors.\\n17th. That the convention have the sole power of raising\\nand appropriating all public monies, and electing their Trea-\\nsurer.*\\nOn the 27th of May this Legislature adjourned to meet\\nagain upon the first Thursday of the next September, though\\nwe do not learn that it ever did so.\\nFrom the time of the unpopular treaty of Camp Charlotte,\\nthe western people had been apprehensive of extensive injury\\nto the American frontiers from the Indians, instigated by\\nagents reaching them through Canada, whenever the expect-\\ned outbreak with England took place. Nor was it long before\\nthe Americans in the North saw the dangers to be feared from\\nthe action of the Indians, influenced by the British and early\\nin April, 1775, the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts wrote\\nto the Rev. Samuel Kirkland, then a missionary among the\\nOneidas, informing him that, having heard that the English\\nwere trying to attach the Six Nations to their interest, it had\\nbeen thought proper to ask the several tribes, through him, to\\nstand neutral. Steps were also taken to secure the co-opera-\\ntion, if possible, of the Penobscot and Stockbridge Indians;\\nthe latter of whom replied, that, though they could never un-\\nderstand what the quarrel between the Provinces and old\\nEngland was about, yet they \\\\vould stand by the Americans.\\nThey also offered to ieel the mind of the Iroquois, and try\\nto bring them over.f\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2See Butler s Kentucky, p. 514.\\nfStone, vol. 1, pp. 55-53. Sparks WashiDgton, vol. iii, pp. 495-496.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "1775. Appeals to the Indians. 159\\nBut the Iroquois were not to be easily won over by any\\nmeans. Sir William Johnson, so long the King s agent among\\nthem, and to whom they looked with the confidence of child-\\nren in a father, had died suddenly, in June, 1774, and the wild\\nmen had been left under the influence of Col. Guy Johnson,\\nSir William s son-in-law, who succeeded him as Superinten-\\ndent, and of John Johnson, Sir William s son, who succeeded\\nto his estates and honors. Both these men were tories and\\ntheir influence in favor of England was increased by that of\\nthe celebrated Joseph Brant. This trio, acting in conjunction\\nwith some of the rich old royalists along the Mohawk, op-\\nposed the whole movement of the Bostonians, the whole\\nspirit of the Philadelphia Congress, and every attempt, open\\nor secret, in favor of the rebels. Believing Mr. Kirkland to be\\nlittle better than a Whig in disguise, and fearing that he might\\nalienate the tribe in which he was, from their old faith, and,\\nthrough them, influence the others, the Johnsons, while the\\nwar was still bloodless, made strong eflbrts to remove him\\nfrom his position.\\nNor were the fears of the Johnsons groundless, as is shown\\nby the address of the Oneida Indians to the New England\\nGovernors, in which they state their intention of remaining\\nneutral during so unnatural a quarrel as that just then com-\\nmencing. But this intention the leading tribe of the great\\nIndian confederacy meant to disturb, if possible. The idea\\nwas suggested, that Guy Johnson was in danger of being seized\\nby the Bostonians, and an attempt was made to rally about\\nhim the savages as a body-guard while he, on his part, wrote\\nto the neighboring magistrates, holding out to them, as a ter-\\nror, the excitement of the Indians, and the dangers to be feared\\nfrom their rising, if he were seized, or their rights interfered\\nwith.\\nSo stood matters in the Mohawk valley, during the month\\nof May, 1775. The Johnsons were gathering a little army,\\nwhich soon amounted to five hundred men and the Revolu-\\ntionary committees, resolute never to yield one hair s breadth,\\nnever to submit to any arbitrary acts of any power under\\nheaven, were denouncing Colonel Guy s conduct as arbi-\\ntrary, illegal, oppressive, and unwarrantable. Watch him,\\nwrote Washington to General Schuyler in June and, even\\nbefore the order was given, what with the Tryon county men", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "160 The Indians Divided. 1775.\\nabove him on the river, and the whole provincial force below\\nhim, he was likely to be well watched. Finding himself thus\\nfettered, and feeling it to be time to take some decided step,\\nthe Superintendent, early in July, began to move westward,\\naccompanied by his dependents and the great body of the\\nMohawk Indians, who remained firm in the British interests.*\\nHe moved first to Fort Stanwix, (afterwards Fort Schuyler,\\nnear the present town of Rome,) and then went on to Ontario,\\nwhere he arrived early in July, and held a Congress with\\nthirteen hundred and forty warriors, Avhose old attachment\\nwas then and there renewed. Joseph Brant, be it noted,\\nduring all this time, was acting as the Superintendent s Sec-\\nretary.\\nAll of the Six Nations, except the Oneidas and Tuscaroras,\\nmight now be deemed in alliance with the British. Those\\ntribes, chiefly through the exertions of Mr. Kirkland, were\\nprevented from going with the others, and upon the 28th of\\nJune, at German Flats, gave to the Americans a pledge of\\nneutrality.!\\n^Vhile the members of the Northern Confederacy were thus\\ndivided in their attachments, the Delawares of the upper\\nOhio were by no means unanimous in their opinions as to this\\npuzzling family quarrel which was coming on and Congress,\\nhaving been informed on the first day of June, that the\\nwestern Virginians stood in fear of the Indians, with whom\\nLord Dunmore, in his small way, was, as they thought, tam-\\npering,J it was determined to have a Congress called at Pitts-\\nburgh, to explain to the poor red men the causes of the sud-\\nden division of their old enemies, and try to persuade them to\\nkeep peace. This Congress did not meet, however, until\\nOctober.^\\nNor was it from the northern and western tribes only, that\\nhostilities were feared. The Cherokees and their neighbors\\nwere much dreaded, and not withoutcause as they were then\\nless under the control of the whites, than either the Iroquois\\nor Delawares, and might, in the hope of securing their free-\\ndom, be led to unite, in a warfare of extermination against\\nthe Carolinas. We find, accordingly, that early in July, Con-\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Stone, vol. i. p. 77 tStone, toI. i. p. 81.\\nJOld Journals, vol. i. p. 7?. JHeckewelder s Narrative, p. 136.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "1775. Conference ivith Northern Indians. 161\\ngress having determined to seek the alliance of the several\\nIndian nations, three departments were formed a northern\\none, including the Six Nations and all north and east of them,\\nto the charge of which General Schuyler, Oliver Wolcott, and\\nthree others, were appointed a middle department, including\\nthe Western Indians, who were to be looked to by Messrs.\\nFranklin, Henry, and Wilson and a southern department,\\nincluding all the tribes south of Kentucky, over which com-\\nmissioners were to preside under the appointment of the South\\nCarolina Council of Safety. These commissioners were to\\nkeep a close watch upon the nations in their several depart-\\nments, and upon the King s Superintendents among them.\\nThese officers they were to seize, if they had reason to think\\nthem engaged in stirring up the natives against the colonies,\\nand in all ways were to seek to keep those natives quiet and\\nout of the contest. Talks were also prepared to send to the\\nseveral tribes, in which an attempt was made to illustrate the\\nrelations between England and America, by comparing the\\nlast to a child ordered to carry a pack too heavy for its\\nstrength. The boy complains, and, for answer, the pack is\\nmade a little heavier. Again and again the poor urchin re-\\nmonstrates, but the bad servants misrepresent the matter to\\nthe father, and the boy gets a still heavier burden, till at last,\\nalmost broken -backed, he throws off the load altogether, and\\nsaj s he will carry it no longer. This allegory was intend-\\ned to make the matter clear to the pack-carrying red men,\\nand, if we may judge from Heckewelder s account, it answer-\\ned the purpose for, he says, the Delawares reported the\\nwhole story very correctly. Indeed, he gives their report upon\\nthe 137th page of his Narrative, which report agrees very\\nwell with the original speech, preserved to us in the Journals\\nof the old Congress.!\\nThe first conference held by the commissioners, was in the\\nnorthern department, a grand Congress coming together at\\nAlbany in August. Of this Congress a full account may be\\nfound in Colonel Stone s first volume.J It did not, however,\\n*01d Journals, vol. i. p. 113, fec.\\nt Vol. i. p. 115. See also in Carey s Museum for January, 1789, p. 88 to 91, the speech\\nto the Iroquois at Philadelphia, delivered July, 13th 1775 j in this the pack-proverb is giv-\\nen fully and very well.\\nJ Pp. 94-105. Appendix ir. xxxi.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "162 Confei-cnce ivith Western Indians. 1775.\\nfully represent the Six Nations, and some, even of those who\\nwere present, immediately afterwards deserted to the British\\nso that the result was slight.\\nThe next conference was held at Pittsburgh with the west-\\nern Indians. This was in October, and was attended by the\\nDelawarcs, Senecas, and, perhaps, some of the Shawanese.\\nTh\u00c2\u00ab Delaware nation were, as we have already said, divided\\nin their views touching the Americans. One of their chief-\\ntains, Captain White-Eyes, a man of high character and clear\\nmind, of courage such as became the leader of a race whose\\nmost common virtues were those of the wild man, and of a\\nforbearance and kindness as unusual as fearlessness was fre-\\nquent, among his people, this true man was now, as always,\\nin favor of peace and his influence carried with him a strong\\npart} But there were others, again, who longed for war,\\nand wished to carry the whole nation over to the British\\ninterest. These were led by a cunning and able man, called\\nCaptain Pipe, who, without the energy, moral daring, and un-\\nclouded honesty of his opponent, had many qualities admira-\\nbly suited to win and rule Indians. Between these two men\\nthere was a division from the beginning of the Revolution till\\nthe death of White-Eyes. At the Pittsburgh Conference, the\\nPeace Chief, as he was called, was present, and there asserted\\nhis freedom of the Six Nations, who, through their emissa-\\nries present, tried to bend the Delawares, as they had been\\nused to do. His bold denial of the claim of the Iroquois to\\nrule his people, was seized upon by some of the War-Party,\\nas a pretext for leaving the JMuskingum, where White-Eyes\\nlived, and withdrawing toward Lake Erie, into the more im-\\nmediate vicinity of the English and their allies.\\nThe Shawanese and their neighbors, meantime, had taken\\ncounsel with Guy Johnson at Oswego, and might be consid-\\nered as in league with the king. Indeed, we can neither\\nMonder at, nor blame these bewildered savages for leaguing\\nthemselves with any power against those actual occupants of\\ntheir hunting-grounds, who arc, here and there in Kentucky,\\nbuilding block-houses and clearing corn-fields. Against those\\nblock-houses and their builders, little bands of red men con-\\ntinually kept sallying forth, supplied with ammunition from\\nDetroit and the other western posts, and incited to exertion by\\nthe well known stimulants of whisky and fine clothes.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "1775. Settlement of Kentucky. 163\\nHowever, it is hardly correct to say, that this was done in\\n1775, though the arrangements were, beyond doubt, made in\\nthat year. Col. Johnson having visited Montreal, immediately\\nafter the council with the Shawanese and others at Oswego,\\nfor the purpose of concluding with the Brifsh governor and\\ngeneral upon his future course.\\nBut although the dangers of the posts, more immediately\\nexposed to Indian invasions, were understood both East and\\nWest, it did not prevent emigration. In June, 1775, Boone\\nhad sought the settlements once more, in order to remove his\\nfamily and in the following September, with four females,\\nthe fearless mothers of Kentucky, re-crossed the mountains.\\nThese four women were, his own Avife, Mrs. McGary, Mrs.\\nDanton and Mrs. Hogan their husbands and children came\\nwith them, and more than twenty men able to bear arms,\\nwere also of the party.\\nAt the close of 1775, then, the country along the Kentucky\\nwas filling with emigrants, although doubt and dissatisfaction\\nalready existed as to Henderson s purchase, and especially as\\nto holding lands of proprietors, and being governed by them\\nmany of the new settlers not being ignorant of the evils\\nbrought on Pennsylvania by means of the Proprietary rule.\\nBut hope was still predominant, and the characters of Har-\\nrod, Floyd, Logan and the Harts, were well calculated to in-\\nspire confidence.\\nNorth of the Ohio, during that year, little was doing of\\nwhich any knowledge has reached us but one settlement be-\\nyond the Belle Reviere deserves our notice.\\nOur readers will remember the calm and bold Moravian,\\nChristian Frederick Post, who journeyed to the Big Beaver\\nCreek in 1758, and won the Delawares to peace. This same\\nman, in 1761, thinking the true faith might be planted among\\nthose western tribes, journeyed out to the Muskingum, and, on\\nthe banks of that stream, about a mile from Beaver s Town,\\nbuilt himself a house.* The next season, that is, in the spring\\nof 1762, he again crossed the mountains in company with the\\nwell known Heckew^elder, who went out as his assistant. The\\nIndians having consented to his living among them, and teach-\\ning their children to read and write, Post prepared to clear a\\nHeokewelder s Narrative, p. 59.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "164 The Moravian Missionary. 1762.\\nfew acres whereon to raise corn. The chiefs hearing of this\\ncalled him to them, and said they feared he had changed his\\nmind, for, instead of teaching their children, he was clearing\\nland which, if he did, others might do, and then a fort be\\nbuilt to protect them, and then the land claimed, and they be\\ndriven off, as had always, they said, been the case. Post re-\\nplied that a teacher must live, and, as he did not wish to be\\na burden to them, he proposed to raise his own food. This\\nreply the Indians considered, and told him, that, as he claimed\\nto be a minister of God, just as the French priests did, and as\\nthese latter looked fat and comely though they did not raise\\ncorn, it was probable that the Great Spirit would take care of\\nhim as he did of them, if he wished him to be his minister so\\nthey could only give him a garden spot. This Captain Pipe\\nstepped off for him, and with this he had to shift as well as he\\ncould.\\nI hese proceedings were in 1762, and while they show the\\nperfect perception which the Indians had of their dangers, and\\nof the English tactics, explain most clearly the causes of the\\nnext year s war.\\nPost continued to till his little garden spot and teach his\\nIndian disciples through the summer of 1762, and in the au-\\ntumn accompanied King Beaver to Lancaster, in Pennsylva-\\nnia, where a fruitless treaty was concluded with the whites.\\nReturning from this treaty in October, he met llecke welder,\\nwho had been warned by his red friends to leave the coun-\\ntry before war came, and was forced back upon the settle-\\nments.\\nFrom this time, until the autumn of 1767, no Moravians\\nvisited the West. Then, in the following spring, Zeisberger\\nwent to the Allegheny, and there established a mission,\\nagainst the will, however, of the greater part of the savages,\\nwho saw nothing but evil in the white man s eye.* The fruits\\nwould not ripen, the deer would not stay, they said, where the\\nwhite man came. But Zeisberger s was a fearless soul, and he\\nworked on, despite threats and plots against his life and not\\nonly held his place, but even converted some of the leading\\nIndians. Among these was one Mho had come from the Big\\nBeaver, for the purpose of refuting the Moravians and this\\nIleckewelder s Narrative, p. 93.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "1775. Conspiracy to unite the Indians. 165\\nman being influential, the missionaries were in 1770 invited\\nto come to Big Beaver, whither they went in April of that\\nyear, settling about twenty miles from its mouth. Nor did the\\nkindness of the Indians stop here. The Del a wares of the\\nMuskingum, remembering perhaps what Post had done among\\nthem ten years before, invited the Christian Indians of Penn-\\nsylvania to come and live on their river; and in this invitation\\nthe Wyandots joined. The proposition was long considered,\\nand at last agreed to and, on the 3d of May, 1772, Zeisber-\\nger, with twenty-seven of his native disciples, founded Schoen-\\nbrun, upon the Muskingum, the first true Christian settle-\\nment made within the present State of Ohio, and the begin-\\nning of that which was destroyed by the frontier men ten\\nyears afterward, in so cruel and cowardly a manner. To this\\nsettlement, in the course of the next year, the Christian Indi-\\nans of the Susquehanna, and those of the Big Beaver, re-\\nmoved. Though endangered by the war of 1774, it was not\\ninjured, and, when our Revolution began, was the only point\\nbeyond Pittsburgh, north of the river, where the English were\\ndwelling and laboring.*\\nIt was towards the close of this last year of our colonial\\nexistence, 1775, that a plot was discovered, which involved\\nsome whose names have already appeared upon our pages,\\nand which, if successful, would have influenced the fortunes\\nof the West deeply. Dr. John Connolly, of Pittsburgh, (he,\\nwhom Washington had met and talked with in 1770, and\\nwith whom he had afterwards corresponded in relation to\\nwestern lands, and who played so prominent a part as com-\\nmandant of Pittsburgh, where he continued at least through\\n1774,)f was, from the outset of the revolutionary movements,\\na Tory; and being a man extensively acquainted with the\\nWest, a man of talent, and fearless withal, he naturally be-\\ncame a leader. This man, in 1775, planned a union of the\\nnorth-western Indians with British troops, which combined\\nforces were to be led, under his command, from Detroit, and\\nafter ravaging the few frontier settlements, were to join Lord\\nDunmore in eastern Virginia. To forward his plans, Connolly\\nvisited Boston to see General Gage then having returned to\\n*See on the whole subject of the Moravian Missions; Heckewelder s account in Ameri-\\ncan State Papers, vi. 379 to 391.\\nt American Archives, fourth series, L 1179,", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "16G Early Pioneers. 1775.\\nthe south, in the fall of 1775, he left Lord Dunmore for the\\nWest, bearing one set of instructions upon his person, and\\nanother set, the true ones, most artfully concealed, under the\\ndirection of Lord Dunmore himself, in his saddle, secured by\\ntin and waxed cloth. He and his comrades, had gone as far\\nas Ilagerstown, where they were arrested upon suspicion, and\\nsent back to Frederick. There they were searched, and the\\npapers upon Connolly s person were found, seized, and sent\\nto Congress. AVashington having been informed by one who\\nwas present when the genuine instructions were concealed as\\nabove stated, wrote twice on the subject to the proper authori-\\nties, in order to lead to their discovery, but we do not learn\\nthat they were ever found. Connolly himself was confined,\\nand remained a close prisoner till 1781, complaining much of\\nhis hard lot, but finding few to pity him.*\\n[Dr. Connolly was one of the early explorers of Kentucky,\\nand in 1770 proposed to establish a province, which would\\nhave included the Cumberland, or Shawanee river from a line\\ndrawn above the Fork to the Falls and the Ohio.f After-\\nwards he caused to be surveyed, patented, and advertised, in\\nApril, 1774, the ground on which Louisville was built. J\\nAmong the prominent pioneers and explorers of Kentucky,\\nthis year, was Simon Kenton, Colonel Benjamin Logan, John\\nFloyd, William Whitley and George Rogers Clarke. Simon\\nKenton was a tall, robust, athletic man, and of great energy\\nof character. He was a ranger and a spy in Dunmore s\\ncampaign against the Indians in 1774, and with two other\\nmen, came down the Ohio river in a canoe to the place where\\nAugusta is now situated, and spent the season in hunting on\\nthe waters of the Licking. He became identified with the\\nhistory of Kentucky, and the Indian wars of the north-west.\\nHe was taken prisoner by the Indians, and sentenced to be\\nburnt, but was rescued by the notorious Simon Girty, after he\\nwas tied to the stake and the fire kindled around him. He\\n*Amcrioan Archives, -tth scries, iv. 617, where Connolly s commission and several let-\\nters are given; do. iii. lOCO, where his examination is to be found; also, see index^of\\nboth vols. See also Sparks Washington, iii. 197, 211, 212, 269, 271. Border TVarfare,\\n133. Old Journals, iii. 36, 121, 122, 125, 385. The whole story is in the report of the\\ncommittee of Congress, old journals, iii. 121. Sec also Smyth s account of the nfFair in\\nthe 2nd vol. of his work, p. 2-13.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0fSparks Washington, ii. 632.\\nJ Amcr. Archives, fourth series. Western Garland, February, 1846, p. 93.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "1775. Early Pioneers. 167\\nwas with Col. G. R. Clarke in the Conquest of Illinois, and in\\nWayne s army in 1795. After the close of the Indian wars\\nin the north-west, he settled in Ohio, where he sustained the\\ncharacter of a worthy citizen, and died a few years since with\\nthe faith of a sincere Christian.\\nColonel Benjamin Logan lived in Kentucky and performed\\nan important part in the annals of that Commonwealth.\\nOne of those men whose name appears prominent in Ken-\\ntucky history was Colonel John Floyd, a surveyor from eastern\\nVirginia. His first exploration was made in 1774, but in\\n1775, he returned to pursue his vocation as a surveyor in lo-\\ncating land claims. His location was a few miles from Louis-\\nville, on Bear Grass creek, known to this day as Floyd s Sta-\\ntion.\\nThe emigrants to the Transylvania colony continued to in-\\ncrease in number through the summer, so that on the first of\\nNovember the white population in all the settlements in Ken-\\ntucky amounted to three hundred persons, a majority of whom\\nwere effective men for the defence of the settlements. The\\nwhole quantity of land in cultivation was two hundred and\\nthirty acres, planted in corn. The lands entered at the land\\noffice by individuals amounted to five hundred and sixty thou-\\nsand acres.*\\nDuring the summer of 1775, Harrod s Station and Logan- s\\nFort were established. A party of hunters and land explorers\\nwere encamped on a fertile and delightful tract of country on\\nthe head waters of the Elkhorn, \u00e2\u0096\u00a0when an emigrant from Vir-\\nginia brought the news of the battle of Lexington, and the\\noutbreak of the American revolution. The feelings of liberty\\nand patriotism excited gave name to the encampment as the\\nembryo of a future city, and Lexington exists in commemo-\\nration of the fact.f Louisville was a rendezvous for all those\\nwho came down the Ohio river in boats and canoes.\\n*Butler s Kentucky, Introduction, p. 03, 69. Monette s Valley of tlie Mississippi, L\\n397.\\nf Morehead s Address, p. 33.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI.\\nANNALS OF 1776 AND 1777.\\nEmployment of Indians in the War Pioneers to Kentucky Capture and rescue of Girls\\nPetition of the Inhabitants Efforts of George Rogers Clarke Corn-stalk and Red-\\nbud killed Troubles in Kentucky Attack on Wheeling Simon Girty and family.\\nJn the annals of Kentucky, the year 1776 is remarkable, first,\\nfor the recognition by Virginia of the Transylvania colony, as\\na part of the Old Dominion; and secondly, for such a renew-\\nal of hostilities, as drove many, who had come to make the\\nWest their home, back over the mountains again. During\\nthe last six months of 1775, and the first half of 1776, the\\nnorthern savages had in a great measure ceased their excur-\\nsions against the invaders of their hunting-grounds. Not,\\nhowever, because they had given up the contest they were\\npreparing, in connection with the British agents in the north-\\nwest, to act with deadly efficiency against the frontier sta-\\ntions. From an early period in the Revolutionary w^ar, the\\nuse of the Indians had been contemplated by both parties to\\nthe struggle. It had been usual, in the contest between the\\nFrench and English, as we have seen and few seem to\\nhave deemed it possible to avoid alliances Mith the red men.\\nThere is cause to think that England took the first steps\\nthat were taken to enlist the Indians in the quarrel of mother\\nand daughter. The first mention of the subject, which we\\nmeet with, is in the address of the Massachusetts Congress to\\nthe Iroquois, in April, 1775.* In that they say, that they hear\\nthat the British are exciting the savages against the colonies\\nand they ask the Six Actions to aid them or stand quiet. f And\\nin the June following, when James Wood visited the Western\\ntribes, and asked them to a council, which he did under the di-\\nrection of the Virginia House of Burgesses, he found that\\nGovernor Carlton had been beforehand, and ofiered the alli-\\nSparks Washington, vol. iii.p, 495.\\nt American Archives, fourth scries, ir, 110.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "1776. Authority to Employ Indians. 16^\\nance of England.* It would seem, then, that even before the\\nbattle of Lexington, both parties had applied to the Indians^\\nand sought an alliance. In the outset, therefore, both parties\\nwere of the same mind and pursued the same course. The\\nCongress of the United Colonies, however, during 1775, and\\nuntil the summer of 1776, advocated merely the attempt to keep the\\nIndians out of the contest entirely, and instructed the Commission-\\ners, appointed in the several departments, to do so. But Eng-\\nland was of another mind. Promises and threats were both\\nused to induce the savages to act with her.f though, at first, it\\nwould seem, to little purpose, even the Canada tribe of\\nCaghnawagas having offered their aid to the Americans.\\nWhen Britain, however, became victorious in the North, and\\nparticularly after the battle of the Cedars, in May, 1776, the\\nwild men began to think of holding to her side, their policy\\nbeing, in all quarrels of the whites, to stick to the strongest.\\nThen it was, in June, 1776, that Congress resolved to do what\\nWashington had advised in the previous April, that is, to em-\\nploy the savages in active warfare. Upon the 19th of\\nApril, the Commander-in-chief wrote to Congress, saying, as\\nthe Indians would soon be engaged, either for or against, he\\nwould suggest that they be engaged for the colonies ;J upon\\nthe 3d of May, the report on this was considered upon the\\n25th of May, it was resolved to be highly expedient to engage\\nthe Indians for the American service and, upon the 3d of\\nJune, the General was empowered to raise two thousand to be\\nemployed in Canada. Upon the 17th of June, Washington\\nwas authorized to employ them where he pleased, and to\\noffer them rewards for prisoners; and upon the 8th of July,\\nhe was empowered to call out as many of the Nova Scotia\\nand neighboring tribes as he saw fit.\u00c2\u00a7\\nSuch was the course of proceeding, on the part of the colo-\\nnies, with regard to the employment of the Indians. The steps,\\nat the time, were secret, but now the whole story is before the\\nworld. Not so, however, with regard to the acts of England\\nas to them, we have but few of the records placed within our\\nreach. One thing, however, is known, namely, that, while the\\n^Sparks Washington, vol. iii. p. 55. tlbid., p. 55.\\nJSparks Washington, vol. iii. p. 36i. Also, v. 277, where tie views of Burke, Govern-\\nor Pownall, and others, are given.\\n^Secret Journals, vol. i. pp. 43-47.\\n11", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "170 The Indians side with England. 1776.\\ncolonies offered their allies of the woods rewards for 73?/5o\u00c2\u00ab fr5,\\nsome of the British agents gave them money for scalps* a\\nproceeding that cannot find any justification.\\nIn accordance with the course of policy thus pursued, the\\nnorth-western tribes, already angered by the constant inva-\\nsions of their territory by the hunters of Virginia and Carolina,\\nand easily accessible by the lakes, were soon enlisted on the\\nside of England and had a Pontiac been alive to lead them,\\nmight have done much mischief. As it was, during the sum-\\nmer of 1776, their straggling parties so filled the woods of\\nKentucky, that no one outside of a fort felt safe.\\n[Amongst other emigrants, the opening of spring brought to\\nthe country, were Colonel Richard Callaway (an intimate\\nfriend of Daniel Boone) and his family.\\nOn the 14th of July, Betsey Callaway, her sister Frances,\\nand Jemima Boone, the two last about fourteen years of age,\\ncarelessly crossed the river opposite Boonesborough, in a ca-\\nnoe, at a late hour in the afternoon. The trees and shrubs on\\nthe opposite bank were thick, and came down to the water s\\nedge the girls, unconscious of danger, were playing and\\nsplashing the water with the paddles, until the canoe, float-\\ning with the current, drifted near the shore. Five stout Indians\\nlay there concealed, one of whom, noiseless and stealthy as\\nthe serpent, crawled down the bank until he reached the rope\\nthat hung from the bow, turned its course up the stream, and\\nin a direction to be hidden from the view of the fort. The\\nloud shrieks of the captured girls were heard, but too late for\\ntheir rescue. The canoe, their only means of crossing, was\\non the opposite shore, and none dared to risk the chance of\\nswimming the river, under the impression that a large\\nbody of savages was concealed in the woods. Boone and\\nCallaway were both absent, and night set in before their\\nreturn and arrangements could be made for pursuit. We sub-\\njoin the narrative of Colonel Floyd, who was one of the party,\\nremarking that this story was narrated to the writer by one of\\nthe captured party, in 1818, in terms substantially the same.]\\nColonel Floyd says: Next morning, by day-light, we Avere\\non their track but they had entirely prevented our following\\nthem, by walking some distance apart through the thickest\\ncane they could find. We observed their course, and on\\nwhich side they had left their sign and traveled upwards of\\nthirty miles. We then supposed they would be less cautious\\nin traveling, and made a turn to cross their trace we had\\ngone but a few miles when we found their tracks in a buffalo\\npath pursued and overtook them in going about ten miles,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Jeffeiaon fl Writings, vol. i. p. 456.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "1776. George Rogers Clark. 171\\njust as they were kindling a fire to cook. Our study had\\nbeen how to get the prisoners, without giving the Indians\\ntime to murder them after they discovered us. We saw each\\nother nearly at the same time. Four of us fired, and all rush-\\ned on them, hy which they were prevented from carrying\\nanything away except one shot gun, without any ammunition.\\nMr. Boone and myself had each a pretty fair shot, as they be-\\ngan to move off*. I am well convinced I shot one through the\\nbody. The one he shot dropped his gun mine had none.\\nThe place was covered thick with cane, and being so much\\nelated on recovering the three poor little heart-broken girls,\\nwe were prevented from making any further search. We sent\\nthe Indians off without their moccasins, and not one of them\\nwith so much as a knife or tomahawk.\\n[Mr. Butler justly remarks, on this incident, These are\\nthe unembellished circumstances of a transaction, which a\\nlively and most interesting writer [Mr. Flint] has, through mis-\\ninformation, historically disfigured into a beautiful romance.\\nWe add, that the romantic incidents told by Mr. Flint, and the\\noath sworn by Boone, and administered to his followers, are\\nwholly fictitious f]\\nBut it was not destined that Kentucky should sink under\\nher trials. It was during this very summer of 1776, indeed,\\nthat the corner-stone of her prosperity was laid, and the first\\nstep taken toward making her an independent commonwealth.\\nThis was done by George Rogers Clark, truly her founder^\\nand the most eminent of the early heroes of the West. He\\nwas born November 19, 1752, in Albemarle county, Vir-\\nginia.J In early life, he had been, like Washington, a sur-\\nveyor, and more lately had served in Dunmore s war. He\\nfirst visited Kentucky in 1775,\u00c2\u00a7 and held, apparently, at that\\ntime, the rank of major. Returning to Virginia, in the au-\\ntumn of 1775, he prepared to move permanently to the West,\\nin the following spring. Having done this early in 1776,\\nClark, whose views reached much farther than those of most\\nof the Pioneers, set himself seriously to consider the condition\\nLife of Boone, in Sparks American Biography, xxiii. 59, 60 Butler s Kentucky,\\npages 32, 33.\\nt Flint s Life of Boone, p. 89.\\nX Clark s papers, in possession of L. C. Draper, in his own writing, give this date.\\n2 He was west of the mountains in 1772, as far as the Kanawha at least; see journal of\\nRev. David Jones in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 245. In 1774, he was on his way to\\nKentucky when Dunmore s war broke out. See ante.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "172 Protection of Virginia Invoked. 1776.\\nand prospects of the young republic to which he had attached\\nhimself. Its advantages were too obvious to escape any eye;\\nbut the dangers of a colony, so far beyond the old lines of civ-\\nilization, and unconnected with any of the elder provinces,\\nwhile at the same time the title to it was in dispute, had not\\nimpressed all minds as they should. Clark knew that Vir-\\nginia entirely denied the purchase of Henderson he was\\nsure, also, that the Virginia settlers would never be easy under\\na proprietary government, however founded and saw al-\\nready, with his quick eye, wide-spread dissatisfaction. One of\\ntwo things he deemed the frontier settlements must be, either\\nan acknowledged portion of Virginia,* and to be by her\\naided in their struggles, or an independent commonwealth.\\nThese views had been partially formed in 1775, probably,\\nfor we find that by June 6th, 1776, they had attained suf-\\nficient currency to cause the gathering of a general meeting\\nat Harrodsburg, to bring matters to an issue, Clark was not\\npresent at the commencement of the meeting. Had he been,\\nthere is reason to think, he would have procured the election\\nof envoys authorised to lay the whole business before the As-\\nsembly of Virginia, and ask the admittance of Kentucky, by\\nitself, into the number of her counties. As it was, he and Ga-\\nbriel Jones were chosen members of the Virginia Assembly,\\nand a petition was prepared to be laid before that body.\\n[The following is the substance They stated they had be-\\ncome adventurers in the country from the advantageous re-\\nports of their friends who had explored it that they expect-\\ned to obtain land in fee simple by an indefeasible title that\\nthe proprietors had advanced the price of the purchase money\\nfrom twenty shillings to fifty shillings sterling per hundred\\nacres, and increased the fees of entry and surveying to an ex-\\norbitant price; that they had heard the lands bought of the Iro-\\nquois Indians at Fort Stanwix in 1708, included that part of\\nKentucky, and, therefore, doubted the validity of the purchase\\nof the proprietors made from the Cherokees and they ask\\nto be taken under the protection of the colony of Virginia,\\nand that measures might be adopted to restore peace and har-\\nmony to the settlement. And they add, If your honors ap-\\nprehend that our case comes more properly before the honor-\\nSo farFincaatlc county had been held to include Kentucky, but the inhabitants had no\\nrights or protections as citizens of Virginia. Marshall, i. -17.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "1776. Supplies of Powder Granted. 173\\nable, the General Congress, that you in your goodness recom-\\nmend the same to your worthy delegates to espouse it as the\\ncause of the Colony. This petition was signed by James\\nHarrod and eighty-seven other men.*]\\nClark knew perfectly well that the Legislature of his native\\nState would not acknowledge the validity of the election of\\nDelegates from the frontiers, but hoping, nevertheless, to effect\\nhis object, he and his companion took the southern route by the\\nCumberland Gap, and after suffering agonies from scald\\nfeet, at length reached their destination only to learn that\\nthe Assembly had adjourned. This, of course, caused a delay\\nin part of their proceedings, but the keen-witted soldier saw,\\nthat, before the Legislature met again, he might, by proper\\n.steps, effect much that he wished to he lost no time, there-\\nfore, in waiting upon Patrick Henry, then Governor, and, ex-\\nplaining to him the capabilities, the dangers, the wishes\\nand the necessities of the settlers in the far west, asked for a\\nsupply of the first necessary of life, gunpowder. The Gover-\\nnor listened patiently and gave Clark a favorable letter to the\\nExecutive Council, being himself sick and unable to go with\\nhim to Williamsburg, the seat of government at that time.\\nBut the Council were very cautious, and while they would\\nlend the powder, if Clark would be answerable for it, and pay\\nfor its transportation, they dared not, until the Assembly had\\nrecognized the Kentucky stations as within Virginia, do more.\\nClark presented, and again presented the impossibility of his\\nconveying the powder to so great a distance, through a coun-\\ntry swarming with foes. The Council listened patiently, but\\ndared not run any risk. An order was issued for the pow-\\nder on the terms proposed, but the inflexible pioneer would\\nhave none of it, and inclosing the order again to the Council\\ntold them that, since Virginia would not aid her children, they\\nmust look elsewhere, that a land not worth defending, was\\nnot worth claiming, of course, and so he bade them good-\\nbye. These intimations were not to be overlooked, the\\nwhole matter was again weighed in the Council, and probably\\nthe Governor s advice taken, after which, upon the 23d of\\nAugust, an order was issued for placing the ammunition re-\\nquired at Pittsburgh, subject to Major Clark s order, for the\\nuse of the inhabitants of Kentucki. f\\nSee Hall s Sketches, ii. p. 236, f Butler, second edition, 4SS, gives the order.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "174 County of Kentucky Created. 1776.\\nOne of his objects being thus in the main accomplished,\\nClark prepared himself to urge the suit of the Transylvania\\ncolonists before the Le^dslature, when it should meet in the\\nfall, having first written to his friends at the west that powder\\nwas waiting them at Pittsburgh, which they must manage to\\nget down the river. When the Assembly met, Messrs. Clark\\nand Jones on the one hand, and Henderson and his friends on\\nthe other, proceeded to lay before it the whole question of\\nproprietorship in the Kentucky purchase from the Cherokees.\\nThe contest must have been one of considerable severity, for\\nit was not till December 7, 1776,* that the success of the Del-\\negates appointed in June was made certain by the erection\\nof the region in dispute, together with all that now forms\\nthe State of Kentucky, into a county of that name. His\\nsecond great aim secured, (and he probably considered it so\\nbefore the actual passage of the above law,) Clark and his as-\\nsociate were on the point of returning at once to the frontier\\nby the southern route, as we presume, when they fortunately-\\nheard that their gunpowder was still at Pittsburgh. The\\ntruth was, that Clark s letter to his western friends had mis-\\ncarried. At once the envoys determined to go back by way of\\nthe Ohio, and see their five hundred pounds of ammunition\\nsafe to the stations themselves. When they reached Pitts-\\nburgh they learned that many Indians, it was thought with\\nhostile intentions, were lurking thereabouts, who would pro-\\nbably follow them down the river but no time was to be lost,\\nno matter what dangers threatened, so with seven boatmen\\nthe two Delegates embarked upon the Ohio, and succeeded in\\nreaching safely Limestone Creek, where Maysville has been\\nsince built. Setting their boat adrift, lest it should attract\\nattention, they concealed their treasure, as they best could,\\nalong the banks of the Creek, and started for Harrodsburg to\\nprocure a convoy. On the way they heard of Colonel Todd\\nas being in the neighborhood with a band of men Jones and\\nfive of the boatmen remained to join this party and return\\nwith it for the powder, while Clark and the other two pushed\\nforward to the Kentucky. Jones and Todd, having met,\\nturned their steps towards the Ohio, but were suddenly\\nattacked on the 25th of December, near the Blue Licks, by a\\nparty of natives who had struck Clark s trail. Mere defeated,\\nMorehead s Address, 56. Butler says December 6th, in Chronology, p. 27.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "1776. Situation of the Country. 175\\nand Jones with two others were killed.* Clark, however,\\nreached Harrodsburg in safety, and a party was sent thence\\nwhich brought the gunpowder to the forts.\\nThe year 1776 might be said to have passed without any\\nserious injury to the colonists from the various Indian tribes,\\nalthough it was clear, that those tribes were to be looked on\\nas engaged in the war, and that the majority of them were\\nwith the mother country. Through the West and North-west,\\nwhere the agents of England could act to the greatest advan-\\ntage, dissatisfaction spread rapidly. The nations nearest\\nthe Americans found themselves pressed upon and harrassed\\nby the more distant bands, and through the whole winter of\\n1776-7, rumors were flying along the frontiers of Virginia\\nand Pennsylvania, of coming troubles. Nor were the good\\npeople of New York less disturbed in their minds, the settlers\\nupon the Mohawk and upper Susquehanna standing in con-\\ntinual dread of incursion. f No incursion, however, took\\nplace during the winter or spring of 1777 though the\\nblow was delayed, why, we cannot well know, until Great\\nBritain has magnanimity enough to unveil her past acts, and,\\nacknowledging her follies and sins, to show the world the\\nvarious steps to that union of the savages against her foes,\\nwhich her noble Chatham denounced as a disgrace, and\\ndeep and deadly sin.\\nThat blow was delayed, however; and, alas was struck,\\nat length, after, and, as if in retaliation for one of those vio-\\nlent acts of wrong, which must at times be expected from\\na frontier people. We refer to the murder of Cornstalk,\\nthe leading chieftain of the Scioto Shawanese a man, whose\\nenergy, courage and good sense, place him among the very\\nforemost of the native heroes of this land.J This truly great\\nman, who was himself for peace, but who found all his neigh-\\nbors, and even those of his own tribe, stirred up to war b}^ the\\nagents of England, went over to the American fort at Point\\nPleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, in order to talk\\nthe matter over with Captain Arbuckle, who commanded\\nthere, and with whom he was acquainted. This was early\\nIn the summer of 1777. The Americans, knowing the Shaw-\\nanese to be inclining to the enemy, thought it would be a\\n*Clark 3 Journal in Morehead, 161. Also Clark s Account in Dillon s Indiana, 123 to 130.\\nSee Stone, vol, i. p. 191. Doddridge s Indian Wars, c.\\nJJouraal of tKo Old Congress. Stone, ic", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "176 Treacherous Murder of Hostages. 1777.\\ngood plan to retain Cornstalk and Redhawk, a younger chief\\nof note, who was with him, and make them hostages for the\\ngood conduct of their people. The old warrior, accordingly,\\nafter he had finished his statement of the position he was in,\\nand the necessity under which he and his friends would be of\\ngoing with the stream, unless the Long-Knives could pro-\\ntect them, found that, in seeking counsel and safety, he had\\nwalked into a trap, and was fast there. However, he folded\\nhis arms, and, with Indian calmness, waited the issue. The\\nday went by. The next morning came, and from the opposite\\nshore was heard an Indian hail, known to be from Ellinipsco,\\nthe son of Cornstalk. The Americans brought him also into\\ntheir toils as a hostage, and were thankful that they had thus\\nsecured to themselves peace; as if iniquity and deception\\never secured that first condition of all good Another day\\nrolled by, and the three captives sat waiting what time would\\nbring. On the third day, two savages, who were unknown to\\nthe whites, shot one of the white hunters toward evening.\\nInstantly the dead man s comrades raised the cry, Kill the\\nred dogs in the fort. Arbuckle tried to stop them, but tbey\\nwere men of blood, and their wrath was up. The Captain s\\nown life was threatened if he offered any hindrance. They\\nrushed to the house where the captives were confined Corn-\\nstalk met them at the door, and fell, pierced with seven bul-\\nlets; his son and Redhawk died also, less calmly than their\\nveteran companion, and more painfully. From that hour\\npeace was not to be hoped for.*\\nBut this treachery, closed by murder, on the part of the\\nAmericans, in no degree caused, or excuses the after-steps of\\nthe British agents; for almost at the moment when Cornstalk\\nwas dying upon the banks of the Ohio, there was a Congress\\ngathering at Oswego, under the eye of Colonel Johnson, to\\neat the llesh and drink the blood of a Bostonian; in other\\nwords, to arrange finally the measures which should be taken\\nagainst the devoted rebels by Christian brethren and their\\nheathen allies. f\\nIn Kentucky, meanwhile, Indian hostilities had been un-\\nceasing.\\n[Colonel Clark in his Diary gives various details, but our\\nspace will not permit more than a brief abstract.\\n*Doddridgc, 237.-^1111013 Border Warfure, 151. tSton\u00c2\u00ab, vol. i. p. 1S6.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "1777. Javies Ray. 177\\nOn the 6th of March, Thomas Stores and William Ray\\nwere killed at the Shawanee Spring. On the 28th, a large\\nparty of Indians attacked persons outside the fort and\\nkilled several. On the 7th of April, forty or fifty Indians at-\\ntacked Boonesborough, killed and scalped Daniel Goodman,\\nand wounded several persons. During all of the summer\\nmonths the Indians were troublesome, attacked the forts, and\\nnot a week passed without loss of life.*]\\nAt times, the stations were assailed by large bodies of sav-\\nages at times, single settlers were picked off by single skulk-\\ning foes. The horses and cattle were driven away the corn\\nfields remained uncultivated; the numbers of the whites be-\\ncame fewer and fewer, and from the older settlements little\\nor no aid came to the frontier stations, until Col. Bowman, in\\nAugust, 1777, came from Virginia with one hundred men. It\\nwas a time of suffering and distress through all the colonies,\\nwhich was in most of them bravely borne but none suffered\\nmore, or showed more courage and fortitude, than the settlers\\nof the West. Their conduct has excited less admiration oat\\nof their own section than that of Marion, and men like him,\\nbecause their struggles had less apparent connection with the\\ngreat cause of American independence. But, who shall say,\\nwhat would have become of the resistance of the colonies,\\nhad England been able to pour from Canada her troops upon\\nthe rear of the rebels, assisted, as she would have been, by\\nall the Indian nations? It may have been the contests before\\nthe stations of Kentucky, and Clark s bold incursions into Illi-\\nlinois and against Vincennes, which turned the oft-tottering\\nfortunes of the great struggle.\\nBut, however we may think on this point, we cannot doubt\\nthe picturesque and touching character of many incidents of\\nwestern history during the years from 1777 to 1780. Time\\nhas not yet so mellowed their features as to give them an air\\nof romance precisely but the essence of romance is in them.\\nIn illustration, we wilj mention one or two of these incidents,\\nfamiliar enough in the West, but still worthy of repetition.\\nOne of the eminent men of Kentucky, in those and later\\ntimes, was General James Ray. While yet a boy, he had\\nproved himself able to outrun the best of the Indian warriors;\\nand it was when but seventeen years of age, that he performed\\n*See Clark s Diary in Morehead s Address, p. 162.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "A\\n178 Benjamin Logan. 1777.\\nthe service for a distressed garrison, of which we are about\\nto speak. It was the winter of 1776-7, a winter of starva-\\ntion. Ray lived at Harrodsburg, which, like the other sta-\\ntions, was destitute of corn. There was game enough in the\\nwoods around, but there were also Indians, more than enough,\\nand had the sound of a gun been heard in the neighborhood\\nof a station, it would have insured the death of the one who\\ndischarged it. Under these circumstances, Ray resolved to\\nhunt at a distance. There was one horse left of a drove of\\nforty, which Major McGary had brought to the West an old\\nhorse, faithful and strong, but not fitted to run the gauntlet\\nthrough the forest. Ray took this solitary nag, and before\\nday-dawn, day by day, and week by week, rode noiselessly\\nalong the runs and rivers until he was far enough to hunt with\\nsafety then he killed his game, and by night, or in the dusk\\nof the evening, retraced his steps. And thus the garrison\\nlived by the daring labors of this stripling of seventeen. Older\\nhunters tried his plan, and were discovered; but he, by his\\nsagacity, boldness, care and skill, safely pursued his disinter-\\nested and dangerous employment, and succeeded in constantly\\navoiding the perils that beset him. We do not think that\\nBoone, or any one, ever showed more perfectly the qualities\\nof a superior woodsman than did Ray through that winter.\\nIf any one did, however, it was surely Benjamin Logan, in\\nthe spring of that same year. Logan, as we have seen,\\ncrossed the mountains with Henderson, in 1775, and was of\\ncourse one of the oldest settlers. In JMay, 1777, the fort at\\nwhich Logan lived, was surrounded by Indians, more than a\\nhundred in number; and so silently had they made their ap-\\nproach, that the first notice which the garrison had of their\\npresence was a discharge of firearms upon some men who\\nwere guarding the women as they milked the cows outside\\nthe station. One was killed, a second mortally wounded,\\nand a third, named Harrison, disabled. This poor man, una-\\nble to aid himself, lay in sight of the firt, where his wife,\\nwho saw his condition, was begging some one to go to his\\nrelief. But to attempt such a thing seemed madness for\\nwhoever ventured from either side into the open ground,\\nwhere Harrison lay MTithing and groaning, would instantly\\nbecome a target for all the sharp-shooters of the opposite\\nparty. For some moments Logan stood it pretty well he", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "1777. Benjamin Logan. 179\\ntried to persuade himself, and the poor woman, who was\\npleading to him, that his duty required him to remain within\\nthe walls and let the savages complete their bloody work.\\nBut such a heart as his was too warm to be long restrained by\\narguments and judicious expediency and suddenly, turning\\nto his men, he cried, Come, boys, who s the man to help me\\nin with Harrison? There were brave men there, but to run\\ninto certain death in order to save a man, whom, after all,\\nthey could not save, it was asking too much and all shook\\ntheir heads and shrunk back from the mad proposal. Not\\none not one of you help a poor fellow to save his scalp\\nWhy, what s the good. Captain? to let the red rascals kill\\nus won t help Harrison? At last, one, half inspired by Lo-\\ngan s impetuous courage, agreed to go he could die but once,\\nhe said, and was about as ready then, as he should ever be.\\nThe gate was slightly opened, and the two doomed men\\nstepped out; instantly a tempest of rifle balls opened upon\\nthem, and Logan s companion rapidly reasoning himself into\\nthe belief that he was not so ready to die as he had believed,\\nbolted back into the station. Not so his noble-hearted leader.\\nAlone, through that tempest, he sprang forward to where the\\nwounded man lay, and while his hat, hunting-shirt, and hair\\nwere cut and torn by the ceaseless shower, he lifted his com-\\nrade like a child in his arms, and regained the fort without a\\nscratch.\\nBut this rescue of a fellow-being, though worthy of record\\nin immortal verse, was nothing compared with what this same\\nBenjamin Logan did soon after. The Indians continued their\\nsiege still they made no impression, but the garrison were\\nrunning short of powder and ball, and none could be procur-\\ned except by crossing the mountains. To do this, the neigh-\\nboring forest must be passed, thronging with Indians, and a\\njourney of some hundreds of miles accomplished, along a path,\\nevery portion of which might be waylaid, and at least the fort\\nmust be re-entered with the articles so much needed Surely,\\nif ever an enterprise seemed hopeless, it was this one, and\\nyet the thing must be tried. Logan pondered the matter\\ncarefully he calculated the distance, not less than four hun-\\ndred miles and back he estimated the aid from other quar-\\nters and in the silence of night asked wisdom and guidance\\nfrom God. Nor did he ask in vain wisdom was given him.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "180 Benjamin Logan. 1777.\\nAt night, with two picked companions, he stole from the sta-\\ntion, every breath hushed. The summer leaves were thick\\nabove them, and with the profoundest care and skill, Logan\\nguided his followers from tree to tree, from run to run, unseen\\nby the savages, who dreamed not, probably, of so dangerous\\nan undertaking- Quickly, but most cautiously, pushing east-\\nward, walking forty or fifty miles a day, the three woodsmen\\npassed onward till the Cumberland range was in sight then,\\navoiding the Clap, which they supposed would be watched\\nby Indians, over those rugged hills, where man had never\\nclimbed before, the} forced their way with untiring energy\\nand a rapidity to us, degenerate as we are, inconceivable.\\nThe mountains crossed, and the valley of theHolston reached,\\nLogan procured his ammunition, and then turned alone on\\nhis homeward track, leaving his two companions, with full\\ndirections, to follow him more slowly with the lead and pow-\\nder. He returned before them, because he wished to revive\\nthe hopes of his little garrison in the wilderness, numbering,\\nas it did, in his absence, only ten men, and they without the\\nmeans of defence. lie feared they would yield, if he delayed\\nan hour; so, back, like a chamois, he sped, over those broken\\nand precipitous ranges, and actually reached and re-entered\\nhis fort in ten days from the time he left it, safe and full of\\nhope. Such a spirit would have made even women dare and\\ndo every thing, and by his influence the siege was still resisted\\ntill the ammunition came safe to hand. From May till Septem-\\nber that little band was thus beset then Colonel Bowman\\nrelieved them. In the midst of that summer, as George Rogers\\nClark s journal has it, Lieutenant Linn was married great\\nmerriment! This was at Harrodsburg, near by Logan s sta-\\ntion. Such was the frontier life\\nIt was a trying year, 1777, for those little forts in the wil-\\nderness. At the close of it, three settlements only existed in\\nthe interior. Harrodsburg, Boonesborough, and Logan s; and,\\nof these three, the whole military population was but one\\nhundred and two in number\\nXor was it in Kentucky alone that the Indians were busy.\\nThrough the spring and summer constant attacks were made\\nupon the settlements in the neigh])oihood of Wheeling. At this\\npoint, as we have already said, the Zanes had settled in 1770,\\n*See Butler, Marshall, McClung, c.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "1777. Indian Attack upon Fort Henry. 181\\nand here, in 1774, Connolly, or the settlers, by his direction, had\\nbuilt a fort called Fort Fincastle,* the name of the western\\ncounty of Virginia. In this a body of men was left by Lord\\nDunmore, when he made his treaty with the Shawanese, and\\nthrough the whole of 1775 and 1776 it was occupied by more or\\nfewer soldiers; indeed, in those times all men were soldiers, and\\nhostility from the Indians daily anticipated. This fort, in 1776,\\nwas called, in honor of the eloquent governor of Virginia,\\nFort Henry ,J and was the central point between Fort Pitt and\\nthe works at the mouth of Kanawha. In the early autumn\\nof 1777, word from friendly Indians, perhaps the Christian\\nDelawares, of the Muskingum, or perhaps from Isaac Zane,\\nthe brother of the Wheeling settlers,\u00c2\u00a7 reached General Hand,\\nwho commanded at Fort Pitt, informing him that a large body\\nof the north-western Indians was preparing to attack the\\nposts of the Upper Ohio. This news was quickly spread\\nabroad, and all were watching where the blow would come.\\nOn the evening of September 26, smoke was seen by those\\nnear Wheeling, down the river, and M^as supposed to proceed\\nfrom the burning of the block-house at Grave Creek, and the\\npeople of the vicinity taking the alarm, betook themselves to\\nthe fort. Within its walls were forty-two fighting men, of\\nvarious ages and gifts These were well supplied with guns,\\nboth rifles and muskets, but had only a scanty supply of gun-\\npowder, as the event proved. The night of the 26th passed\\nwithout alarm, but when, very early upon the 27th, two men,\\nwho were sent out for horses, in order to alarm the settlements\\nnear by, had proceeded some distance from the fort, they met\\na party of six savages, by whom one of them was shot. The\\ncommandant of the post. Col. Shepherd, learning from the\\nsurvivor that there were but six of the assailants, sent a party\\nof fifteen men to see to them. These vvere\u00c2\u00abufl ered to march\\nafter the six, who seem to have been merely a decoy, until\\nthey were within the Indian lines, when, suddenly, in front,\\nbehind, and on every side, the painted warriors showed them-\\nselves. The Httle band fought bravely against incalculable\\n*George R. Clark is said to have planted it. (American Pioneer, ii. 303.)\\nAmerican Archives, 4th series, ii. 11 SO.\\nJ American Pioneer, ii. 301.\\nIsaac Zane was with the Wyandots from the time he was nine years old, American\\nState Papers, xvi, 93-121.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "182 Indians led by Simon Girty. 1777.\\nodds, but of the fifteen, three only escaped, and they by means\\nof the brush and logs which were in the corn field, where the\\nskirmish took place. As soon as the position of the first band\\nwas seen at the fort, thirteen others rushed to their assistance,\\nand shared their fate. Then, and it was not yet sunrise, the\\nwhole body of Indians, disposed in somewhat martial order,\\nappeared regularly to invest the devoted fort. There w^ere\\nnearly four hundred of them, and of the defenders but twelve\\nmen and boys; unless, indeed, we count women, than u-)iom, as\\nwe sliidl see, none were braver or calmer within the walls of that lit-\\ntle fortress.\\nThe Indians were led by Simon Girty, who was acting as\\nan ao-cnt for the British in the attempt to secure the aid of a\\npart, at any rate, of the frontier men, in the Revolutionary\\nstruggle.\\nFort Henry stood immediately upon the bank of the Ohio,\\nabout a quarter of a mile above the mouth of Wheeling Creek;\\nbetween it and the steep river hill, which every traveler in the\\nWest is acquainted with, were twenty or thirty log huts.\\nWhen Girty, then, as we have said, led his red troops against\\nthe fort, he at once took possession of the houses of the vil-\\nlage as a safe and ready-made line of attack, and from the\\nwindow of one of the cabins called upon the little garrison\\nto surrender to King George, and promised absolution to all\\nwho would do so. Col. Shepherd answered at once that they\\nwould neither desert nor yield and when Girty recommenced\\nhis eloquence, a shot from some impatient listener suddenly\\nstopped his mouth. Then commenced the siege. It was just\\nsunrise in the valley, through which the quiet river flowed as\\npeacefully as if war was never known. A calm, warm, bright\\nSeptember day\u00e2\u0080\u0094 one of those days most lovely among the\\nmany pleasant ones of a year in the Ohio valley. And from\\nsunrise till noon, and from noon till night of that day, the\\nhundreds of besiegers and units of besieged about and within\\nFort Henry, ceased not to load and discharge musket or rifle\\ntill it was too hot to hold. About noon the fire of the assail-\\nants slackened, and then, as powder was scarce in the fort, and\\nit was remembered that a keg was concealed in the house of\\nEbenezer Zane, some sixty yards distant, it was determined to\\nmake an eflbrt to obtain it. When the question Who will\\ngo was proposed, however, so many competitors appeared", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "1777. Elizabeth Zane. 183\\nthat time was wasted in adjusting claims to what was almost\\nsure death. The rest of the story we must let Mr. George S.\\nMcKiernan, from whom we take our whole account nearly,\\ntell in his own words:\\nAt this crisis, a young lady, the sister of Ebenezer and Silas\\nZane, came forward and desired that she might be permitted\\nto execute the service. This proposition seemed so extrava-\\ngant that it met with a peremptory refusal but she instantly\\nrenewed her petition in terms of redoubled earnestness, and\\nall the remonstrances of the Colonel and her relatives failed\\nto dissuade her from her heroic purpose. It was finally re-\\npresented to her that either of the young men, on account of\\nhis superior fleetness and familiarity with scenes of danger,\\nwould be more likely than herself to do the work successfully.\\nShe replied that the danger which would attend the enter-\\nprise was the identical reason that induced her to otier her\\nservices, for, as the garrison was very weak, no soldier s life\\nshould be placed in needless jeopard}^, and that, if she were to\\nfall, the loss would not be felt. Her petition was ultimately\\ngranted, and the gate opened for her to pass out. The open-\\ning of the gate arrested the attention of several Indians who\\nwere straggling through the village. It was noticed that their\\neyes were upon her as she crossed the open space to reach her\\nbrother s house but seized, perhaps with a sudden freak of\\nclemency, or believing that a woman s life was not worth a\\nload of gunpowder, or influenced by some other unexplained\\nmotive, they permitted her to pass without molestation.\\nWhen she reappeared with the powder in her arms, the In-\\ndians suspecting, no doubt, the character of her burden, eleva-\\nted their firelocks and discharged a volley at her as she swiftly\\nglided towards the gate but the balls flew wide of the mark\\nand the fearless girl reached the fort in safety with her prize.*\\nThe allies of Britain, finding rifles powerless when used\\nagainst well-built block-houses and pickets, determined upon\\ntrying an extemporary cannon, and having bound a hollow\\nmaple with chains, having bored a touch hole, and plugged up\\none end, they loaded it liberally and leveled it at the gate of\\nthe impregnable castle. It was now evening, and the disap-\\npointed Wyandots gathered about their artillery, longing to\\nsee its loading of stones open to them the door of the American\\ncitadel. The match was applied bursting into a thousand\\npieces, the cannon of Girty tore, maimed, and killed his\\ncopper-colored kinsfolk, but hurt no one elsc.j-\\nSee American Pioneer, vol. ii. p, 309.\\nfTliis incident, and the heroic act of Elizabeth Zane, are placed by Withers in the sio -c\\nof Fort Henry in 1782, (Border Warfare, 263-264.) We follow the writer in the Pioneer\\nwho is represented as an accurate man Withers was not always so.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "184 Exploits of Maj. McColloch. 1777.\\nDuring that night many of the assailants withdrew disheart-\\nened. On the morning of the 28th, fifteen men came from\\nCross Creek to the aid of Fort Henry, and forty-one from\\nShort Creek. Of these all entered the fort except Major Mc-\\nColloch, the leader of the vShort Creek volunteers. He was\\nseparated from his men, and at the mercy of the natives, and\\nhere again we prefer to use the words of Mr. McKiernan:\\nFrom the very commencement of the war, his reputation\\nas an Indian hunter was as great, if not greater, than that of\\nany white man on the north-western border. He had parti-\\ncipated in so many rencounters that almost every warrior\\npossessed a knowledge of his person. Among the Indians his\\nname was a word of terror they cherished against him feel-\\nings of the most phrenzied hatred, and there was not a Mingo\\nor Wyandot chief before Fort Henry who would not have\\ngiven the lives of twenty of his warriors to secure to himself\\nthe living body of Major McColloch. When, therefore, the\\nman, whom they had long marked out as the first object of\\ntheir vengeance, appeared in their midst, they made almost\\nsuperhuman efforts to acquire possession of his person. The\\nfleetness of McColloch s well-trained steed was scarcely greater\\nthan that of his enemies, who, with flying strides, moved on\\nin pursuit. At length the hunter reached the top of the hill,\\nand, turning to the left, darted along the ridge with the inten-\\ntion of making the best of his way to Short Creek. A ride of\\na few hundred yards in that direction brought him suddenly in\\ncontact with a party of Indians who were returning to their\\ncamp from a marauding excursion to Mason s Bottom, on the\\neastern side of the hill. This party, being too formidable in\\nnumbers to encounter single-handed, the Major turned his\\nhorse about and rode over his own trace, in the hope of dis-\\ncovering some other avenue to escape. A few paces only of\\nhis countermarch had been made, when he found himself con-\\nfronted by his original pursuers, uho had, by this time, gained\\nthe top of the ridge, and a third party was discovered press-\\ning up the hill directly on his right. He was now completely\\nhem.med in on three sides, and the fourth was almost a perpen-\\ndicular precipice of one hundred and fifty feet descent, with\\nWheeling Creek at its base. The imminence of his danger\\nallowed him but little time to reflect upon his situation. In\\nan instant he decided upon his course. Supporting his rifle\\nin his left hand and carefully adjusting his reins with the\\notlur, he urged his horse to the brink of the blulf, and then\\nmade the leap which decided his fate. In the next moment\\nthe noble steed, still bearing his intrepid rider in safety, was at\\nthe foot of the precipice. McColloch immediately dashed\\nacross the creek, and was soon beyond the reach of the Indians.*\\nAmerican Pioneer, vol. ii. p. 312.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "1777. Captain Joseph Ogle. 185\\nFinding all attempts to take the fort fruitless, the Indians\\nkilled all the stock, including more than three hundred cattle,\\nburned houses and fences, and destroyed every article of\\nfurniture.\\nOf the forty-two men who had been in the fort, twenty-five\\nwere killed, all outside of the walls; of the savages, probably\\none hundred perished.*\\n[The Zanes, and a number of other families, came from the\\nSouth branch of the Potomac, and located themselves on the\\nsite of Wheeling, in 1769. Of the number were Capt. Joseph\\nOgle and his brother Jacob Ogle. The latter was mortally\\nwounded in the siege of Fort Henry, and the former, with\\ntwelve men, went out to the rescue of Captain Mason, who\\nhad been dispatched with fourteen men, by Colonel Shepherd,\\nto drive the Indians from the corn-field, where they were\\nsecreted.\\nThe self-devoted band under Captain Ogle, in their eager-\\nness to relieve their fellow-soldiers under Mason, fell into an\\nambuscade, and two-thirds of their number were slain on the\\nspot. The fort now contained but thirteen men and boys,\\nwith a large number of women and children, when Girty and\\nhis four hundred Indians entered the village and called on them\\nto surrender. Captain Ogle escaped in the brush wood, ran\\nto the nearest settlement, rallied Major McColloch, and the\\nmen of Short Creek, and accompanied them next morning to\\nthe fort. In this manner the garrison was saved.\\nCaptain Ogle, in 1785, emigrated to the Illinois country,\\nwhere he was one of its bravest defenders, and has left a\\nnumerous posterity. f\\nAs Simon Girty will figure in the Annals as a leader in the\\nmarauding enterprises of the Indians, and as a partisan of the\\nBritish, it will be interesting to the reader to have some par-\\nticulars of his history and that of his family and associates.\\nWe copy from the life of Boone, in the Library of American,\\nBiography, vol. xxiii.\\nAmongst the Indians north-west of the Ohio, were two\\nSee Wither/ Border Warfare, 160. American Pioneer, ii. 302-31 l-339. Tha usual\\ndate of the attack is September 1. Mr. McKicrnaa gives good authority for his dates,\\nwhich we follow.\\nI How s Virginia, pp. 409\u00e2\u0080\u0094413. See Appendix, Illinois.\\n12", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "186 Tlie Girty Fainily. 1777.\\nM hite men of the names of McKee and Girty, whose agency\\nand influence w^re most disastrous to the frontier settlements.\\nColonel McKce was the official agent of the British govern-\\nment, and obtained great influence over the tribes of the\\nnorth-west, and had an infamous notoriety for the atrocities\\ncommitted under his sanction, and the success of his intrigues.\\nHis name must ever remain associated with the darkest deeds\\nrecorded in the annals of the West. Doubtless, the barbari-\\nties committed on the defenceless inhabitants, and even on\\nprisoners in his presence and by his sanction, have been ex-\\nuggerated by rumor, and magnifled by the resentment of those\\nwho have suffered by his cruelties yet enough appears of\\nknown official conduct, attested by American officers of high\\nstation, and by witnesses of unimpeachable character, to blast\\nhis reputation, and cause his name to be held in abhorrence.\\nSimon Girty was a native of Penn.sylvania, a soldier and\\nspy under Lord Dunmore, and a companion of Simon Kenton\\nin the campaign of 1774. He had three brothers, George,\\nJames and Thomas. Girty, their father, was an emigrant\\nfrom Ireland, and settled in Pennsylvania, where he be-\\ncame idle, thriftless, and intemperate. He was killed by In-\\ndians, according to some accounts, but according to others, by\\nhis wife s seducer, who subsequent]} married her. In 1755,\\ntheir home was attacked by the Indians, burnt, and tlie whole\\nfamily taken prisoners. The husband and step-father was\\nburnt at the stake in their presence, and the mother and four\\nbrothers scattered among the north-western tribes.\\nThomas made his escape, fell in with General Armstrong,\\nand got back to Western Pennsylvania, where he settled and\\nlived a worthy citizen to the close of his life, which took place\\nin 1820, in the ninetieth year of his age.\\nGeorge was adopted by the Delawares, and lived with them\\nuntil his death. Ho became a perfect savage, and to consum-\\nmate cunning he added fearless intrepidity. He fought in the\\nbattles of Point Pleasant, Blue Licks and Sandusky. He was\\nbeastly intemperate in the latter part of his life, and died\\nabout 1S18, on the Maumee of the Lake.\\nJames fell into the hands of the Shawanese, who adopted\\nhim as a son, and trained him in all the arts of savage war-\\nfare. His repeated visits to Kentucky as the leader of ma-\\nrauding parties, were a terrible scourge to the people, for he\\nw^as bloodthirsty, cruel, ferocious and hard-hearted. Many\\nof his barbarous deeds were attributed to his brother Simon.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "1777. Exploits of Simon Girty. 187\\nYet this monster was caressed by Elliott and Proctor in the\\nwar of 1812.\\nThe family were exchanged in 1758, at Gen. Forbes treaty,\\nbut only the mother and Simon returned.\\nSimon had been adopted by the Senecas, and became an ex-\\npert hunter, and after his return, was for a time in Western\\nPennsylvania. He left that region at the commencement of\\nthe Revolutionary war, being a decided tory. He joined the\\nIndians and often led their marauding parties. His residence\\nwas at Sandusky, where he kept a trading-house. Here he\\nwitnessed the burning of Colonel Crawford, and there is some\\nevidence, that he made an unsuccessful effort to save his life.\\nHere he saved the life of Simon Kenton, after he was tied\\nto the stake, for they were fellow soldiers in Dunmore s war,\\nand shared the same blanket. His friendship to the Indians\\nand British, and his hatred to the United States, continued\\nthrough life.\\nWhen intoxicated, which was frequent, he was violent and\\nabusive, and spared neither friend or foe. During the last\\nten years of his life he suffered much from rheumatism. He\\nwas in the war of 1812, was at Proctor s defeat on the river\\nThames, and was killed by Col. Johnson s mounted men.\\nAmerican Pioneer, ii. 302--314. Incidents of Border Life, p. 133. Howe s Virginia,\\npp. 409-413.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII.\\nCONdUEST OF ILLINOIS.\\nProposition of Col. Clark to the GoTcrnor of Virginia Private instructions by the Council\\nliaises troops in the West Expedition to the Illinois country Kaskaskia and Caho-\\nkia taken Post Vincent surrendered Indian Treaties Vincennes retaken by Colonel\\nUamilton Col. Clark s Expedition to Vincennes and success Hamilton a prisoner and\\nsent to Virginia The results to the United States.\\nBut, notwithstanding the dangers and difficulties which sur-\\nrounded them during 1777, the pioneers of the West held\\nsteadily to their purposes, and those of Kentucky being now\\na component part of the citizens of A^irginia, proceeded to\\nexercise their civil privileges, and, in April, elected John Todd\\nand Richard Callaway, burgesses to represent them in the As-\\nsembly of the parent State. Early in the following Septem-\\nber, the first court was held at Harrodsburg; and Col. Bowman,\\nwho, as we have mentioned, had arrived from the settlements\\nin August, was placed at the head of a regular military organi-\\nzation which had been commenced the March previous. Thus,\\nwithin herself, feeble as she was, Kentucky was organizing\\nand George Rogers Clark, her chief spirit, he that had repre-\\nsented her beyond the mountains the year before, was medi-\\ntating another trip to Williamsburg, for the purpose of urging\\na bolder and more decided measure than any yet proposed.\\nHe understood the whole game of the British. He saw that\\nit was through their possession of Detroit, Vincennes, Kas-\\nkaskia, and the other western posts which gave them easy\\nand constant access to the Indian tribes of the north-west\\nthat the British hoped to eflcct such an union of the wild men\\nas would annihilate the frontier fortresses. He knew that\\nthe Delawarcs were divided in feeling, and the Shawanese\\nbut imperfectly united in favor of England, ever since the\\nmurder of Cornstalk. He was convinced, that could the\\nBritish in the north-west be defeated and expelled, the na-\\ntives might be easily awed or bribed into neutrality and by\\nspies sent for the purpose, and who Mere absent from April", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "1777. Conquest of Illinois. 189\\n20, to June 22d, he had satisfied himself that an enterprise\\nagainst the Illinois settlements might easily succeed. Having\\nmade up his mind, on the 1st of October, he left Harrodsburg\\nfor the East, and reached the capital of Virginia, November\\nthe 5th. Opening his mind to no one, he watched with care\\nthe state of feeling among those in power, waiting the proper\\nmoment to present his scheme. Fortunately, while he was\\nupon his road, on the 17th of October, Burgoyne had surren-\\ndered, and hope was again predominant in the American\\ncouncils. When, therefore, the Western soldier, upon the\\n10th of December, broke the subject of his proposed expedi-\\ntion against the forts on the far distant Mississippi, to Patrick\\nHenry, who was still governor, he met with a favorable hear-\\ning and, though doubts and fears arose by degrees, yet so\\nwell digested were his plans, that he was able to meet each\\nobjection, and remove every seeming impossibility. Already\\nthe necessity of securing the western posts had been pre-\\nsented to the consideration of Congress as early as April 29,\\n1776, the committee on Indian Affairs were instructed to re-\\nport upon the possibility of taking Detroit;* and, again, upon\\nthe 20th of November, 1777, a report was made to that body,\\nin which this necessity was urged, and also the need that\\nexisted, of taking some measure to prevent the spirit of dis-\\naffection from spreading among the frontier inhabitants. f\\nThree Commissioners, also, were chosen to go to Fort Pitt, for\\nthe purpose of enquiring into the causes of the frontier dif-\\nficulties, and doing what could be done, to secure all the\\nwhites to the American cause, to cultivate the friendship of\\nthe Shawanese and Delawares, and to concert with General\\nHand, some measures for pushing the war westward, so as to\\nobtain possession of Detroit and other posts. General Wash-\\nington was also requested to send Colonel William Crawford,\\nan old pioneer, to take active command in the West and he\\naccordingly left head quarters upon the 25th. All this ended\\nin nothing, but it proved the correctness of Clark s views, and\\naided, we may suppose, in convincing those who ruled in the\\nAncient Dominion, that their glory and interest, as well as the\\nsafety of the whole frontier country, were deeply involved in\\nthe success of the bold plan of the founder of Kentucky.\\nSecret Journals, i. 43.\\nt Old Journals, vol. ii. p. 340.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "190 Conquest of Illinois. 1777.\\n[We purposely omit the annals of the earl3^ settlements of\\nIllinois, that we may give them in consecutive order, with\\nmany facts in detail in our Appendix.]\\nClark, having satisfied the Virginia leaders of the feasibility\\nof his plan, received, on the 2d of January, two sets of in-\\nstructions the one open, authorising him to enlist seven com-\\npanies to go to Kentucky, subject to his orders, and to serve\\nfor three months from their arrival in the West the other set\\nsecret, and drawn as follows\\nVIRGINIA: Set. L\\\\ Council, Williamsburg, Jan. 2d., 177S.\\nLieutenant Colonel George Rogers Clark\\nYou are to proceed, with all convenient speed, to raise\\nseven companies of soldiers, to consist of fifty men each, of-\\nficered in the usual manner, and armed most properly for the\\nenterprize and with this force attack the British force at\\nKaskasky.\\nIt is conjectured, that there are many pieces of cannon and\\nmilitary stores, to considerable amount at that place the\\ntaking and preservation of which, would be a valuable ac-\\nquisition to the State. If you are so fortunate, therefore, as\\nto succeed in your expedition, you will take every possible\\nmeasure to secure the artillery and stores, and whatever may\\nadvantage the State.\\nFor the transportation of the troops, provisions, :c., down\\nthe Ohio, you are to apply to the commanding ollicer at Fort\\nPitt, for boats; and, during the whole transaction, you are to\\ntake especial care to keep the true destination of your force\\nsecret its success depends upon this. Orders are, therefore,\\ngiven to Capt. Smith to secure the two men from Kaskasky.\\nSimilar conduct will be proper in similar cases.\\nIt is earnestly desired that you show humanity to such\\nBritish subjects, and other persons, as fall in your hands. If\\nthe white inhabitants at that post and neighborhood, will\\ngive undoubted evidence of their attachment to this State,\\n(for it is certain they live within its limits.) by taking the test\\nprescribed by law, and by every other way and means in their\\npower, let them be treated as fellow-citizens, and their per-\\nsons and property duly secured. Assistance and protection\\nagainst all enemies whatever, shall be aflbrdcd them; and the\\nCommonwealth of Virginia is pledged to accomplish it. But,\\nif these people will not accede to these reasonable demands,\\nthey must feel the miseries of war, under the direction of that\\nhumanity that has hitherto distinguished Americans, and\\nwhich, it is expected, you will ever consider as the rule of3 our\\nconduct, and from which you are, in no instance, to depart.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "1778. Conquest of Illinois. 191.\\nThe corps you are to command, are to receive the pay and\\nallowance of militia, and to act under the laws and regula-\\ntions of this State, now in force, as militia. The inhabitants\\nat this post will be informed by you, that in case they accede\\nto the olfers of becoming citizens of this Commonwealth, a\\nproper garrison will be maintained among them, and every\\nattention bestowed to render their commerce beneficial the\\nfairest prospects being opened to the dominions of both France\\nand Spain.\\nIt is in contemplation to establish a post near the mouth of\\nthe Ohio. Cannon will be wanted to fortify it. Part of those\\nat Kaskasky will be easily brought thither, or otherwise se-\\ncured, as circumstances will make necessary.\\nYou are to apply to General Hand, at Pittsburgh, for pow-\\nder and lead, necessary for this expedition. If he can t supply\\nit, the person who has that which Captain Lynn brought from\\nNew Orleans can. Lead was sent to Hampshire by my orders,\\nand that may be delivered you. Wishing you success, I am.\\nSir, your humble servant,* P. HENRY.\\nWith these instructions, and twelve hundred pounds in the\\ndepreciated currency of the time. Colonel Clark, (for such was\\nnow his title,) on the 4th of February, started for Pittsburgh.\\nIt had been thought best to raise the troops needed, beyond\\nthe mountains, as the colonies were in want of all the soldiers\\nthey could muster east of the Alleghanies, to defend them-\\nselves against the British forces. Clark, therefore, proposed\\nto enlist men about Pittsburgh, while Major W. B. Smith, for\\nthe same purpose, went to the Plolston, and other officers to\\nother points. None, however, succeeded as they hoped to\\nat Pittsburgh, Clark found great opposition to the intention of\\ncarrying men away to defend the outposts in Kentucky, while\\ntheir own citadel and the whole region about it, were threat-\\nened by the savage allies of ngland; and Smith, though\\nhe nominally succeeded in raising four companies, was unable,\\nessentially, to aid his superior officer after all. With three\\ncompanies and several private adventurers, Clark, at length,\\ncommenced his descent of the Ohio, which he navigated as\\nfar as the Falls, where he took possession of, and fortified,\\nCorn Island, opposite to the spot now occupied by Louisville.\\nAt this place, he appointed Colonel Bowman to meet him with\\nsuch recruits as had reached Kentucky by the southern route,\\nand as many men as could be spared from the stations. Here\\nalso, he announced to the men, their real destination.\\n*See Butler s History of Kentucky, p. 489.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "192 Conquest of Illinois. 1778.\\n[lie was joined on Corn Island by Captain Bowman, and a\\ncompany from Kentucky, under Captain Dillard. IILs prin-\\ncipal officers were Captains Bowman, Helm, llarrod, Mont-\\ngomery and Dillard and he daily expected a reinforcement\\nfrom the Ilolston country, under Major Smith, which failed.\\nHe now disclosed to his troops that their point of destination\\nwas Kaskaskia, in the Illinois country. The project met the\\nenthusiastic approbation of his men, except the company\\nfrom Kentucky under Captain Dillard; a large part of which,\\nwith the Lieutenant, on the morning appointed for starting,\\nthe worthy Captain had the mortification to find, had waded\\nthe river and deserted. They were pursued in the morning,\\novertaken in the woods, about twenty miles from the Falls,\\neight taken back, and the rest, wandered about in tlie woods\\nfor some weeks, where they suliered greater deprivations and\\nhardships than their comrades who had gone on the expedi-\\ntion, before they got shelter in a fort.*]\\nHaving waited until his arrangements were all completed,\\nand those chosen, who were to be ot the invading party, on\\nthe 24th of June, during a total eclipse of the sun, with four\\ncompanies he left his position and fell down the river. His\\nplan was to follow the Ohio as far as the fort known as Fort\\nMassac, and thence to go by laud direct to Kaskaskia. His\\ntroops took no other baggage than they could carry in the In-\\ndian fa.shion, and, for his success, he trusted entirely to sur-\\nprise. If he failed, his plan was to cross the Mississippi, and\\nthrow himself into the Spanish settlements on the west of\\nthat river. Before he commenced his march, he received two\\npieces of information of which he made good use at the\\nproper time, by means of which, he conquered the West with-\\nout bloodshed. One of these important items was the alli-\\nance of France with the colonies; this, at once, made the\\nAmerican side popular with the French and Indians of Illinois\\nand the lakes France having never lost her hold upon her\\nancient subjects and allies, and England having never secured\\ntheir confidence. The other item was, that the inhabitants of\\nKaskaskia, and other old towns, had been led by the British\\nto believe that the Long Knives, or Virginians, were the most\\nfierce, cruel, and blood-thirsty savages that ever scalped a foe.\\nWith this impression on their minds, Clark saw that proper\\n*Clark 8 Journal\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler s Kentucky, p. 49.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "1778. Conquest of Illinois. 193\\nmanagement would readily dispose them to submit from fear,\\nif surprised, and then to become friendly from gratitude, when\\ntreated with unlocked for clemency.\\n[Near the mouth of the Tennessee river, he found John\\nDutr, with a party of hunters, who had recently come from\\nKaskaskia, and who could give him important information.\\nThey reported that M. Rocheblave was the commander; that\\nthe militia, (chiefly French citizens) were kept in good discip-\\nline; that spies were stationed along the Mississippi that a\\nrumor had reached Kaskaskia that the Long-Knives had\\nprojected an attack, and that the hunters and Indians had re-\\nceived orders to keep watch, and report if any American\\ntroops were coming that way. The fort near the town was\\nkept in order as a place of retreat if the village was attacked,\\nbut it had no regular garrison. The hunters oflered to return\\nwith Clark, and one John Saunders was employed as a guide.\\nThe party landed near the old site of Fort Massac, and se-\\ncured their boats in the mouth of a small creek. Heavy\\nrains had fallen, succeeded by hot, sultry weather. Their\\nroute lay through a wilderness without a path. Cypress\\nswamps, ponds, and deep, muddy, sluggish streams had to be\\nforded. Their success depended on a secret and rapid march\\nthrough the woods and prairies. For most part of the route,\\nthe game on which they relied for subsistence was scarce, and\\nto send out hunting parties would expose them to discovery.\\nOn the prairies, a July sun beat on them and water was\\nscarce. The distance, as they traveled, was over one hundred\\nmiles. On the third day the guide got so bewildered that he\\ncould not direct their course. A suspicion arose amongst the\\nmen that he designed to betray them, and thoy earnestly de-\\nmanded that he should be put to death He begged that\\nunder a guard he might go a short distance into the prairie\\nand try to find his course. In an hour or two, the poor fellow\\nexclaimed, I know that point of timber, and pointed out\\nthe direction of Kaskaskia. It was on the Fourth of July^\\n1778, that this party of invaders, with their garments torn\\nand soiled, and their beards of three weeks growth, ap-\\nproached the town, and secreted themselves among the hills\\neast of the Kaskaskia river. Clark sent forward his spies to\\n*The Indians and French of Illinois, called the New Englandera Bostonais, and the\\nVirginians Long-Knives.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "194 Conquest of Illinois. 1778.\\nwatch the proceedings of the people, and after dare put his\\ntroops in motion and took possession of a house, where a\\nfamily lived, about three quarters of a mile above town.\\nHere they found boats and canoes. The troops were divided\\ninto three parties, two of w^hich were ordered to cross the\\nriver, while the other, under the immediate command of Col.\\nClark, took possession of the Fort.\\nKaskaskia then contained about two hundred and fifty\\nhouses. Persons who could speak the French language, were\\nordered to pass through the streets and make proclamation,\\nthat all the inhabitants must keep within their houses, under\\npenalty of being shot down in the streets.\\nThe few British officers, who had visited these French\\ncolonies since the commencement of the rebellion of their\\nAtlantic colonies, as they termed the Revolution, had told\\nthe most exaggerated stories about the brutality and fero-\\ncity of the Long-Knives; that they would not only take\\nthe property of the people, but would butcher, in a most\\nhorrible manner, men, women and children The policy of\\nthese stories was to excite in the minds of these simple-\\nhearted French people the most fearful apprehensions against\\nthe colonists, that they might be watchful and be prepared\\nfor a determined resistance, should any attempt be made on\\nthese remote posts. These stories were a stimulus to the\\nFrench traders to supply the Indians with guns, ammunition\\nand scalping-knives, to aid their depredations on the settle-\\nments of Kentucky.\\nColonel Clark gained this intelligence irom the hunters,\\nahd in his Journal says, I was determined to improve upon\\nthis, if I was fortunate enough to get them into my possession;\\nas I conceived the greater the shock I could give them at\\nfirst, the more sensibly would they feel my lenity, and become\\nmore valuable friends.\\nFew men have had a quicker and keener sagacity than\\nClark. His plan was to produce a terrible panic and then\\ncapture the town without bloodshed, and well did he succeed.\\nThe two parties, having crossed the river, entered the\\nquiet and unsuspecting village at both extremes, yelling\\nin the most furious manner, while those who made the procla-\\nmation in French, ordered the people into their houses on pain\\n*Clark i Journal in Dillon s Indiana, i. p. 137.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "1778. Conquest of Illinois. 195\\nof instant death. In a moment, men, women and children\\nwere screaming, /t 5 long Coutcaux les long Coutcaux\\nthe Long-Knives the Long-Knives I\\nIn about two hours after the surprise of the town, the in-\\nhabitants had all surrendered and delivered up their arms to the\\nconqueror. Not a drop of blood had been shed, though the vic-\\ntory was complete. The whole management displayed in a\\nmost admirable manner, what the French style ruse de guerre^\\nthe policy of war. M. Rocheblave, the Governor ,was taken in\\nhis chamber but his public papers and documents were ad-\\nmirably concealed or destroyed by his wife.\\nThroughout the night the Virginia troops were ordered to\\npatrol the streets, with yells and whoopings after the Indian\\nfashion, which, though exceedingly alarming to the conquered\\ninhabitants, was a stratagem of Clark to accomplish his pur-\\nposes.\\nOne of the richest and most distinguished citizens of Kas-\\nkaskia at that period, was M. Cerre,said by Col. Clark to have\\nbeen a most bitter enemy to the Americans. In this, probably,\\nhe was misinformed. None of the French families in Illi-\\nnois were particularly friendly to the government of Great\\nBritain. But, probably, M. Cerre had partaken of the feel-\\nings of his townsmen concerning the Long-Knives. He\\nhad long been a successful trader, but had left the place be-\\nfore the arrival of the Americans, and was then at St. Louis\\non his way to Quebec.\\nThe commander at once determined to bring him and all\\nhis influence to the side of the American interest. Accord-\\ningly he took possession of his house and extensive stock of\\nmerchandize and placed a guard over the property. Another\\nstratagem was to prevent all intercourse between his own\\nmen and the citizens, and to admit none of the latter to his\\npresence except by positive command for them to appear be-\\nfore him or, apparently, in great condescension, when urgent-\\nly solicited, to grant audience to some humble petitioner. By\\nthis course of policy he contrived, at first, to confirm all the\\nworst suspicions the British had instilled into the minds of the\\nsimple villagers, of the ferocity of the Long -Knives, and,\\nthen, by undeceiving them to produce a revulsion of feelings,\\nand gain their unlimited confidence. In this he was com-\\npletely successful. The town was in possession of an enemy,", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "19G Conquest of Illinois. 1778.\\nthe inhabitants had been taught were the most ferocious\\nand brutal of all men, and of whom they entertained the\\nmost horrible apprehensions, and all intercourse was strictly\\nprohibited between each other, and the conquerors. After\\nfive days the troops were removed to the outskirts of the\\ntown, and the citizens were permitted to walk in the streets.\\nBut finding them engaged in conversation, one with another,\\nCol. Clark ordered some of the officers to be put in irons,\\nwithout assigning a single reason, or permitting a word of\\ndefence. This singular display of despotic power in the con-\\nqueror, did not spring from a cruel dit^position, or a disregard\\nto the principles of liberty, but it was the course of policy he\\nbad marked out to gain his object.\\nOf all commanders, perhaps. Col. Clark had the readiest\\nand clearest insight into human nature. The eflect of this\\nstretch of military power, at first, was to fill the inhabitants\\nwith consternation and dismay.\\nAfter some time M. Gibault, the parish priest, got permis-\\nsion to wait on Colonel Clark, with five or six elderly gentle-\\nmen.\\nIf the inhabitants of the town were filled with astonish-\\nment at the suddenness of their captivity, these men were far\\nmore astonished at the personal appearance of Clark and his\\nsoldiers.\\nTheir clothes were dirty and torn (for they had no change\\nof apparel) their beards of three and four weeks growth,\\nand, as Clark states in his Journal, they looked more frightful\\nand disgusting than savages.\\nSome minutes passed before the deputation could speak,\\nand then they felt at a loss whom they should address as com-\\nmandant, for they saw no dillerence in the personal appear-\\nance between the chieftain and his men.\\nFinall} the priest, in the most submissive tone and posture,\\nremarked, that the inhabitants expected to be separated, per-\\nhaps never to meet again, and they begged through him, as a\\ngreat favor from their conqueror, to be permitted to assemble\\nin the church, offer up their prayers to God for their souls, and\\ntake leave of each other\\nThe commander observed, with apparent carelessness, that\\nthe Americans did not trouble themselves about the religion of\\nothers, but left every man to worship God as he pleased, that", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "1778. Conquest of Illinois. 197\\nthey might go to church if they wished, but on no account\\nmust a single person leave the town. All further conversa-\\ntion was repelled, and they were sent away, rather abruptly\\nthat the alarm might be raised to the highest pitch.\\nThe whole population assembled in the church, as for the\\nlast time, mournfully chaunted their prayers, and bid each\\nother farewell never expecting to meet again in this world\\nBut so much did they regard this as a favor, that the priest\\nand deputation returned from the church to the lodgings of\\nCol. Clark, and in the name of the people expressed thanks\\nfor the indulgence they had received. They then begged\\nleave to address their conqueror upon their separation and\\ntheir lives. They claimed not to know the origin or nature\\nof the contest between Great Britain and the colonies. What\\nthey had done had been in subjection to the British command-\\ners, whom they were constrained to obey. They were willing\\nto submit to the loss of all their property as the fate of war,\\nbut they begged they might not be separated from their fami-\\nlies, and that clothes and provisions might be allowed them\\nbarely sufficient for their present necessities.\\nCol. Clark had now gained the object of his artful manoeu-\\nvre. He saw their fears were raised to the highest pitch, and\\nhe abruptly thus addressed them\\nWho do you take me to be Do you think we are sav-\\nages that we intend to massacre you all Do you think\\nAmericans will strip women and children, and take the bread\\nout of their mouths My countrymen, said the gallant\\nColonel, never make war upon the innocent! It was to\\nprotect our own wives and children that we have penetrated\\nthis wilderness, to subdue these British posts, from whence the\\nsavages are supplied with arms and ammunition to murder\\nus. We do not war against Frenchmen. The King of\\nFrance, your former master, is our ally. His ships and sol-\\ndiers are fighting for the Americans. The French are our\\nfirm friends. Go, and enjoy your religion and worship when\\nyou please. Retain your property and now please to inform\\nall your citizens from me that they are quite at liberty to con-\\nduct themselves as usual, and dismiss all apprehensions of\\nalarm. We are your friends, and come to deliver you from\\nthe British.\\nThis speech produced a revulsion of feelings better im-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "19S Conquest of Illinois. 1778.\\ngined than described. The news soon spread throughout the\\nvillage, the bell rang a merry peal, the people, with the\\npriest, again assembled in the church, Tc Dcum was loudly\\nsung, and the most uproarious joy prevailed throughout the\\nnight. The people were now allowed all the liberty they\\ncould desire. All now cheerfully acknowledged Col. Clark\\nas the commandant of the country.\\nAn expedition was now planned against Cahokia, and Maj.\\nBowman with his detachment, mounted on French ponies,\\nwas ordered to surprise that post. Several Kaskaskia gentle-\\nmen ofi ered their services to proceed ahead, notify the Caho-\\nkians of the change of government, and prepare them to give\\nthe Americans a cordial reception. The plan was entirely\\nsuccessful, and the post was subjugated without the disaster\\nof a battle. Indeed, there were not a. dozen British soldiers\\nin the garrison.\\nIn all their intercourse with the citizens. Col. Clark instructed\\nhis men to speak of a large army encamped at the Falls of\\nthe Ohio, which would soon overrun and subjugate all the\\nBritish posts in the West, and that Post Vincent would be in-\\nvaded by a detachment from this army. He soon learned\\nfrom the French that Governor Abbott was gone to Detroit,\\nand that the defence was left with the citizens, who were\\nmostly French. INI. Gibault, the priest, readily undertook an\\nembassy to the Post, and to bring over the people to the\\nAmerican interests without the trouble and expense of an in-\\nvasion. This was also successful, and in a few days the\\nAmerican Flag was displayed on the fort, and Captain Helm\\nappointed to the command, much to the surprise and conster-\\nnation of the neighboring Indians.\\njNI. Gibault and party, with several gentlemen from Vin-\\ncennea, returned to Kaskaskia about the first of August with\\nthe joyful intelligence.\\nThe reduction of these posts was the period of the enlist-\\nment of the men, and Colonel Clark was at a loss to know\\nhow to act, as his instructions were vague and general. To\\nabandon the country now, was to loose the immense advan-\\ntages gained, and the commander, never at a loss for expedi-\\nents, opened a new enlistment, and engaged his own men\\non a new establishment, and he issued commissions for\\nFrench officers in the country to command a company of", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "1778. Conquest of Illinois. 199\\nthe inhabitants. He then established a garrison at Cahokia,\\ncommanded by Capt. Bowman and another at Kaskaskia,\\ncommanded by Capt. WilUams. Capt. William Linn took\\ncharge of a party that w^as to be discharged when they ar-\\nrived at the Falls, (Louisville) and orders were sent to remove\\nthe station from Corn Island, and erect a fort on the main\\nland, and a stockade fort was erected.\\nCapt. John Montgomery, in charge of M. Rocheblavc, the\\nlate British commander, and as bearer of dispatches, was\\nsent with a corps of men to Virginia.\\nFor the command of Post Vincent, he chose Capt. Leonard\\nHelm, in whom he reposed great confidence. Capt. Helm\\nhad much knowledge and experience in Indian character, and\\nCol. Clark appointed him agent for Indian affairs in the de-\\npartment of the Wabash. About the middle of August, he\\nwent out to take possession of his new command.\\nAt that period, an Indian of the Piankashavv tribe that had\\ntheir principal village near Vincennes, possessed great influ-\\nence among his people. He was known by the name of Big\\nGate, or Big Door, and called by the Indians, The Grand\\nDoor to the Wabash, because nothing could be done by the\\nIndian confederacy on the Wabash without his approbation.\\nHis father, who had been known as Tobacco, or, more com-\\nmonly, Old Tobac, sent him a spirited compliment by\\nPriest Gibault, who had influence with these Indians. Big Door\\nreturned it. Next followed a regular talk, with a belt of\\nwampum.\\nCaptain Helm arrived safe at Vincennes, and was received\\nwith acclamation by the people, and soon sent the talk and\\nthe wampum to the Grand Door. These Indians had been\\nunder British influence, and had done no small mischief to the\\nfrontier settlements. The proud and pompous chief was taken\\nwith the courtesy of the shrewd Captain, and sent him a mes-\\nsage that he was glad to see one of the Big Knife chiefs\\nin town that here he joined the English against the Bio-\\nKnives, but he long thought they looked a little gloomy;\\nthat he must consult his counsellors, take time to deliberate\\nand hoped the Captain of the Big Knives would be patient.\\nAfter several days of very constant and ceremonious pro-\\nceedings, the Captain was invited to council by Old Tobac\\nwho played quite a subordinate part to his son.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "230 Conquest of Illinois. 1778.\\nAfter the customary display of Indian eloquence, a])out the\\nsky having been dark, and the clouds now had been brushed\\naway, the Grand Door announced that his ideas were quite\\nchanged and the Big Knives was in the right, and that\\nhe would tell all the red people on the Wabash to bloody the\\nland no more for the English.\\nHe jumped up, struck his breast, called himself a man\\nand a warrior, said that he was now a Big Knife, and took\\nCapt. Helm by the hand. His example was followed by all\\npresent.\\nThis was a most fortunate alliance, for, in a short time, all\\nthe tribes along the Wabash, as high as the Ouiatcnon, came\\nto Post Vincennes and followed the example of the Great\\nDoor chief, and the interests of the British lost ground daily in\\nall the villages south of lake Michigan,\\nThe French citizens at the different posts, enlisted warmly\\nin the American cause.\\nCaptain Montgomery reached Williamsburg, then the seat\\nof government in the Old Dominion, with Mr. Rocheblave,\\nthe Gov(n-nor of Illinois, a prisoner of war, and the dispatches\\nof Colonel Clark, announcing that the British posts were cap-\\ntured, and the vast territory of the north-west subjugated.\\nOnly four persons had known the real destination of Clark\\nwhen he left the seat of government at the commencement\\nof the year. These were the Governor, Patrick Henry, and\\nhis confidential counsellors, Thomas Jefferson, George Wythe\\nand George 3Iason. They had assumed a fearful responsi-\\nbility in giving him private instructions, authorising an attack\\non these remote British posts. The degree of success was\\nbeyond the expectations of the most sanguine.\\nIn October, the House of Burgesses created the county of\\nIllinois, and appointed John Todd, Esq., then of Kentucky,\\nLieutenant Colonel and Civil commandant. The act, which\\nwe have in manuscript, with the seal of the Commonwealth,\\ncontained the Ibllowing provisions\\nAll the citizens of the Commonwealth of Virginia, who\\nare already settled, or shall hereafter settle, on the iccslcrn\\nside of the Ohio, shall be included in a distinct county which\\nshallbe called Illinois county and the Governor of this Com-\\nmonwealth, with the advice of the Council, may appoint a\\nJournal of Clark, in Dillon s Indiana., p. l-t-t.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "1778. Conquest of Illinois. 201\\ncounty Lieutenant, or Commandant-in-chief, in that county,\\nduring pleasure, who shall appoint and commission so many\\ndeputy Commandants, militia and officers, and Commissaries,\\nas he shall think proper, in the different districts, during plea-\\nsure, all of whom, before they enter into office, shall take the\\noath of fidelity to this Commonwealth, and the oath of office,\\naccording to the form of their own religion. And all civil\\nofficers to which the inhabitants have been accustomed, neces-\\nsary to the preservation of peace, and the administration of\\njustice, shall be chosen by a majority of citizens in their res-\\npective districts, to be convened for that purpose, by the\\ncounty Lieutenant or Commandant, or his deputy, and shall\\nbe commissioned by the said county Lieutenant, or Command-\\nant-in-chief,\\nIn November, the Legislature passed the following compli-\\nmentary resolution to Clark and his men\\nIx THE House of Delegates,\\nMonday, the 23d Nov. 1778. 5\\nWhereas, authentic information has been received, that\\nLieutenant Colonel George Rogers Clark, with a body of Vir-\\nginia militia, has reduced the British posts in the western part\\nof this Commonwealth, on the river Mississippi, and its\\nbranches, whereby great advantage may accrue to the com-\\nmon cause of America, as well as to this Commonwealth in\\nparticular\\nResolved, That the thanks of this House are justly due to\\nthe said Colonel Clark, and the brave officers and men under\\nhis command, for their extraordinary resolution and persever-\\nance, in so hazardous an enterprize, and for their important\\nservices thereby rendered their country.*\\nTest, E. RANDOLPH, C. H. D.\\n[After organizing a civil government, and providing for an\\nelection of magistrates by the people, Col. Clark directed his\\nattention to the subjugation of the Indian tribes. In this he\\ndisplayed the same, tact and shrewdness, the same daring, and\\nhis acts were crowned with the same success as in the con-\\nquest w^ith the British posts.\\nHe always reprobated the policy of inviting and urging the\\nIndians to hold treaties, and maintained that such a course\\nwas founded upon a rnistaken view of their character. He\\nsupposed they always interpreted such overtures from the go-\\nvernment as an evidence of the fear and conscious weakness of\\nthe whites. Hence, he avoided every intimation that he de-\\n*See Butler s History of Kentucky, p. 490.\\n13", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "202 Conquest of Illinois. 1778.\\nsired peace, and assumed a line of conduct that would appear\\nthat he meant to exterminate them at once. He always\\nwaited for them to apply and beg for a treaty.\\nThese and other measures, which displayed great penetra-\\ntion into Indian character, were completely successful. No\\ncommander ever subjugated as many warlike tribes, in so\\nshort a time, and at so little expense of life.\\nIlis management of the Indians presents a wide field of\\nhistorical research which the limits of these Annals compel us\\nto leave unexplored.]\\nHis meetings with them were opened at Cahokia, in Sep-\\ntember, and his principles of action being never to court them,\\nnever to load them with presents, never to seem to fear them,\\nthough always to show respect to courage and ability, and to\\nspeak in the most direct manner possible, he waited for the\\nnatives to make the first advances and offer peace. When\\nthey had done so, and thrown away the bloody wampum sent\\nthem by the British, Clark coldly told them he would answer\\nthem the next day, and, meanwhile, cautioned them against\\nshaking hands with the Americans, as peace was not yet con-\\ncluded it will be time to give hands, when the heart can be\\ngiven too, he said. The next day the Indians came to hear\\nthe answer of the Big Knife, which we give entire, as taken\\nby Mr. Butler and Mr. Dillon, from Clark s own notes.\\nMen and warriors pay attention to my words. You in-\\nformed me yesterday, that the Great Spirit had brought us to-\\ngether, and that you hope, that as he was good, it would be for\\ngood. I have also the same hope, and expect that each party\\nwill strictly adhere to whatever may be agreed upon, whether\\nit shall be peace or war, and henceforward, prove ourselves\\nworthy of the attention of the Great Spirit. I am a man and\\na warrior, not a counsellor fl carry \\\\rar in my right hand, and\\nin my left, peace. I am sent by the Great Council of the Big\\nKnife, and their friends, to take possession of all the towns\\npossessed by the English in this country, and to watch the\\nmotions of the Red people to bloody the paths of those who\\nattempt to stop the course of the river but to clear the roads\\nfor us to those that desire to bo in peace that tlie women\\nand children may walk in ihom without meeting any thing to\\nstrike their icct against. 1 am ordered to call upon the Great\\nFire for warriors enough to darken the land, and that the Red\\npeople may hear no sound, but of birds who live on blood. I\\nknow there is a mist before your eyes I will dispel the clouds,\\nthat you may clearly sec the causes of the war between the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "1778. Conquest of Illinois. 203\\nBig Knife and the English; then you may judge for yourselves,\\nwhich party is in the right and if you are warriors, as you\\nprofess yourselves to be, prove it by adhering faithfully to the\\nparty, which you shall believe to be entitled to your friend-\\nship, and not show yourselves to be squaws.\\nThe Big Knife is very much like the Red people, they don t\\nknow hov/ to make blankets, and powder, and cloth they buy\\nthese things from the English, from whom they are sprung.\\nThey live by making corn, hunting and trade, as you and your\\nneighbors, the French, do. But the Big Knife, daily getting\\nmore numerous, like the trees in the woods, the land became\\npoor, and the hunting scarce; and having but little to trade\\nwith, the women began to cry at seeing their children naked,\\nand tried to learn how to make clothes for themselves some\\nmade blankets for their husbands and children and the men\\nlearned to make guns and powder. In this way we did not want\\nto buy so much from the English; they then got mad with us, and\\nsent strong garrisons through our country, (as you see they have\\ndone among you on the lakes, and among the French,) they\\nwould not let our women spin, nor our men make powder, nor\\nlet us trade with any body else. The English said, we should\\nbuy every thing from them, and since we had got saucy, we\\nshould give two bucks for a blanket, which we used to get for\\none we should do as they pleased, and they killed some of our\\npeople, to make the rest fear them. This is the truth, and the\\nreal cause of the war between the English and us which did\\nnot take place for some time after this treatment. But our\\nwomen become cold and hungry, and continued to cry our\\nyoung men got lost for want of counsel to put them in the\\nright path. The whole land was dark, the old men held down\\ntheir heads for shame, because they could not see the sun, and\\nthus there was mourning for many years over the land. At last\\nthe Great Spirit took pity on us, and kindl ed a great council\\nlire, that never goes out, at a place called Philadelphia; he\\nthen stuck down a post, and put a war tomahawk by it, and\\nwent away. The sun immediately broke out, the sky Avas\\nblue again, and the old men held up their heads, and assem-\\nbled at the fire they took up the hatchet, sharpened it, and\\nput it into the hands of our young men, ordering them to\\nstrike the English as long as they could find one on this side\\nof the great waters. The young men immediately struck the\\nwar post, and blood was shed in this way the war began,\\nand the English were driven from one place to another, until\\nthey got weak, and then they hired you red people to fight for\\nthem. The Great Spirit got angry at this, and caused your\\nold Father, the French king, and other great nations, to join\\nthe Big Knife, and fight with them against all their enemies.\\nSo the English have become like a deer in the woods; and you\\nmay see that it is the Great Spirit, that has caused your waters", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "204 Conquest of Illinois. 1778.\\nto be troubled because you have fought for the people he\\nwas mad with. If your women and children should now cry,\\nyou must blame yourselves for it, and not the Big Knife. You\\ncan now judge who is in the right; I have already told you\\nwho I am; here is a bloody belt, and a white one, take which\\nvou please. Behave like men, and don t let your being sur-\\nrounded by the Big Knife, cause you to take up the one belt\\nwith your hands, while your hearts take up the other. If you\\ntake the bloody path, you shall leave the town in safety, and\\nmay go and join your friends, the English; we will then try\\nlike warriors, who can put the most stumbling blocks in each\\nother s way, and keep our clothes longest stained with blood.\\nU, on the other hand, you should take the path of peace, and\\nbe received as brothers to the Big Knife, with their friends,\\nthe French, should you then listen to bad birds, that may be\\nflying through the land, you will no longer deserve to be\\ncounted as men but as creatures with two tongues, that\\nought to be destroyed without listening to any thing you\\nmight say. As t am convinced you never heard the truth be-\\nfore, I do not Avish you to answer before you have taken time\\nto counsel. We will, therefore, part this evening, and when\\nthe Great Spirit shall bring us together again, let us speak\\nand think like men, with one heart and one tongue.\\nThis speech produced the desired effect, and upon the fol-\\nlowing day, the Red people and the Big Knife, united\\nhearts and hands both. In all these proceedings, there is no\\nquestion that, directly and indirectly, the alliance of the United\\nStates with France was very instrumental in producing a\\nfriendly feeling among the Indians, who had never lost their\\nold regard toward their first Great Father.\\nBut, though it was Clark s general rule not to court the\\nsavages, there were some particular chieftains so powerful as\\nto induce him to invite them to meet him, and learn the merits\\nof the quarrel between the colonies and England. Among\\nthese was Black Bird, one of the lake chiefs; he came at tlic\\ninvitation of the American leader, and, dispensing with the\\nusual formulas of the Indian negotiation, sat down with Col.\\nClark in a common sense way, and talked and listened, ques-\\ntioned and considered, until he was satisfied that the rebels\\nhad the right of the matter after which he became, and re-\\nmained a firm friend of the Big Knives.\\nWhile the negotiations between the conqueror^f Kaskas-\\nkia and the natives were going forward, an incident occurred,\\nSee Butler a History of Kentucky, p. 6S.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "1778. Conquest of Illinois. 205\\nso characteristic of Col. Clark, that we cannot omit its men-\\ntion, as follows: A party of Indians, known as Meadow In-\\ndians,* had come to attend ihe council with Iheir neighbors.\\nThese, by some means, were induced to attempt the murder of\\nthe invaders, and tried to obtain an opportunity to commit\\nthe crime proposed, by surprising Clark and his officers in\\ntheir quarters. In this plan they failed, and their purpose was\\ndiscovered by the sagacity of the French in attendance when\\nthis was done, Clark gave them to the French to deal with as\\nthey pleased, but with a hint that some of the leaders would\\nbe as well in irons. Thus fettered and foiled, the chiefs were\\nbrought daily to the council house, where he whom they pro-\\nposed to kill, was engaged daily in forming friendly relations\\nwith their red brethren. At length, when by these means the\\nfutility of their project had been sufficiently impressed upon\\nthem, the American commander ordered their irons to be\\nstruck off, and in his quiet way, full of scorn, said, Every\\nbody thinks you ought to die for your treachery upon my life,\\namidst the sacred deliberations of a council. I had determin-\\ned to inflict death upon you for your base attempt, and you\\nyourselves must be sensible that you have justly forfeited your\\nlives; but on considering the meanness of watching a bear\\nand catching him asleep, I have found out that you are not\\n\\\\varriors, only old women, and too mean to be killed by the\\nBig Knife. But, continued he, as you ought to be punished\\nfor putting on breech cloths like men, they shall be taken\\naway from you, plenty of provisions shall be given for your\\njourney home, as women don t know how to hunt, and during\\nyour stay you shall be treated in every respect as squaws. f\\nThese few cutting words concluded, the Colonel turned\\naway to converse with others. The children of the prairie,\\nwho had looked for anger, not contempt punishment, not\\nfreedom were unaccountably stirred by this treatment.\\nThey took counsel together, and presently a chief came for-\\nward with a belt and pipe of peace, which, with proper\\nwords, he laid upon the table. The interpreter stood ready\\nto translate the woi ds of friendship, but, with curling lip, the\\nThese were a remnant of the Mascoutin tribe, or Prairie Tribe, as the name signi-\\nfies.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Ed.\\nf This was a mode of punishment used by the Indians as a mark of disgrace. An In-\\ndian thus degraded, never after could be a man. He must do the drudgery of a Squaw.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Ed.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "206 Conquest of Illinois 1778.\\nAmerican said he did not wish to hear them, and lifting a\\nsword which lay before him, he shattered the offered pipe,\\nwith the cutting expression that he did not treat with wo-\\nmen. The bewildered, overwhelmed Meadow Indians, next\\nasked the intercession of other red men, already admitted to\\nfriendship, but the only reply was, The Big Knife has made\\nno war upon these people they are of a kind that we shoot\\nlike wolves when we meet them in the woods, lest they eat\\nthe deer. All this wrought more and more upon the offend-\\ning tribe again they took counsel, and then two young men\\ncame forward, and, covering their heads with their blankets,\\nsat down before the impenetrable commander then two\\nchiefs arose, and stating that these young warriors offered their\\nlives as an atonement for the misdoings of their relatives,\\nagain they presented the pipe of peace. Silence reigned in\\nthe assembly, while the fate of the proflfered victims hung\\nin suspense all watched the countenance of the American\\nleader, who could scarce master the emotion which the inci-\\ndent excited. Still, all sat noiseless, nothing heard but the\\ndeep breathing of those whose lives thus hung by a thread.\\nPresently, he upon whom all depended, arose, and, approach-\\ning the young men, he bade them be uncovered and stand up.\\nThey sprang to their feet. I am glad to find, said Clark,\\nwarmly, that there are men among all nations. With you,\\nwho alone are fit to be chiefs of your tribe, I am willing to\\ntreat; through you lam ready to grant peace to your broth-\\ners; I take you by the hands as chiefs, worthy of being such.^*\\nHere again the fearless generosity, the generous fearlessness\\nof Clark, proved perfectly successful, and while the tribe in\\nquestion became the allies of America, the fame of the occur-\\nrence, which spread far and wide through the north-west,\\nmade the name of the white negotiator everywhere respected.\\nBefore the act of the legislature was carried into effect,\\nVincennes was recaptured by Henry Hamilton, the British\\nLieutenant Governor of Detroit. Having collected an army of\\nabout thirty regulars, fifty French volunteers, and four hundred\\nIndians he went from Detroit, to the Wabash, thence down\\nthat liver, and appeared before the fort on the 15th of Decem-\\nber, 1778. The people made no effort to defend the place.\\nCaptain Helm and a man by the name of Henry, Avere the\\nonly Americans in the fort. The latter had a cannon well", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "1778. Conquest of Illinois. 207\\ncharged, placed in the open gate-way, while the Command-\\nant, Helm, stood by it with the lighted match. When Col.\\nHamilton and his troops approached within hailing distance,\\nthe American officer called out, with a loud voice, Halt\\nThis show of resistance caused Hamilton to stop, and demand\\na surrender of the garrison.\\nHelm exclaimed, No man shall enter here until I know the\\nterms. Hamilton responded, You shall have the honors of\\nwar and the fort was surrendered, and the one officer, and\\nthe one private, received the customary mark of respect for\\ntheir brave defence.*\\nA portion of Hamilton s force was dispatched with the In-\\ndians to attack the settlements on the Ohio and Mississippi\\nrivers. Capt Helm was detained in the fort as a prisoner,\\nand the French inhabitants were disarmed. Col. Clark s post-\\ntion became perilous. Detached parties of hostile Indians,\\nsent out by Coi. Hamilton, began to appear in Illinois. He\\nordered Maj. Bowman to evacuate the fort at Cahokia, and\\nmeet him at Kaskaskia. I could see, says Clark, but little\\nprobability of keeping possession of the country, as my num-\\n-ber of raen was too small to stand a siege, and my situation\\ntoo remote to call for assistance. I made all the preparation\\nI possibly could for the attack, and was necessitated to set fire\\nto some of the houses in town, to clear them out of the way.\\nAt this crisis, the bold and hazardous project of capturing\\nCol. Hamilton, and retaking Post Vincennes, became the\\ntheme of his daily and nightly meditations.\\nHe employed Col. Francis Vigo, then a resident of St,\\nLoui.s, to make an exploration of the circumstances and\\nstrength of the enemy at Post Vincennes. Col. Vigo, though\\na Spanish subject, possessed an innate love of liberty; an at-\\ntachment to republican principles, and an ardent sympathy\\nfor an oppressed people, struggling for their rights. He dis-\\nregarded personal consequences, for as soon as he heard of the\\narrival of Col. Clark at Kaskaskia, and the possession of Illi-\\nnois by the Americans, he went there and tendered his wealth\\nand influence to sustain the cause of liberty.\\nAt the request of Col. Clark, Col. Vigo, with a single ser-\\nvant, proceeded to Vincennes. At the Embarrass he was\\nButler Kentucky, note, p. 80.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "208 Conquest of Illinois. 1779.\\ntaken prisoner by a party of Indians, plundered and brought\\nbefore Col. Hamilton. Being a Spanish subject, though sus-\\npected of being a spy for the Americans, the Governor had no\\npower to hold him as a prisoner of war, but forbid him to leave\\nthe fort. Entreated by the French inhabitants to allow him\\nto depart, and threatened with the refusal of all supplies for\\nthe garrison, the Governor reluctantly yielded, on condition\\nthat Col. Vigo would sign an article not to do any act dur-\\ning the war, injurious to the British interests. This he re-\\nfused, but consented to a pledge not to do any thing injurious\\non his way to St. Louis. This was accepted, and Col. Vigo was\\npermitted to depart in a pirogue down the Wabash and Ohio,\\nand up the Mississippi to !St. Louis. lie kept his pledge\\nmost sacredly. On his way to St. Louis, he abstained from\\nall intercourse with the Americans but he only staid at home\\nlong enough to change his dress, when he returned to Kas-\\nkaskia, and gave Col. Clark full and explicit information of\\nthe condition of the British force at Vincennes, the projected\\nmovements of Hamilton, and the friendly feelings of the\\nFrench towards the Americans- From him Col. Clark learn-\\ned that a portion of the British troops were absent on maraud--\\ning parties with the Indians, that the garrison consisted of\\nabout eighty regular soldiers, three brass field pieces, and\\nsome swivels, and that Governor Hamilton meditated the re-\\ncapture of Kaskaskia early in the spring. Col. Clark deter-\\nmined on the bold project of an expedition to Vincennes, of\\nwhich he wrote to Gov. Henry, and sent an express to Vir-\\nginia. As a reason for this hazardous project, Col. Clark\\nurged the force and designs of Hamilton, saying to Governor\\nHenry in his letter, knew if I did not take him, he would take\\nme:\\nA boat fitted up as a galley, carrying two four pounders\\nand four swivels, and commanded by Capt John Rogers, with\\nforty-six men, and provisions, M-as dispatched from Kaskaskia\\nto the Ohio, with orders to proceed up the Wabash as secretly\\nas possible to a place near the mouth of the Embarrass. Two\\ncompanies of men ware raised from Cahokia, and Kaskaskia,\\ncommanded by Captains McCarty and Charleville, which, with\\nthe Americans, amounted to one hundred and seventy men.\\nThe winter was unusually wet and the streams all high, but\\non the 7th of February, 1779, this fragment of an army com-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "1779. Conquest of Illinois. 209\\nmenced its march from Kaskaskia to Post Vincent. Their route\\nlay through the prairies and points of timber east of the Kas-\\nkaskia river, a north-easternly course, through Washington and\\nMarion counties, into Clay county, where the trail visible thirty\\nyears since, would strike the route of the present road from\\nSt. Louis to Vincennes.^ This was one of the most dreary\\nand fatiguing expeditions of the Revolutionary war. After\\nincredible hardships, they reached the Little Wabash, the low\\nbottoms of which, for several miles, were covered with water,\\nas Col. Clark s report affirms, generally three feet deep, never\\nunder two, and frequently over four feet. They arrived at\\nthe two Wabashes, as Bowman in his journal calls the two\\nbranches, (now known as the Little Wabash and Muddy\\nrivers,) on the 13th. Here they made a canoe, and on the\\n15th, ferried over their baggage, which they placed on a scaf-\\nfold on the opposite bank. Rains fell nearly every day, but\\nthe weather was not cold. Hitherto they had borne their ex-\\ntreme privations and difficulties with incredible patience, but\\nnow the spirits of many seemed exhausted. There was an\\n(Irish drummer in the party who possessed an uncommon talent\\nin singing comic, Irish songs.\\nWhile the men were wading to the waist, and sometimes to\\nthe arm-pits in mud and water, the fertile ingenuity of Col.\\nClark, who never failed in resources, placed the Irishman on\\n\\\\his drum which readily floated, while he entertained the ex-\\nhausteed troops with his comic and musical powers.\\nOn the 18th day of February, eleven days after their depar-\\nture from Kaskaskia, they heard the morning gun of the fort,\\nand at evening of the same day, they were on the Great Wa-\\nbash, below the mouth of the Embarrass. The party were\\nnow in the most exhausted, destitute and starving condition,\\nand no signs of their boat with supplies. The river was out\\nof its banks, all the low grounds covered with water, and\\ncanoes could not be constructed to carry them over before the\\nBritish garrison would discover and capture, or massacre the\\nwhole party. February 20th, they hailed and brought to a\\nboat from Post Vincent, and, from the crew, whom they de-\\ntained, they learned that the French population were friendly\\nto the Americans, and that no suspicion of the expedition had\\nreached the British garrison.\\nHere we shall let Col. Clark tell the story in his journal", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "210 Conquest of Illinois. 1779.\\nThis last day s march, [February 21st,] through the water,\\nwas far superior to any thing the Frenchmen had any idea of:\\nthey were backward in speaking said that the nearest land\\nto us was a small league, called the sugar camp, on the\\nbank of the slough. A canoe was sent off, and returned with-\\nout finding that we could pass. I went in her myself, and\\nsounded the water found it deep as to my neck. I returned\\nwith a design to have the men transported on board the ca-\\nnoes to the sugar camp, which I knew would spend the whole\\nday and ensuing night, as the vessels would pass slowly\\nthrough the bushes. The loss of so much time, to men hulf\\nstarved, was a matter of consequence. I would have given\\nnow a great deal for a day s provision, or for one of our\\nhorses. I returned but slowly to the troops giving myself\\ntime to think. On our arrival, all ran to hear what was the\\nreport. Every eye was fixed on me. I unfortunately spoke\\nin a serious manner to one of the officers the whole were\\nalarmed without knowing what I said. I viewed their con-\\nfusion for about one minute whispered to those near me to\\ndo as I did immediately put some water in my hand, poured\\non powder, blackened my face, gave the war-whoop, marched\\ninto the water, without saying a word. The party gazed, fell\\nin, one after another, without saying a word, like a flock of\\nsheep. I ordered those near me to give a favorite song of\\ntheirs It soon passed through the line, and the whole w^ent\\non cheerfully. I now intended to have them transported\\nacross the deepest part of the water; but when about waist\\ndeep, one of the men informed me that he thought he felt a\\npath. We examined, and found itso and concluded that it\\nkept on the highest ground, which it did and by taking pains\\nto follow it, we got to the sugar camp, without the least dif-\\nficulty, where there was about half an acre of dry ground, at\\nleast not under water, where we took up our lodgings. The\\nFrenchmen that we had taken on the river, appeared to be\\nuneasy at our situation. They begged that they might be\\npermitted to go in the two canoes to town in the night: they\\nsaid they would bring from their own houses provisions, with-\\nout the possibility of any person knowing it; that .\u00c2\u00abome of our\\nmen should go with them, as a surety of their good conduct\\nthat it was impossible we could march from that place till the\\nwater fell, for the plain was too deep to march. Some of the\\n[officers?] believed that it might be done. I would not suffer\\nit. I never could well account for this piece of obstinacy, and\\ngive satisfactory reasons to myself, or any body else, why I\\ndenied a proposition apparcnth so easy to execute, and of so\\nmuch advantage but something seemed to tell me that it\\nshould not be done and it \\\\vas not done.\\nIhe most of the weather that we had on this march, was\\nmoist and warm, for the season. This was the coldest night", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "1779. Conquest of Illinois. 211\\nwe had. The ice in the morning was from one half to three\\nquarters of an inch thick, near the shores, and in still water.\\nThe morning was the finest we had on our march. A little\\nafter sunrise I lectured the whole. What I said to them I for-\\nget; but it may be easily imagined by a person that could\\npossess my affections for them at that time I concluded by\\ninforming them, that passing the plain that was then in full\\nview, and reaching the opposite woods, would put an end to\\ntheir fatigue that in a few hours they would have a sight of\\ntheir long wished for object and immediately stepped into the\\nwater without waiting for any reply. A huzza took place.\\nAs we generally marched through the water in a line, before\\nthe third entered T halted and called to Major Bowman, order-\\ned him to fall in the rear wdth twenty-five men, and to put to\\ndeath any man who refused to march as we wished to have\\nno such person among us. The whole gave a cry of approba-\\ntion, and on we went. This was the most trying of all the dif-\\nficulties we had experienced. I generally kept fifteen or\\ntwenty of the strongest men next myself; and judged from\\nmy own feelings what must be that of others. Getting about\\nthe middle of the plain, the water about mid-deep, 1 found\\nmyself sensibly failing and as there were no trees nor bushes\\nfor the men to support themselves by, I feared that many of\\nthe most weak would be drowned. I ordered the canoes to\\nmake the land, discharge their loading, and play backwards\\nand forwards with all diligence, and pick up the men and to\\nencourage the party, sent some of the strongest men forward,\\nwith orders, when they got to a certain distance, to pass the\\nword back that the water was getting shallow and when\\ngetting near the woods to cry out Land This stratagem had\\nits desired effect. The men, encouraged by it, exerted them-\\nselves almost beyond their abilities the weak holding by the\\nstronger. The water never got shallower, but con-\\ntinued deepening. Getting to the woods where the men ex-\\npected land, the water was up to my shoulders but gaining\\nthe woods was of great consequence all the low men and\\nweakly, hung to the trees, and floated on the old logs, until\\nthey were taken off by the canoes. The strong and tall got\\nashore and built fires. Many would reach the shore, and fall\\nwith their bodies half in the water, not being able to support\\nthemselves without it.\\nThis was a delightful dry spot of ground, of about ten acres.\\nWe soon found that fires answered no purpose but that two\\nstrong men taking a weaker one by the arms was the only\\nway to recover him\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and, being a delightful day, it soon did.\\nBut, fortunately, as if designed by Providence, a canoe of Indian\\nsquaws and children were coming up to town, and took thro\\npart of this plain as a nigh way. It was discovered by our ca-\\nnoes as they were out after the men. They gave chase and took", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "212 Conquest of Illinois. 1779.\\nthe Indian canoe, on board of which was near half a quarter\\nof buffalo, some corn, tallow, kettles, c. This was a grand\\nprize, and was invaluable. Broth was immediately made and\\nserved out to the most weakly, with great care most of the\\nwhole got a little but a great many gave their part to the\\nweakly, jocosely saying something cheering to their comrades.\\nThis little refreshment and fine weather, by the afternoon,\\ngavelife to the whole. Crossing a narrow deep lake in the\\ncanoes, and marching some distance, we came to a copse\\nof timber called the Warrior s Island. We were now in full\\nview of the fort and town, not a shrub between us, at about\\ntwo miles distance. Every man now feasted his eyes, and\\nforgot that he had suffered any thing saying, that all that had\\npassed was owing to good policy, and nothing but v.hat a man\\ncould bear and that a soldier had no right to think, c.\\npassing from one extreme to another, which is common in\\nsuch cases. It was now we had to display our abilities. The\\nplain between us and the town was not a perfect level. The\\nsunken grounds were covered with water full of ducks. W^e\\nobserved several men out on horseback, shooting them, within\\nhalf a mile of us and sent out as many of our active young\\nFrenchmen to decoy and take one of these men prisoner, in\\nsuch a manner as not to alarm the others which they did.\\nThe information we got from this person was similar to that\\nwhich wc got from those we took on the river; except that of\\nthe British having that evening completed the wall of the fort,\\nand that there were a good many Indians in town.\\nOur situation was now truly critical no possibility of re-\\ntreating in case of defeat and in full view of a town that had\\nat this time upwards of six hundred men in it, troops, inhab-\\nitants, and Indians. The crew of the galley, though not fifty\\nmen, would now have been a reinforcement of immense mag-\\nnitude to our little army, (if I may so call it,) but we would\\nnot think of them. We were now in the situation that 1 had\\nlabored to get ourselves in. The idea of being made prisoner\\nwas foreign to almost every man, as they expected nothing\\nbut torture from the savages, if they fell into their hands. Our\\nfate was now to be determined, probably in a few hours. W^e\\nknew that nothing but the most daring conduct would ensure\\nsuccess. I knew that a number of the inhabitants wished us\\nwell that many were lukewarm to the interest of either and\\nI also learned that the Grand Chief, the Tobacco s son, had,\\nbut a few days before, openly declared in council with the\\nBritish, that he was a brother and a friend to the Big Knives.\\nThese were favorable circumstances and as there was but\\nlittle probability of our remaining until dark undiscovered, I\\ndetermined to begin the career immediately, and wrote the\\nfollowing placard to the inhabitants", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "1779. Conquest of Illinois. 213\\nTo the inhabitants of Post Vinccnnes.\\nGentlemen: Being now within two miles of your village,\\nwith my army, determined to take your fort this night, and not\\nbeing willing to surprise you, I take this method to request\\nsuch of you as are true citizens and willing to enjoy the lib-\\nerty I bring you, to remain still in your houses. And those, if\\nany there be, that are friends to the king, will instantly repair\\nto the fort and join the hair-buyer General, and fight like men.\\nAnd if any such as do not go to the fort shall be discovered\\nafterwards, they may depend on severe punishment. On the\\ncontrary, those who are true friends to liberty may depend on\\nbeing well treated and I once more request them to keep out\\nof the streets. For every one I find in arms on my arrival, I\\nshall treat him as an enemy.\\n[Signed,] G. R. CLARK.\\n[This singular epistle, as Clark designed, had a two-fold ef-\\nfect, and displayed his astonishing insight into human nature.\\nIts imposing character inspired the inhabitants who were friend-\\nly with confidence, and filled the enemy with terror and dis-\\nmay. As no one imagined an expedition, at that season,\\ncould cross the waters from Illinois, the impression was made\\nthat the town was about to be invaded by a large army from\\nKentucky. This impression was confirmed by several messa-\\nges being sent in under assumed names of gentlemen known\\nin Kentucky, to their acquaintances in Vincennes.\\nThe same day about sunset, (Feb. 23,) the American forces\\nset off to attack the Fort. To confirm the impression that the\\ninvaders consisted of a large army. Col. Clark divided his\\nmen into platoons, each displaying a different flag, and after\\nmarching and countermarching around some mounds, within\\nsight of the fort, and making other demonstrations of numbers\\nand strength, till after dark, when Lieut. Bayley with fourteen\\nmen, was sent to attack the Fort. This party lay within thirty\\nyards of the Fort, defended by a bank and safe from the ene-\\nmy s guns. No sooner was a port hole opened than a dozen\\nrifles were directed to the aperture one soldier was killed and\\nthe rest could not be prevailed upon to stand to the guns.\\nOn the morning of the 24th, at 9 o clock. Col. Clark sent a\\nflag of truce with the following letter, while his men, for the\\nfirst time in six days, were provided with breakfast. The\\nletter of Col. Clark is characteristic of the man\\nSir In order to save yourself from the impending storm\\nthat now threatens you, I order you immediately to surrender", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "214 Conquest of Illinois. 1779.\\nyourself, with all your garrison, stores, c. c. For if I am\\nobliged to storm, you may depend upon such treatment as\\nis justly due to a mm-dcrer. Beware of destroying stores of\\nany kind, or any papers or letters that are in your possession,\\nor hurting one house in town. For, by Heavens, if you do,\\nthere shall be no mercy shown you. G. R. CLARK.\\nTo Gov. Hamilton.\\nThe reply of Gov. Hamilton shows that this daring course\\nof Col. Clark had its intended effect. He replies\\nGovernor Hamilton begs leave to acquaint Col. Clark, that\\nhe and his garrison are not disposed to be awed into any action\\nunworthy British subjects.\\nThe attack was renewed with vigor and soon produced an-\\nother message\\nGov. Hamilton proposes to Col. Clark a truce for three\\ndays, during which time he promises, that there should be no\\ndefensive works carried on in the garrison, on condition that\\nCol. Clark will observe, on his part, a like cessation of offen-\\nsive work that is, he wishes to confer with Col. Clark, as\\nsoon as can be, and promises that whatever may pass between\\nthem two, and another person, mutually agreed on to be pres-\\nent, shall remain secret till matters be finished as he wishes,\\nthat whatever the result of the conference maybe, it may tend\\nto the honor and credit of each party. If Col. Clark makes a\\ndifficulty of coming into the Fort, Lieut. Gov. Hamilton will\\nspeak with him by the gate. HENRY HAMILTON.\\nFebruary 24th, 79.\\nTo which the following reply was sent\\nCol. Clark s compliments to Governor Hamilton, and begs\\nleave to say, that he will not agree to any terms, other than\\nMr. Hamilton siwrcndcr ivg Imnsclf and garrison prisoners at dis-\\ncretion\\nIf JMr. Hamilton wants to talk with Col. Clark, he will\\nmeet him at the Church with Capt. Helm.\\nA conference was held as proposed, when Col. Clark de-\\nmanded a surrender, and threatened to massacre the leading\\nmen in the Fort for supplying the Indians with the means of\\nannoyance, and purchasing scalps, if his terms were not ac-\\ncepted. In one hour after, Col. Clark dictated the following\\nterms, which were accepted", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "1779. Conquest of Illinois. 21 5\\n1st. Lieutenant Governor Hamilton agrees to deliver up to\\nColonel Clark, Fort Sackville, as it is at present, with its\\nstores, c.\\n2d. The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners of\\nwar, and march out with their arms and accoutrements.\\n3d. The garrison to be delivered up to-morrow, at ten\\no clock.\\n4th. Three days time to be allowed the garrison to settle\\ntheir accounts with the inhabitants and traders.\\n5th. The ofHcers of the garrison to be allowed their neces-\\nsary baggage, c.\\nSigned at Post St. Vincennes, this 24lh day of February,\\n1779; agreed to for the following reason 1st. Remoteness from\\nsuccor: 2d. the state and quantity of provisions 3d. The\\nunanimity o{ ihe officers and men in its expediency: 4th. The\\nhonorable terms allowed and, lastly, the confidence in a\\ngenerous enemy. HENRY HAMILTON,\\nLieutenant Governor and Super intendenty\\nOn the 25th of February, Fort Sackville was surrendered to\\nthe American troops, and the garrison treated as prisoners of\\nwar. The American flag waved on its battlements, and thir-\\nteen guns celebrated the victory.\\nSeventy-nine prisoners, and stores to the value of 50,000\\ndollars, were obtained by this bold and desperate enterprise,\\nand the whole country along the Mississippi and Wabash, re-\\nmained ever after in the peaceable possession of the Ameri-\\ncans. Gov. Hamilton Avas sent to Richmond, and his men\\npermitted to return to Detroit on parole of honor.\\nSix were badly, and one man mortally wounded on the part\\nof the British, and only one man wounded on the part of the\\nAmericans.]\\nThe Governor and some others were sent prisoners to Vir-\\nginia, where the council ordered their confinement in jail, fet-\\ntered and alone, in punishment for their abominable policy of\\nurging barbarians to ultra barbarism, as they surely had done\\nby offering rewards for scalps but none for prisoners, a course\\nwhich naturally resulted in wholesale and cold-blooded mur--\\nder; the Indians driving captives within sio^ht of the British,\\nforts and then butchering them. As this rigid confinement\\nhowever just, was not in accordance with the terms of Ham-\\nilton s surrender, General Phillips protested in regard to it\\nand Jefferson having referred the matter to the Commander-in-\\nchief, Washington gave his opinion decidedly against it, in", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "210 Conquest of Illinois. 1778.\\nconsequence of which the Council of Virginia released the\\nDetroit h^iir-buyer from his irons.\\nClark returned to Kaskaskia, where, in consequence of the\\ncompetition of the traders, he found himself more embarrassed\\nfrom the depreciation of the paper money which had been ad-\\nvanced him by Virginia, than he had been by the movements\\nof the British and where he was forced to pledge his own\\ncredit to procure what he needed, to an extent that induenced\\nvitally his own fortune and life thenceforward.\\nAfter the taking of Vincennes, Detroit was undoubtedly\\nwithin the reach of the enterprising Virginian, had he been\\nbut able to raise as many soldiers as were starving and idling\\nat Forts Laurens and Mcintosh. [Col. Clark, in his letter to\\nMr. Jefferson, says, that with five hundred men, when he\\nreached Illinois, or with three hundred after the conquest of\\nPost Vincennes, he could have taken Detroit. The people of\\nDetroit rejoiced greatly when they heard of Hamilton s cap-\\nture.] Gov. Henry having promised him a reinforcement, he\\nconcluded to wait for that, as his force was too small to both\\nconquer and garrison the British forts. But the results of what\\nwas done were not unimportant indeed we cannot estimate\\nthose results. Hamilton had made arrangements to enlist the\\nSouthern and Western Indiansf for the next spring s cam-\\npaign and, if Mr. Stone be correct in his suppositions. Brant\\nand his Iroquois were to act in concert with him. J Had\\nClark, therefore, failed to conquer the Governor, there is too\\nmuch reason to fear, that the West would have been, indeed,\\nswept, from the Mississippi to the mountains, and the great\\nblow struck, which had been contemplated, from the outset,\\nby Britain. But for his small army of dripping, but fearless\\nVirginians, the union of all the tribes from Georgia to Maine,\\nagainst the colonies, might have been effected, and the whole\\ncurrent of our history changed.\\n[The conquest of Clark changed the face of affairs in rela-\\ntion to the whole country north of the Ohio river, which, in all\\nprobability, would have been the boundary between Canada\\nand the U. States. This conquest was urged by the American\\nCommissioners in negotiating the definite treaty of 1793.]\\nSparks Washington, vi. 315. Aliuon d Remembrancer for 1779, pp. 337. 340. Jef-\\nferson s Writings, i. 451 to 458.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f Butler, p. 80. J Stone s Brandt, 1. 400. Notes, Boston Edition.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER Vlir.\\nSKETCHES OF KENTUCKY.\\nCaptivity of Boone Siege of Boonesboroiigh iDvasion of the Six Nations Treatywith the\\nDelawares\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Virginia land laws\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Claims of France and Spain Invasion of Kentucky\\nCivil organization of the same Invasion of St. Louis Events in Ohio.\\n[We now return to bring forward the annals of Kentucky.\\nThe people had suffered much for salt, and the labor and risk\\nof packing it over the mountains on horseback were too great\\nfor only by that mode of transportation could they obtain the\\nnecessaries of life which the wilderness did not furnish. It\\nwas arranged that thirty men, under the guidance of Captain\\nBoone, should proceed to the Lower Blue Licks, on Licking\\nriver, and manufacture salt. The enterprise was commenced\\non new year s day, 1778.]\\nBoone was to be guide, hunter, and scout; the rest cut wood\\nand attend to the manufacturing department. January passed\\nquietly, and before the 7th of February, enough of the pre-\\ncious condiment had accumulated to lead to the return of\\nthree of the party to the stations, with the treasure. The rest\\nstill labored on, and Boone enjoyed the winter weather in the\\nforest after his own fashion. Ikit. alas for him, there was\\nmore than mere game about him in those woods alonf the\\nrugged Licking. On the 7th of February, as he was hunting,\\nhe came upon a party of one hundred and two foes, two\\nCanadians, the remainder Indians, Shawanese apparently.\\nBoone fled but their swiftest runners were on his trail, and.\\nhe was soon their prisoner. Finding it impossible to give his\\ncompanions at the Licks due notice so as to secure their es-\\ncape, he proceeded to make terms on their behalf with his\\ncaptors, and then persuaded his men by gestures, at a dis-\\ntance, to surrender without offering battle. Thus, without a\\nblow, the invaders found themselves possessed of twentv-\\neight prisoners, and among them the greatest, in an Indian s\\neyes, of all the Long Knives. This band was on its way to\\nBoonesborough, to attack or to reconnoitre but such good luck\\nas they had met with changed their minds, and, turning upon", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "218 Boone a Captive. 1778.\\ntlieir track, they took up their march for old Chillicothe, an\\nIndian town on the Little Miami.\\nIt was no part of the plan of the Shawanese, however, to\\nretain these men in captivity, nor yet to scalp, slay, or eat\\nthem. Under the influence and rewards of Governor Hamil-\\nton, the British Commander in the Northwest, the Indians had\\ntaken up the business of speculating in human beings, both\\ndead and alive and the Shawanese meant to take Boone and\\nhis comrades to the Detroit market. On the 10th of March,\\naccordingly, eleven of the party, including Daniel himself,\\nwere dispatched for the North, and, after twenty days of jour-\\nneying, were presented to the English Governor, who treated\\nthem, Boone saj s, with great humanity. To Boone himself,\\nHamilton and several other gentlemen seem to have taken an\\nespecial fancy, and offered considerable sums for his release\\nbut the Shawanese had also become enamored of the veteran\\nhunter and would not part with him. He must go home with\\nthem, they said, and be one of them, and become a great\\nchief. So the pioneer found his very virtues becoming the\\ncause of a prolonged captivity. In April, the red men, with\\ntheir one white captive, about to be converted into a genuine\\nson of nature, returned from the flats of Michigan, covered\\nwith ])rush-chokcd forests, to the rolling valley of the Miamis,\\nwith its hill-sides clothed in their rich open woods of maple\\nand beech, then just bursting into bloom. And now the white\\nblood was washed out of the Kentucky ranger, and he was\\nmade a son in the family of Blackfish, a Shawanese Chief,\\nand was loved and caressed by father and mother, brothers\\nand sisters, till he was thoroughly sick of them. But disgust,\\nhe could not show so he was kind, and affable, and knew\\nhow to allay any suspicions they might harbor Jest he should\\nrunaway. He took his part in their games and romps shot\\nas near the centre of a target as a good hunter ought to, and\\nyet left the savage marksmen a chance to excel him, and smil-\\ned in his quiet eye when he witnessed their joy at having\\ndone better than the best of the Long Knives. He grew into\\nfavor with the chief, was trusted, treated with respect, and\\nlistened to with attention. No man could have been better\\ncalculated than Boone to disarm the suspicions of the red\\nmen. Some have called him a white Indian, except that he\\nnever showed the Indian s blood thirstincs.s, when excited.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "1778. His Fortunate Escape. 219\\nScarce any other white ever possessed in an equal degree the\\ntrue Indian gravity, which comes neither from thought, feeling,\\nor vacuity, but from a bump pecuUar to their own craniums.\\nAnd so in hunting, shooting, swimming, and other Shawanese\\namusements, the newly made Indian Boone spent the month\\nof May, necessity making all the little inconveniences of his\\nlot quite endurable.\\nOn the 1st of June, his aid was required in the business of\\nsalt making, and for that purpose he and a party of his brethren\\nstarted for the valley of the Scioto, where he stayed ten days,\\nhunting, boiling brine, and cooking then the homeward path\\nwas taken again. But when Chillicothe was once more reach-\\ned, a sad sight met our friend Daniel s eyes; four hundred and\\nfifty of the choice w^arriors of the West, painted in the most\\nexquisite war style, and armed for the battle. He scarce need-\\ned to ask whither they were bound his heart told him\\nBoonesborough and already in imagination he saw the blaz-\\ning roofs of the little borough he had founded, and he saw\\nthe bleeding forms of his friends. Could he do nothing? He\\nwould see; meanwhile be a good Indian and look all ease and\\njoy. He was a long way from his own white homestead one\\nhundred and fifty miles at least, and a rough and inhospitable\\ncountry much of the way between him and it. But he had\\ntraveled fast and far, and might again. So, without a word\\nto his fellow prisoners, early in the morning of June the 16th,\\nwithout his breakfast, in the most secret manner, unseen, un-\\nheard, he departed. He left his red relatives to mourn his\\nloss, and over hill and valley sped, forty miles a day, for four\\nsuccessive days, and ate but one meal by the way. He found\\nthe station wholly unprepared to resist so formidable a body as\\nthat which threatened it, and it was a matter of life and death\\nthat every muscle should be exerted to get all in readiness for\\nthe expected visiters. Rapidly the white men toiled in the\\nsummer sun, and through the summer night, to repair and\\ncomplete the fortifications, and to have all as experience had\\nshown it should be. But .still the foe came not, and in a few\\ndays another escaped captive brought information of the delay\\nof the expedition in consequence of Boone s flight. The sav-\\nages had relitd on surprising the stations, and their plans be-\\ning foiled by their adopted son Daniel, all their determinations\\nwere unsettled. Thus it proved the salvation of Boonesbo-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "220 Boonesborougli Attacked. 1778.\\nrough, and probably of all the frontier forts, that the founder\\nof Kentucky was taken captive and remained a captive as long\\nas he did. So often do seeming misfortunes prove, in God s\\nhand, our truest good.\\nBoone, finding his late relatives so backward in their pro-\\nposed call, determined to anticipate them by a visit to the\\nScioto valley, where he had been at salt-making and early\\nin August, with nineteen men, started for the town on Paint\\nCreek, lie knew, of course, that he was trying a somewhat\\nhazardous experiment, as Boonesborougli might be attacked\\nin his absence but he had his wits about him, and his scouts\\nexamined the country far and wide. Without interruption, he\\ncrossed the Ohio, and had reached within a few miles of the\\nplace he meant to attack, when his advanced guard, consist-\\ning of one man, Simon Kenton, discovered two natives riding\\none horse, and enjoying some joke as they rode. Not consid-\\nering that these two might be, like himself, the van ot a small\\narmy, Simon, one of the most impetuous of men, shot and run\\nforward to scalp them, but found himself at once in the\\nmidst of a dozen or more of his red enemies, from whom he\\nescaped only by the coming up of Boone and the remainder.\\nThe commander, upon considering the circumstances, and\\nlearning from spies whom he sent forward, that the town he in-\\ntended to attack was deserted, came to the opinion that the\\nband just met was on its way to join a larger body for the in-\\nvasion of Kentucky, and advised an immediate return.\\nHis advice was taken, and the result proved its wisdom; for\\nin order to reach Boonesborough, they were actually obliged\\nto coast along, go round, and outstrip a body of nearly five\\nhundred savages, led by Canadians, who were marching\\nagainst his doomed borough, and after all, got there only the\\nday before them.\\n[Shortly after their return, on the 7th of September,* the\\nwhole Indian army, four hundred and furty-four in number,\\ncommanded by Blackfish, with eleven Canadians under Capt.\\nDu Quesnc, with British and French colors flying, appeared\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Filson from Boone a dictation, says it was the Slh of August, and Marshall, Flint,\\nButler, and others follow this date. This is certainly a mistake, as at that time, Bocno\\nand hid parly were on this expedition at Paint Creek. Col. Bowman s letter to Col. 0. R.\\nClark, is the date we follow, and this accords with the recollection of the late Flanders\\nCallaway of Missouri. Sec Life of Boone in Sparks Blcgraphj p IS\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Ed.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "1778. Indian Treachery. 221\\nbefore Boonesborough. The summons was to surrender the\\nfort in the name of his Britannic Majesty, with promises\\nof liberal treatment.]\\nIt was, as Daniel says, a critical period for him and his\\nfriends. Should they yield, what mercy could they look for?\\nand he, especially, after his unkind flight from his Shawanese\\nparents? They had almost stifled him with their caresses\\nbefore they would literally hug him to death, if again within\\ntheir grasp. Should they refuse to yield, w^hat hope of suc-\\ncessful resistance And they had so much need of all their\\ncattle, to aid them in sustaining a siege, and yet their cows\\nwere abroad in the woods. Daniel pondered the matter, and\\nconcluded it would be safe, at any rate, to ask two days for\\nconsideration. It was granted, and he drove in his cows The\\nevening of the 9th soon arrived, however, and he must say\\none thing or another so he politely thanked the represent-\\native of his gracious Majesty for giving the garrison time to\\nprepare for their defence, and announced their determination\\nto fight. Capt. Du Quesne was much grieved at this Gov-\\nernor Hamilton was anxious to save bloodshed, and wished the\\nKentuckians taken alive and rather than proceed to extremi-\\nties, the worthy Canadian offered to withdraw his troops, if the\\ngarrison would make a troat}^, though to what point the treat}\\nwas to aim, is unknown. Boone was determined not to yield;\\nbut then he had no wish to starve in his fort, or have it taken by\\nstorm, and be scalped, and he thought, remembering Hamilton s\\nkindness to him when in Detroit, that there might be something\\nin what the Captain said, and at any rate, to enter upon a treaty\\nwas to gain time, and something might turn up. So he agreed\\nto treat but where Could nine of the garrison, as desired,\\nsafely venture into the open field? It might be all a trick to\\nget possession of some of the leading whites. Upon the whole,\\nhowever, as the leading Indians and their Canadian allies must\\ncome under the rifles of the garrison, who might with certainty\\nand safety pick them off if treachery were attempted, it was\\nthought best to run the risk and Boone, with eight others,\\nwent out to meet the leaders of the enemy, sixty yards from\\nthe fort, within which the sharpest shooters stood with leveled\\nrifles, ready to protect their comrades. The treaty was made\\nand signed, and then the Indians, saying it was their custom\\nfor two of them to shake hands with every white man when a", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "222 Hostility of the Moliawks. 1778.\\ntreaty was made, expresjed a wish to press the palms of their\\nnew allies. Boone and his friends must have looked rather\\nqueer at tliis proposal but it was safer to accede than to re-\\nfuse and be shot instantly; so they presented each his hand.\\nAs anticipated the warriors seized them with rough and fierce\\neagerness, the whites drew back struggling, the treachery was\\napparent, the rifle balls from the garrison struck down the\\nforemost assailants of the Utile band, and, amid a fire from\\nfriends and foes, Boone and his fellow deputies bounded back\\ninto the station, with the exception of one, unhurt.\\n[Of the nine men, we can give the names of five from\\nfour of whom, we have heard the story They were Daniel\\nBoone, Flanders Callaway, Stephen Hancock and William\\nHancock, all of whom were living in Missouri in 1818. Squire\\nBoone, the brother of Daniel, was the fifth. Neither party was\\narmed. In rushing to the fort, Squire Boone was slightl}\\nwounded in the shoulder.]\\nThe treaty trick having thus failed, Capt. Du Quesne had\\nto look to more ordinary modes of warfare, and opened a fire\\nwhich lasted during ten days, though to no purpose, for the\\nwoodsmen were determined not to yield. On the 20th of Au-\\ngust, the Indians were forced unwillingly to retire, having lost\\nthirty-seven of their number, and wasted a vast amount of\\npowder and lead. The garrison picked up from the ground,\\nafter their departure, one hundred and twenty-five pounds of\\ntheir bullets.*\\n[In the Pioneer History, by Dr. Hildreth, we learn that in\\nJanuary, 1778, provisions became very scarce in the region\\nabout Pittsburgh. Flour was \u00c2\u00a78 per hundred pounds.]\\nMeanwhile the United States had not lost sight entirely of\\nwestern a(T;xirs. A fort was built early in the summer of this\\nyear, upon the banks of the Ohio, a little below Pittsburgh, near\\nthe spot where Beaver now stands. It was built by General\\nMcintosh, who had been nj)pointed in May to succeed General\\nHandf in the West, and was named with his name. J It was\\nthe first fort built by the whites north of the Ohio. From this\\npoint it was intended to operate in reducing Detroit, where\\nmischief was still brewing. Indeed the natives were now\\n*See Bullcr, 534. Marshall i. Boone s Narrutivo, Ac.\\ntSpatks Washington, v. .61, 3S2.\\nJDoddridge, p. 243. Silliman i Journal, vol. xsxi. Art. i. p. 18.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "17 7S. Operations in Ohio. 223\\nmore united than ever against the colonies. In June we find\\nCongress in possession of information, that led them to think\\na universal frontier war close at hand.* The Senecus, Cayu-\\ngas, Mingoes, (by which, we presume, were meant the Ohio\\nIroquois, or possibly the Mohawks,) Wyandots, Onpndagas,\\nOttawas, Chippeways, Shawanese and Delawares, were all\\nsaid to be more or less united in opposition to America. Con-\\ngress, learning the danger to be so immediate and great,\\ndetermined to push on the Detroit expedition, and ordered\\nanother to be undertaken by the Mohawk valley against the\\nSenecas, who might otherwise very much annoy and impede\\nthe march from Fort Pitt. For the capture of Detroit, three\\nthousand continental troops and two thousand five hundred\\nmilitia were voted an appropriation was made of nearly a\\nmillion of dollars and General Mcintosh was to carry for-\\nward the needful operations.\\n[Washington mentions Mcintosh as an officer of great worth\\nand merit, possessing firmness, love of justice, assiduity, and a\\ngood understanding.!]\\nAll the flourish which was made about taking Detroit, how-\\never, and conquering the Senecas, ended in the Resolves of\\nCongress, it being- finally thought too late in the season for\\nadvantageous action, and also too great an undertaking for\\nthe weak-handed colonies.\\nThis having been settled, it was resolved, that the forces\\nin the West should move up and attack the Wyandots and\\nother Indians about the Sandusky ,J and a body of troops was\\naccordingly marched forward to prepare a half-way house, or\\npost by which the necessary connexion might be kept up. This\\nwas built upon the Tuscarawas, a few miles south of the pres-\\nent town of Bolivar. In these quiet, commercial days the\\nOhio canal passes through its midst. It was named Fort Lau-\\nrens, in honor of the President of Congress. J\\nWhile these warlike measures were pursued on the one\\nhand, the Confederacy, on the other, by its Commissioners, An-\\ndrew and Thomas Lewis of Virginia, formed at Fort Pitt, on\\nthe 17th of September, a treaty of peace and alliance with the\\nChiefs of the Delawares, White-Eyes, Kill-Buck, and Pipe.\\n^Journals of the Old Congrefs, vol. ii. p. 585.\\nJouruals of tbe Old Congress, vol ii. p. 633.\\nJSillimaii s Journal, xxxi. 57; where the name as in many treaties, ic. is misprinted.\\nLawrence.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "224 Hostility of the Iroquois. 1779.\\nWe have alread)^ noticed the erection of Fort Laurens. At\\nthat point, seventy miles from Fort Mcintosh, and exposed to\\nall the fierce north-western tribes. Col. Jno. Gibson had been left\\nwith one hundred and fifty men to get through the winter of\\n1778-9, as he best could, while Mcintosh himself returned to\\nPittsburgh, disappointed and dispirited. Nor was Congress\\nin a very good humor with him, for already had six months\\npassed to no purpose. Washington was consulted, but could\\ngive no definite advice, knowing nothing of those details\\nwhich must determine the course of things for the winter.\\nMcintosh, at length, in February asked leave to retire from\\nhis unsatisfactor}: command, and was allowed to do so. No\\nblame, however, appears to have fairly attached to him, as he\\ndid all in his power; among other things leading a party with\\nprovisions to the relief of Colonel Gibson s starving garrison.\\nUnhappily the guns fired as a salute by those about to be re-\\nlieved, scared the pack-horses and much of the provision was\\nscattered and lost in the woods. The force at Fort Laurens,\\nmeantime, had been, as we have intimated, suffering cruelly,\\nboth from the Indians and famine, and, though finally r^.scued\\nfrom starvation, had done, and could do, nothing. The post\\nwas at last abandoned in August, 1779.\\nTurning from the west to the north, we find a new cause of\\ntrouble arising there. Of the six tribes of the Iroquois, the\\nSenccas, Mohawks, Cayugas, and Onondagiis, had been, from\\nthe outset, inclining to Britain, though all of these, but the\\nMohawks, had now and then tried to persuade the xVmericans\\nto the contrary. During the winter of 1778-9, the Onondagas,\\nwho had been for a while nearly neutral, were suspected, by\\nthe Americans, of deception and, this suspicion having be-\\ncome nearly knowledge, a band was sent, early in April, to\\ndestroy their towns, and take such of them, as could be taken,\\nprisoners. The work appointed was done, and the villages\\nand wealth of the poor savages were annihilated. This sud-\\nden act of severity startled all. The Oneidas, hitherto faith-\\nful to their neutrality, were alarmed, lest the next blow should\\nfall on them, and it was only after a full explanation that their\\nfears were quieted. As for the Onondagas, it was not to be\\nhoped that they would sit down under such treatment and\\nwe find, accordingly, that some hundred of their warriors\\nwere at once in the field, and from that time forward, a por-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "1779. General Sullivan s Expedition. 225\\ntion of their nation remained, and, we think, justly, hostile to\\nthe United Colonies.*\\nThe Continental Congress, meanwhile, had become con-\\nvinced, from the massacre at Wyoming and Cherry Valley,\\nthat it was advisable to adopt some means of securing the\\nnorth-western and western frontiers against the recurrence of\\nsuch catastrophes and, the hostile tribes of the Six Nations\\nbeing the most numerous and deadly foe?, it was concluded to\\nbegin by strong action against them. Washington had al-\\nways said, that the only proper mode of defence against the\\nIndians was to attack them, and this mode he determined to\\nadopt on this occasion. Some difference of opinion existed,\\nhowever, as to the best path into the country of the inimical\\nIroquois. General Schuyler v^^as in favor of a movement up\\nthe Mohawk river; the objection to which route was, that it\\ncarried the invaders too near to Lake Ontario, and within\\nreach of the British. The other course proposed, was up the\\nSusquehanna, w^hich heads, as all know, in the region that\\nwas to be reached. The latter route was the one determined\\non by Washington for the main body of troops, which was to\\nbe joined by another body moving up the Mohavvdc, and also\\nby detachments coming fi om the western army, by the way\\nof the Allegheny and French Creek. Upon further thought,\\nhowever, the movement from the W^est was countermanded. f\\nAll the arrangements for this invasion were made in INIarch\\nand April, but it was the last of July before General Sullivan\\ncould get his men on their march from Wyoming, where they\\nhad gathered and, of course, information of the proposed\\nmovements had been given to the Indians and Tories, so that\\nBrant, the Johnsons, and their followers stood ready to receive\\nthe invaders.\\nThey were not, however, strong enough to withstand the\\nAmericans; and, having been defeated at the battle of New-\\nton, were driven from village to village, and their whole coun-\\ntry was laid waste. Houses were burned, crops and orchards\\ndestroyed, and every thing done that could be thought of, to\\nrender the country uninhabitable. Of all these steps Mr. Stone\\nspeaks fully. Forty towns, he tells us, were burnt, and more\\nthan one hundred and sixty thousand bushels of corn destroy-\\nli^ Stone, vol. i. p. 205.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0j Sparks Washington, vol. vi. pp. 183 ct. scq.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "226 Attack on Detroit Projected. 1778.\\ned. Well did the Senecas name Washington, whose armies\\ndid all this, the Town Destroyer. Having performed this\\nportion of his work, Sullivan turned homeward from the\\nbeautiful valley of the Genessee leaving Niagara, whither\\nthe Indians /led, as to the strong hold of British power in that\\nneighborhood, untouched. This conduct, Mr. Stone thinks,\\ndiliicult of solution, as he supposes the destruction of that\\npost to have been one of the main objects of the expedition.\\nSuch, however, was not the fact. Originally, it had been part\\nof the proposed plan to attack Niagara but, early in January,\\nWashington was led to doubt, and then to abandon that part\\nof the plan, thinking it wiser to carry on, merely, some opera-\\ntions on a smaller scale against the savages.\\nOne of the smaller operations was from the West. On the\\n22d of March, 1779, Washington wrote to Colonel Daniel\\nBrodhead, who had succeeded Mcintosh at Fort Pitt, that an\\nincursion into the country of the Six Nations was in prepara-\\ntion, and that in connection therewith, it might be advisable\\nfor a force to ascend the Allegheny to Kittaning, and thence\\nto Venango, and having fortified both points, to strike the Min-\\ngoes and Munceys upon French Creek and elsewhere in that\\nneighboihood, and thus aid Gen. Sullivan in the great blow he\\nwas to give by his march up the Susquehanna. Brodhead\\nwas also directed to say to the Western Indians, that if they\\nmade any trouble, the whole force of the United States would\\nbe turned against them, and they should be cut off from the\\nface of the earth. But, on the 21st of April, these orders\\nwere countermanded, and the western commander was direct-\\ned to prepare a rod for the Indians of the Ohio and Western\\nLakes and especially to learn the best time for attacking\\nDetroit. Whether this last advice came too late, or was with-\\ndrawn again, w^e have no means of learning; but Brodhead\\nproceeded as originally directed marched up the Allegheny,\\nburned the towns of the Indians, and destroyed tl^.eir crops. f\\nThe immediate results of this and other equally prompt and\\nsevere measures, was to bring the Dclawares, Shawanese, and\\neven Wyandots, to Fort Pitt, on a treaty of peace. There\\nBrodhead met them, on his return in September, and a long\\nconference was held, to the satisfaction of both parties.\\n*Life of Brant, vol. ii. p. 30.\\nt Sparks Waabiogton, vol. vi. pp. 120, 146, 162, 205, 224, 3S4, 387.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "1779. Contests icith the Indians. 227\\nFaYther west, during this summer and autumn, the Indians\\nwere more successful. In July, the stations being still trou-\\nbled, Colonel Bowman undertook an expedition into the\\ncountry of the Shawanese, acting upon the principle, that to\\ndefend yourself against Indians, you must assail them. He\\nmarched undiscovered into the immediate vicinity of the\\ntowns upon the Little Miami, and so divided and arranged\\nhis forces, as to ensure apparent success, one portion of the\\ntroops being commanded by himself, another by Colonel Ben-\\njamin Logan; but from some unexpected cause, his division\\nof the whites did not co-operate fully with that led by Logan,\\nand the whole body was forced to retreat, after having taken\\nsome booty, including one hundred and sixty horses, and\\nleaving the town of the savages in cinders, but also leaving\\nthe fierce warriors themselves in no degree daunted or\\ncrippled.*\\nNor was it long before they showed themselves south of the\\nOhio again, and unexpectedly won a victory over the Ameri-\\ncans of no slight importance. The facts, so far as we can\\ngather them, are these\\nAn expedition which had been in the neighborhood of Lex-\\nington, where the first permanent improvements were made\\nin April of this year,f upon its return came to the Ohio near\\nthe Licking, at the very time that Colonel Rogers and Cap-\\ntain Benham reached the same point on their way up the\\nriver in boats. A few of the Indians were seen by the com-\\nmander of the little American squadron, near the mouth of\\nthe Licking and supposing himself to be far superior in\\nnumbers, he caused seventy of his men to land, intending to\\nsurround the savages in a few moments, however, he found\\nhe was himself surrounded, and after a hard fought battle,\\nonly twenty or twenty-five, or perhaps even fewer, of the party\\nwere left alive. J It was in connection with this skirmish that\\nan incident occurred which seems to belong rather to a fan-\\nciful story than to sober histor} and which yet appears to be\\nwell authenticated. In the party of whites was Captain\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Marshall i. 91. See General Kay s oiDinion, note to Butler, 110.\\nfHolmes Annals, ii. 304; note. American Pioneer, ii. 340. Butler, 101. Marshall,\\ni. 198.\\nJ Butler, 2d edition, 102. (In this account there is confusion; the Indians are re-\\npresented as coming, on their return from Kentucky, down the Little Miami.) McClung,\\nU8.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "228 Singular Co-partnership. 1779\\nRobert Benham. He was one of those that fell, being* shot\\nthrough both hips, so as to be powerless in his lower limbs;\\nhe dragged himself, however, to a tree-top, and there lay\\nconcealed from the savages after the contest was over. On\\nthe evening of the second day, seeing a raccoon, he shot it,\\nbut no sooner was the crack of his rifle heard than he distin-\\nguished a human voice not far distant supposing it to be\\nsome Indian, he reloaded his gun and prepared for defence;\\nbut a few moments undeceived him, and he discovered that\\nthe person whose voice he had heard was a fellow sutferer,\\nwith this difference, however, that both his arms were broken!\\nHere then, were the only two survivors of the combat, (ex-\\ncept those who had entirely escaped,) with one pair of legs\\nand one pair of arms between them. It will be easily be-\\nlieved that they formed a co-partnership for mutual aid and\\ndefence. Benham shot the game which his friend drove to-\\nwards him, and the man with sound legs then kicked it to the\\nspot where he with sound arms sat ready to cook it. To pro-\\ncure water, the one with legs took a hat by the brim in his\\nteeth, and walked into the Licking up to his neck, while the\\nman with arms was to make signals if any boat appeared in\\nsight. In this way, they spent about six weeks, when, upon\\nthe 27th of November, they were rescued. Benham after-\\nwards bought and lived upon the land where the battle took\\nplace; his companion, Mr. Butler tells us, was, a few years\\nsince, still living at Brownsville, Pennsylvania.\\nBut the military operations of 1779 were not those which\\nwere of the most vital importance to the West. The passage\\nof the Land Laws by Virginia was of more consequence than\\nthe losing or gaining of many battles, to the hardy pioneers\\nof Kentucky and to their descendants. Of these laws we can\\ngive at best but a vague outline, but it may be enough to\\nrender the subject in some degree intelligible.\\nIn 1779 there existed claims of very various kinds to the\\nwestern lands\\n1. Those of the Ohio, Walpole, and other companies,\\nwho had a title more or less perfect, from the British Gov-\\nernment: none of these had been perfected by patents, how-\\never.\\n2. Claims founded on the military bounty warrants of 1763;\\nsome of these were patentcdi", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "1779. Claims for Lands. 229\\n3. Henderson s claim by purchase from the Indians.\\n4. Those based on mere selection and occupancy.\\n5. Others resting on selection and survey, without occu-\\npancy.\\n6. Claims of persons who had imported settlers for each\\nsuch settler, under an old law, fifty acres were to be allowed.\\n7. Claims of persons who had paid money into the old co-\\nlonial treasury for land.\\n8. The claims of officers and soldiers of the Revolution,\\nto whom Virginia was indebted.\\nThese various claims were, in the first place, to be provided\\nfor, and then the residue of the rich vallies beyond the\\nmountains might be sold to pay the debts of the parent State.\\nIn ]May,* the chief laws relative to this most important and\\ncomplicated subject were passed, and commissioners were ap-\\npointed to examine the various claims which might be pre-\\nsented, and give judgment according to the evidence brought\\nforward their proceedings, however, to remain open to revi-\\nsion until December 1, 1780. And as the subject was a per-\\nplexed one, the following principles were laid down for their\\nguidance\\nI. All surveys (without patents,) made before January 1,\\n1778, by any county surveyor commissioned by William and\\nMary College, and founded upon charter upon importation\\nrights duly proved upon treasury rights, (money paid into\\nthe colonial treasury upon entries not exceeding four hun-\\ndred acres, made before October 26, 1763; upon acts of the\\nVirginia Assembly resulting from orders in council, c.;\\nupon any warrant from a colonial governor, for military\\nservices, c. were to be good all other surveys null and\\nvoid.\\nII. Those loho had not made surveys, if claiming under im-\\nportation rights; under treasury rights; under warrants for\\nmilitary services, were to be admitted to survey and entry.\\nIII. Those who had actually settled, or caused at their\\ncost others to settle, on unappropriated lands, before January\\n1, 1778, were to have four hundred acres, or less, as they\\npleased, for every family so settled; paying $2 25 for each\\nhundred acres.\\n*Morehea i, IGO.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "230 Clai7ns for Lands. 1779.\\nIV. Those who had settled in villages before January 1,\\n1778, were to receive for each famil} four hundred acres, ad-\\njacent to the village, at $2 25 per hundred acres and the\\nvillage property was to remain unsurveyed until the Gene-\\nral Assembly could examine the titles to it, and do full justice.\\nV. To all having settlement rights, as above described,\\nwas given also a right of pre-emption to one thousand acres\\nadjoining the settlement, at State prices forty cents an acre.\\nVI. To those who had settled since January 1, 1778, was\\ngiven a pre-emption right to four hundred acres, adjoining and\\nincluding the settlement made by them.\\nA ll. All the region between Green river, the Cumberland\\nmountains, Tennessee, the river Tennessee, and tlie Ohio,\\nwas reserved, to be used for military claims.\\nVIII. The two hundred thousand acres granted Henderson\\nand his associates, October, 1778, along the Ohio, below the\\nmouth of Green river, remained still appropriated to them.\\nHaving thus provided for the various classes of claimants,\\nthe Legislature offered the remainder of the public lands at\\nforty cents an acre the money was to be paid into the Trea-\\nsury and a warrant for the quantity wished taken by the\\npurchaser this warrant he was to take to the surveyor of the\\ncounty in which he wished to locate, and an entry was to be\\nmade of every location, so special and distinct, that the ad-\\njoining lands might be known with certainty. To persons\\nunable to pay cash, four hundred acres were to be sold on\\ncredit, and an order of the county court was to be substituted\\nfor the warrant of the Treasury.\\nTo carry these laws into effect, four Virginians were sent\\nwestward to attend to claims these gentlemen opened their\\ncourt on the 13th of October, at St. Asaphs, and continued\\ntheir sessions at various points, until April 26, 1780, when\\nthey adjourned to meet no more, after having given judgment\\nin favor of about three thousand claims. The labors of the\\ncommissioners being ended, those of the surveyor commenced;\\nand Mr. George May, who had been appointed to that office,\\nassumed its duties upon the 10th day of that month, the name\\nof which he bore.*\\nMarshall, i. P2, 97. See also Statutes of Virginia, by B. W. Leigh, ii. 347, 31S, 350,\\n353, 38S.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "1779. Virginia Land Laws. 231\\n[The Governor of Virginia appointed and commissioned\\nWilliam Fleming, Edmund Lyne, James Barbour and Stephen\\nTrigg as Commissioners for Kentucky but it was not until\\nsome time in October, 1779, they arrived in the country and\\nopened court. The law itself was vague, and the proceed-\\nings of the court, and the certificates granted to claimants\\nunder the law, were more indefinite and uncertain. The de-\\nscription of tracts were general, the boundaries not vrell\\ndefined, and consequently the claims, when located, inter-\\nfered with each other. Every family that settled on waste or\\nunappropriated lands belonging to Virginia, upon the western\\nwaters, was entitled to a pre-emption right to any quantit}^ of\\nland not exceeding four hundred acres and, upon the pay-\\nment of two dollars and twenty- five cents on each one hun-\\ndred acres, a certificate was granted, and a title in fee simple\\nconfirmed.\\nEach settler could select and survey for pre-emption any\\nquantity of waste or unappropriated lands, not exceeding one\\nthousand acres to each claimant, for which forty dollars for\\neach hundred acres were required. Payments could be made\\nin the paper currency of Virginia, which had depreciated\\ngreatly.*\\nWe give the following specimen from the record of the\\nCommissioners Court, to illustrate the vague manner in\\nwhich tracts of land were described in the entry:\\nMichael Stoner this da) appeared, and claimed a light of\\nsettlement and pre-emption to a tract of land lying on Sto-\\nner s Fork, a branch of the south fork of the Licking, about\\ntwelve miles above Licking Station, by making corn in the\\ncountry in the year 1775, and improving said land in 1776.\\nSatisfactory proof being made to the court, they are of opin-\\nion that said Stoner has a right to a settlement of four hun-\\ndred acres of land, including the above mentioned improve-\\nment, and a pre-emption of one thousand acres adjoining the\\nsame, and that a certificate issue accordingly.\\nJoseph Combs, this day claimed a right to a pre-emption\\nof one thousand acres of land lying on Comb s, since called\\nHoward s creek, about eight miles above Boonesborough, on\\nboth sides of the creek, and about three or four miles from\\nthe mouth of it, by improving the said land, by building a\\ncabin on the premises, in the month of May, 1775. Satisfac-\\ntory proof being made to the court, they are of opinion that\\nLife of Boone, in Sparks Biograpby, p. 95.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "232 Commissioner s Court. 1779.\\nthe said Combs has a right to a pre-emptiwi of one thousand\\nacres, including the said improvement, and that a certificate\\nissue accordingly.\\nThe sessions of this court were held at different places in\\nKentucky, to accommodate the claimants, for the period of\\none year, during which, about three thousand certificates\\nwere granted. The foregoing extracts illustrate the vague\\nand undefined descriptions of localities. Many of the claims\\nwere rendered null from more specific and definite surveys\\ncovering the same land and many of the old pioneers,\\namongst whom was Daniel Boone, lost the lands they had\\nentered and surveyed, by subsequent law suits.*\\nThe winter of 1779-80, w^as uncommonly severe through-\\nout the United States, and has been distinguished as ^Hhcliard\\nwinter. The effect on the new settlements in the West was\\ngreat distress and suffering. In Kentucky, the rivers, creeks\\nand branches were frozen to an uncommon thickness where\\nthe water v^ as deep, and became exhausted in shallow places.\\nHorses and cattle died from thirst and starvation. The snow,\\nfrom continuous storms, became of unusual depth and con-\\ntinued a long time. Men could not hunt. Families were\\novertaken in the wilderness on their journey, and their pro-\\ngress arrested, and there was great suffering. The supplies\\nof the settlements were exhausted, and corn became extremely\\nscarce.\\nWhen the snow melted, and the ice broken up in the rivers,\\nthe low grounds and river bottoms were submerged, and much\\nof the stock that had survived the severity of the winter, per-\\nished in the waters. The game of the forest furnished meat,\\nwhich was the only solid food to be obtained until the corn\\nwas grown. The summer brought large accessions to the\\npopulation by emigration.]\\nWith the year 1780, commences the history of those troubles\\nrelative to the navigation of the Mississippi, which, for so long\\na time, produced the deepest discontent in the West. Spain\\nhad taken the American part so far as to go to war with\\nBritain, but no treaty had yet been concluded between Con-\\ngress and the powers at IMadrid. Mr. Jay, however, had been\\nappointed ^Minister from the United States, at the Spanish\\ncourt, where he arrived in the spring of this year, and where\\nMarahall s Kentucky, toI. i. pp. 99, 100.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "1778. Claims of France and Spain. 233\\nhe soon learned the grasping plans of the Southern Bourbons.\\nThese plans, indeed, were in no degree concealed, the French\\nMinister being instructed to inform Congress,\\nThat his most Christian Majesty [of France,] being informed\\nof the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary to treat of\\nan alliance between the United States and his Catholic Ma-\\njesty, [of Spain,] has signified to his Minister Plenipotentiary\\nto the United States, that he wishes most earnestly Ibr such\\nan alliance and in order to make the way more easy, has com-\\nmanded him to communicate to the Congress, certain articles,\\nwhich his Catholic Majesty deems of great importance to the\\ninterests of his crown, and on which it is highly necessary that\\nthe United States explain themselves v^\\\\\\\\}a precision, and with\\nsuch moderation as may consist with their essential rights.\\nThat the articles are,\\n1. A precise and invariable western boundary to the Uni-\\nted States,\\n2. The exclusive navigation of the river Mississippi.\\n3. The possession of the Floridas; and,\\n4. The land on the leit or eastern side of the river Missis-\\nsippi.\\nThat on the first article, it is the idea of the Cabinet of\\nMadrid, that the United States extend to the westward no far-\\nther than settlements were permitted b} the Royal Proclama-\\ntion, bearing date the 7th day of October, 1763, (that is to say,\\nnot west of the Alleghenies.)\\nOn the second, that the United States do not consider them-\\nselves as having any right to navigate the river Mississippi, no\\nterritory belonging to them being situated thereon.\\nOn the third, that it is probable the King of Spain will con-\\nquer the Floridas, during the course of the present war and\\nin such an event, every cause of dispute relative thereto, be-\\ntween Spain and these United States, ought to be removed.\\nOn the fourth, that the lands lying on the east side of the\\nMississippi, whereon the settlements were prohibited by the\\natbresaid proclamation, are possessions of the crown of Great\\nBritain, and proper objects against which the arms of Spain\\nmay be employed, for the purpose of making ?i permanent con-\\n(past for the Spanish crown. That such conquest may, pro-\\nbabl} be made during the present war. That, therefore, it\\nwould be advisable to restrain the soiithcrn States from making-\\nany settlements or conquests in these territories. That the\\nCouncil of ^Madrid consider the United States, as having no\\nclaim to those territories, either as not having had possession\\nof them, before the present war, or not having any foundation\\nfor a claim in the right of the sovereignty of Great Britain,\\nwhose dominion they have abjured.*\\nSee Pitkin s History of tlie United States, ii. p. 92.\\n15", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "234 Increase of Immigration. 1779.\\nThese extraordinary claims of his CathoUc Majesty were in\\nno respect admitted during this year, either by Mr. Jay or\\nCongress, and in October a full statement of the views of the\\nUnited States, as to their territorial rights, was drawn up,\\nprobably by Mr. Madison, and sent to the Ambassador at\\nMadrid. f Meantime, as Virginia considered the use of the\\nGreat Western river very necessary to her children, Governor\\nJefferson had ordered a fort to be constructed upon the Mis-\\nsissippi below the mouth of the Ohio. This was done in the\\nspring of the year 1780, by General G. R. Clark, who was\\nstationed at the Falls and was named by him after the wri-\\nter of the Declaration of Independence. This fort, for some\\npurposes, may have been well placed, but it was a great mis-\\ntake to erect it, without notice, in the country of the Chicka-\\nsaws, who had thus far been true friends to the American\\ncause. They regarded this unauthorized intrusion upon their\\nlands as the first step in a career of conquest, and as such re-\\nsented it while the settlers of Kentucky looked upon the\\nmeasure with but little favor, as it tended to diminish the\\navailable force in their stations, which were still exposed to\\nthe ceaseless hostility of the Shawanese and Wyandots.\\nThe inhabitants of these stations, meanwhile, were increas-\\ning with wonderful rapidity under the inducements presented\\nby the land laws. Emigrants crowded over the mountains as\\nsoon as spring opened. Three hundred large family boats\\narrived early in the year at the Falls and on Bcargrass\\ncreek was a population containing six hundred serviceable\\nmen.* Nor did the swarming stop with the old settlements\\nin the southwest part of the State the hunter Maulding, and\\nhis four sons, built their outpost upon the Red river which\\nempties into the Cumberland f while, sometime in the\\nspring of this same year. Dr. Walker, and Colonel Henderson,\\nthe first visitor and first colonist of Kentucky, tried to run the\\nline which should divide Virginia from Carolina, (or, as things\\nare now named, Kentucky from Tennessee,) westward as far\\nas the Mississippi an attempt in which they failed. J Nor\\nwas it to western lands and territorial boundaries alone that\\nt Pitkin, ii. 612, 91. Life of John Jay, L 108, 4c.\\nButler, second edition, 99.\\nt Morehead, p. 83.\\nt Marshall, i. 113. Holmes Annalg, ii. 304, note 3d.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "1780. Provision for Education. 235\\nVirginia directed her attention at this time in May we find\\nher Legislature saying that, Whereas, it is represented to\\nthis General Assembly that there are certain lands within the\\ncounty of Kentucky, formerly belonging to British subjects,\\nnot 5^et sold under the law of escheats and forfeitures, which\\nmight at a future day be a valuable fund for the maintenance\\nand education of youth, and it being the interest oj this Com-\\nmonwealth always to promote and encourage every design which\\nmay tend to the improvement of the ?nind and the diffusion of use-\\nful knowledge even among its remote citizens, whose situation, in a\\nbarbarous neighborhood and a savage intercourse, might otherwise\\nrender unfriendly to science be it therefor enacted, that eight\\nthousand acres of land, within the said county of Kentucky,\\nlate the property of those British subjects, (Robert McKenzie,\\nHenry Collins, and Alexander McKee,)- should be vested in\\ntrustees, as a free donation from this Commonwealth, for the\\npurpose of a public school, or seminary of learning, to be\\nerected within the said county, as soon as its circumstances\\nand the state of its funds will permit.\\nThus was early laid the foundation of the first western\\nSeminary of Literature, just five years after the forts of\\nBoonesborough and Harrodsburg rose amidst the woods.\\nThus was the foundation laid for the establishment of Tran-\\nsylvania University at Lexington.\\nIn the summer of 1780, just before the return of Boone to\\nthe West, the most formidable invasion of Kentucky took\\nplace of which her annals contain any notice. A body of six\\nhundred men, Canadians and Indians, commanded by Colonel\\nByrd, a British officer, with two field-pieces, marched up the\\nvalley of Licking. It first appeared, on the 22d of June, be-\\nfore Ruddle s station, on the south fork of that river, and re-\\nquired instant surrender. The demand could not be resisted,\\nas the Kentucky stockades were powerless against cannon.\\nMartin s station on the same stream was next taken and\\nthen, from some unexplained cause, the whole body of in-\\nvaders whose number was double that of all the fighting\\nmen east of the Kentucky river turned right about face and\\nhurried out of the country with all speed. The only reasona-\\nble explanation of the matter is, that the British commander,\\nhorror-stricken and terrified at the excesses and cruelties of\\nhis savage allies, dared not go forward in the task by no", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "236 Clark s Invasion of the Indian Country. 1780.\\nmeans a hopeless one of depopulating the woods of Ken-\\ntucky.*\\nThis incursion by Byrd and his red friends, little as it had\\neffected, was enough to cause Clark, who had just returned\\nfrom his labors on Fort Jefferson, and who found at the Falls\\na letter from the Governor of Virginia, recomrhending an\\nattack upon the Indian villages north of the Ohio, to take\\nimmediate steps for the chastisement of the savages, and\\nespecially for the destruction of the store which furnished\\ngoods to the natives. This was situated where the post de-\\nstroyed by the French in 1752 had been, and was known in\\nlater days as Loramie s store. When, however, in accordance\\nwith his determination, Clark, in July, went to Harrodsburg\\nto enlist recruits, he found the whole population crazy about\\nland entries, Mr. May, the Surveyor, haviiig opened his office\\nbut two months previous. The General proposed to him to\\nshut up for a time while the Indians were attended to the\\nSurveyor in reply expressed a perfect willingness to do so in\\ncase General Clark would order it, but said that otherwise he\\nhad no authority to take such a step. The order was accord-\\ningly given, accompanied by a full statement of the reasons\\nfor the proceeding. The result proved, as usual, Clark s\\nsagacity; volunteers flocked to his standard, and soon, with a\\nthousand men, he was at the mouth of the Licking. Silently\\nand swiftly from that point he proceeded to attack the towrn,\\nknown as Chillicothe, on the Little Miami, and then the\\nPickaway towns on Mad river. In both attacks he succeeded;\\ndestroying the towns, burning the crops, and thus broke down\\nthe influence of the British in that quarter. This expedition,\\nthe first efficient one ever undertaken against the Miami In-\\ndians, for a time relieved Kentucky from the attack of any\\nbody of Indians sufficiently numerous to produce serious\\nalarm.f During this period of comparative quiet, those mea-\\nsures which led to the cession of the western lands to the\\nUnited States began to assume a definite form.\\nUpon the 25th of June, 1778, when the articles of con-\\nfederation were under di.scussion in Congress, the objections\\nButler, 100. Marshall, i. 106, 107. Life of Boone in Sparks, 101.\\nt For a particular account of this expedition, see Stipp s Miscellany, 63 to 70.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler\\n117.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Mar. hall i. 109.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 American Pioneer, i. 34G.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Boone s Life, 102.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "1778. Controversy about Lands. 237\\nof New Jersey to the proposed plan of union were brought\\nforward, and among them was this\\nIt was ever the confident expectation of this State, that the\\nbenefits derived from a successful contest were to be general\\nand proportionate and that the property of the common\\nenemy, falling in consequence of a prosperous issue of the\\nwar, would belong to the United States, and be appropriated\\nto their use. We are therefore greatly disappointed in find-\\ning no provision made in the confederation for empowering\\nthe Congress to dispose of such property, but especially the\\nvacant and impatented lands, commonly called the crown\\nlands, for defraying the expenses of the war, and for such\\nother public and general purposes. The jurisdiction ought in\\nevery instance to belong to the respective states, within the\\ncharter or determined limits of which such lands may be\\nseated but reason and justice must decide, that the property\\nwhich existed in the Crown of Great Britain, previous to the\\npresent revolution, ought now to belong to the Congress, in\\ntrust for the use and benefit of the United States. They have\\nfought and bled for it in proportion to their respective abili-\\nties and therefore the reward ought not to be predilec-\\ntionally distributed. Shall such States as are shut out by\\nsituation from availing themselves of the least advantage\\nfrom this quarter, be left to sink under an enormous debt,\\nv.diilst others are enabled, in a short period, to replace all\\ntheir expenditures from the hard earnings of the whole con-\\nfederacy.*\\nNor was New Jersey alone in her views. In January,\\n1779, the Council and Assembly of Delaware, while they\\nauthorized their Delegates to ratify the Articles of Confedera-\\ntion, also passed certain resolutions, and one of them was in\\nthese words\\nResolved also, That this state consider themselves justly en-\\ntitled to a right, in common with the members of the Union,\\nto that extensive tract of country which lies to the westward\\nof the frontiers of the United States, the property of which\\nwas not vested in, or granted to, individuals at the commence-\\nment of the present war. That the same hath been, or may\\nbe, gained from the king of Great Britain, or the native In-\\ndians, by the blood and treasure of all, and ought therefore\\nto be a common estate, to be granted out on terms beneficial\\nto the United States.f\\nBut this protest, however positive, was not enough for\\nMaryland, the representatives of which, in Congress, present-\\ns See Secret Journal, i. p. 377.\\nt See Secret Journal, i, p. 429.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "238 Controversy about Lamh. 17S0.\\ned upon the 21st of May, 1779, their instructions relative to\\nconfirming the mueh-talked-of bond that was to make the\\ncolonies one. From those instructions we select the follow-\\ning passages\\nVirginia, by selling on the most moderate terms a small\\nportion of the lands in question, would draw into her trea-\\nsury vast sums of money and, in proportion to the snms\\narising from such sales, would be enabled to lessen her taxes.\\nLands comparatively cheap, and taxes comparatively low,\\nwith the lands and taxes of an adjacent State, would (juickly\\ndrain the State thus disadvantageous!} circumstanced of its\\nmost useful inhabitants; its wealth and its consequence in\\nthe scale of the confederated States would sink of course. A\\nclaim so injurious to more than one-half, if not the whole of\\nthe United States, ought to be supported b} the clearest evi-\\ndence of the right. Yet what evidences of that right have\\nbeen produced What arguments alleged in support either\\nof the evidence or the right None that we have heard of\\ndeserving a serious refutation.\\nWe are convinced, policy and justice require, that a coun-\\ntry unsettled at the commencement of this war, claimed by\\nthe British crown, and ceded to it by the treaty of Paris, if\\nwrested from the common enemy by the blood and treasure\\nof the thirteen States, should be considered as a common pro-\\nperty, subject to be parceled out by Congress, into free, con-\\nvenient, and independent governments, in such manner, and\\nat such times as the wisdom of that assembly shall hereafter\\ndirect.\\nThus convinced, we should betray the trust reposed in us\\nby our constituents, were we to authorize you to ratify ou\\ntheir behalf the confederation, unless it be further explained.\\nWe have coolly and dispassionately considered the subject;\\nwe have weighed probable inconveniences and hardships\\nagainst the sacrifice of just and essential rights; and do in-\\nstruct you not to agree to the confederation, unless an article,\\nor articles be added thereto in conformity with our declara-\\ntion. Should we succeed in obtaining such article or articles,\\nthen you are hereby fully empowered to accede to the con-\\nfederation.*\\nThese difliculties towards perfecting the Union were in-\\ncreased by the passage of the laws in Virginia, for disposing\\nof the public lands this, as we have stated, was done in\\nMay, 1779. Apprehensive of the consequences. Congress,\\nupon the 30th of October, in that year, resolved that Virginia\\nbe recommended to reconsider her Act opening a land oflice,\\n*Se\u00c2\u00ab Secret Journals, i. p. 435.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "1780. Controversy about Lands. 239\\nand that she, and all other States claiming wild lands, be re-\\nquested to grant no warrants during the continuance of the\\nwar. The troubles which thus threatened to arise from the\\nclaimsof Virginia, New York, Massachusetts and Connecticut,\\nto the lands which other colonies regarded as common proper-\\nty, caused New York, on the 19th of February, 1780, to pass\\nan act which gave to the Delegates of that State power to\\ncede the western lands claimed by her for the benefit of the\\nUnited States. This law was laid before Congress on the 7th\\nof March, 1780, but no step seems to have been taken until\\nSeptember 6th, 1780, when a resolution passed that body\\npressing upon the States claiming western lands the wisdom\\nof giving up their claims in favor of the whole country; and\\nto aid this recommendation, upon the 10th of October, was\\npassed the following resolution which formed the basis of\\nall afier action, and was the first of those legislative meas-\\nures which have thus far resulted in the creation of the States\\nof Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan*\\nNo. 9. Resolved, That the unappropriated lands that may\\nbe ceded or relinquished to the United States, by any particu-\\nlar State, pursuant to the recommendation of Congress of\\nthe 6th day of September last, shall be disposed of for the\\ncommon benefit of the United States, and be settled and\\nformed into distinct republican States, which shall become\\nmembers of the Federal Union, and have the same rights of\\nsovereignty, freedom and independence, as the other States\\nthat each State which shall be so formed shall contain a suit-\\nable extent of territory, not less than 100 nor more than 150\\nmiles square, or as near thereto as circumstances will admit\\nthat the necessary and reasonable expenses which any par-\\nticular State shall have incurred since the commencement of\\nthe present war, in subduing any British posts, or in maintain-\\ning forts or garrisons within and for the defence, or in acqui-\\nring any part of the territory that may be ceded or relinquished\\nto the United States, shall be reimbursed.\\nThat the said lands shall be granted or settled at such times,\\nand under such regulations, as shall hereafter be agreed on by\\nthe United States in Congress assembled, or in any nine or\\nmore of them.f\\nSuch were the steps taken in relation to the great western\\nwilderness during the year of which we are treating.\\n[Kentucky was divided into three counties, by the Legisla-\\n\u00c2\u00ab01d Journals, iii. 384 385, 516, 535, 582.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Land Laws, 338.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0fSce Land Laws, p. 338.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "240 Projected Attack on Detroit. 1780.\\nture of Virginia, in ?\\\\ovember, and a civil and military organi-\\nzation provided in each. These were Jeflerijon, Fayette, and\\nLincoln. John Todd, an estimable man, was made Colonel,\\nand Daniel Boone, Lieut. Colonel of Fayette county John\\nFloyd was appointed Colonel, and William Pope, Lieut. Co-\\nlonel of Jefferson county; Benjamin Logan was Colonel, and\\nStephen Trigg, Lieut. Colonel of Lincoln county. The three\\nregiments were formed into a brigade, and placed under the\\ncommand of Gen. G. R. Clark.\\nEvery county had a court of qualified civil and criminal\\njurisdiction; but there was no court competent to try capital\\noffences nearer than Richmond, Virginia.*]\\nIn December of that year, the plan of conquering Detroit\\nwas renewed again. In 1779 that conquest might have been\\neffected by Clark had he been supported by any spirit; in Janua-\\nry 1780, the project was discussed between Washington and\\nBrodhead, and given up or deferred, as too great for the means\\nof the Continental establishment in the following October so\\nweak was that establishment that Fort Pitt itiielf was threatened\\nby the savages and British, while its garrison, destitute of bread,\\naltliough there was an abundance in the country, were half dis-\\nposed to mutiny. Under these circumstances, Congress being\\npowerless for action, Virginia proposed to carry out the origi-\\nnal plan of her western General, and extend her operations\\nto the Lakes; we find, in consequence, that an application\\nwas made by Jefferson to the Commander-in chief for aid, and\\nthat on the 29th of December, an order was given by him on\\nBrodhead for artillery, tools, stores and men.f How far the\\npreparations for this enterprise were carried, and \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\y they\\nwere abandoned, we have not been able to discover; but upon\\nthe 25th of April, 1781, Washington wrote to General Clark,\\nwarning him that Connolly, who had just been exchanged,\\nwas expected to go from Canada to Venango, (Franklin,\\nmouth of French creek,^ with a force of refugees, and thence\\nto Fort Pitt, with blank commissions for some hundreds of dis-\\nsatisfied men believed to be in that vicinity .J From this it\\nwould seem probable that the Detroit expedition was not\\nabandoned at that time.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Marshall, i. p. 111.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler, 114.\\ntSparks Washington, vi. 433; vii. 270, 343.\\nX Sparks Washington, viii. 25. This letter is not in the Inde.x to Mr. Sparks work.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "1780. Condition of St. Louis. 241\\nIt was in May, 1780, that an Act was passed for establishing\\nthe town of Louisville. We have mentioned the survey of\\nthe lands at the Falls by Bullitt, in 1773, on account of John\\nConnolly, and also the advertisement of that gentleman and\\nJohn Campbell, dated April 3, 1774. Connolly, however, as\\na tory, had forfeited his title, and in the present year, Virginia\\nproceeded to dispose of his share in the one thousand acres\\nat the Falls of the Ohio. But as Campbell, the apparent\\njoint owner, was in captivity in 1780, final action was delayed\\nuntil his return. This having taken place, successive acts in\\nMay and October, 83, and 84, were passed protecting and\\nsecuring his interests while the share of his refugee partner\\nwas disposed of.*\\n[We now return to the condition of St. Louis. The troubles\\nwhich followed the attempt of Spain to take possession of\\nLower Louisiana, left the upper settlements for some years in\\nthe hands of the French, inv/hose possession it remained until\\n1770. According to the archives, M. St. Ange continued to\\nofficiate as commandant until that j ear.\\nOn the 29th of November, 1770, Piernas, the Spanish Com-\\nmandant, arrived at St. Louis, but there is no official docu-\\nment or record to show that he exercised the functions of his\\noffice until February, 1771. Of his administration we give\\nthe language of Wilson Primm, Esq., in his oration at the\\nCelebration of the Anniversary in 1847.\\nThe inhabitants were soon reconciled to the change of do-\\nminion, for Piernas tempered all his official acts with a spirit\\nof mildness, which characterized the course of nearly all his\\nsuccessors. Such measures, were, indeed, imperatively re-\\nquired towards men who had come with ill humor under the\\nSpanish power, and who would not, otherwise, have hesitated\\nto follow the example before set, by their brethren at IScw\\nOrleans.\\nThe policy thus pursued, brought about the strongest at-\\ntachment to Spain and when, in 1800, the retrocession to\\nFrance took place, the people manifested the deepest regret\\nand dissatisfaction.\\nThe mildness of the form of government, the liberal spirit\\nwith which grants of valuable lands were made, in connection\\nwith the advantages which the trade of the country presented,\\nsoon attracted immigration from the Canadas, and Lower\\nLouisiana. Settlements were formed along the Missouri and\\nCollection of Acts, c., relative to Louisville, 1S37, pp- 3-6.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "242 Condition of St. Louis. 1780.\\nMississippi rivers and as early as 1767, Vide Pochr, after-\\nwards called Caronddct, in honor of the Baron de Caronde-\\nlet. was founded by Delor de Tregette. In 1776, Florisant,\\nafterwards called St. Ferdinand, in honor of the King of\\nSpain, was founded by Beaurosier Duaegant; and in 1769,\\nLcs Petite Cotes, now St. Charles, was established by Blan-\\nchette Chasseur; and numcrousothcr small settlements sprang\\nup, on the borders of the two rivers before named, and in the\\ninterior of the country.\\nPiernas was succeeded in his ofHce of Lieutenant Governor,\\nby Don Francisco Cruzat, in 1775, and he in his turn was sup-\\nplanted by Don Fernando de Leyba, in the year 1778.\\nAt this time a material change had taken place in the po-\\nlitical relations which had previously existed between the\\nEuropean powers whieh claimed the northern portion of the\\nAmerican continent.\\nThe provinces had declared their independence of England,\\nhad published to the world, in language which even an un-\\nwilling memory could not foroet,.the principles of self-govern-\\nment and of* untrammelled freedom which belong to man\\nwherever born, and wherever might be his home. England\\nhad called them traitors, and had treated them as rebels; she\\nhad not hesitated, in her proud resentment, to use the most un-\\nusual and barbarous means to enforce a blind and servile\\nobedience to her power. But the American people remained\\nunappalled in the direful conflict that ensued. Trusting in\\nthe justice and holiness of their cause, they eventually remain-\\ned unconquered, because they willkd to be free.\\nAt the same time, in France, the faint glimmerings of man s\\nrights to freedom from vassalage, began to be perceived, and\\ntiie elements were at work, which, at a later period, led to the\\nhorrors of the Revolution, but eventually enabled the French\\npeople to establish, through a baptism of blood, a limited and\\nconstitutional monarchy.\\nIt must not be supposed that such a commotion in the po-\\nlitical world would be unfelt or unnoticed upon the western\\nshores of the Mississippi. On the contrary, the feelings of\\naversion to England which had prompted the people of St.\\nLoui:j to escape from the jurisdiction of the eastern shore, still\\nlingered in their hearts; and although Spain had exercised\\nthe most paternal rule over them, still they could not view\\nunmoved, the conflict which was raging almost within their\\nhearing, between the spirit of tyranny on the one hand, and\\nthe spirit of freedom on the other.\\nThe history of the invasion of St. Louis by the British and\\nIndians in 1780, is involved in perplexity, owing to the state-\\nments made, and repeated by respectable authorities, concern-\\ning the proffered aid of Gen. G. R. Clark from the Illinois", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "1780. Clark s Assistance to St. Louis. 243\\ncountry, and the denial by others equally entitled to credit.\\nThe Editor to this edition, has spared no pains to decide this\\nquestion, and has been obliged to leave it in some doubt,\\nthough he is satisfied there is some truth in the statement.\\nTo give the reader a full view of the subject, he will give the\\nsomewhat contradictory statement of different authors, and\\nthe result of his own reflections.\\nW. Primm, Esq., an intelligent citizen of the place, and\\nwho has had access to every existing record, civil and eccle-\\nsiastical, gives the following\\nIn February, 1779, Col. George Rogers Clark, under au-\\nthority of Virginia, after having struck many severe blows\\nagainst the British power on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers,\\nwas in the neighborhood of St. Louis, raising men from\\namongst the French inhabitants of Cahokia and Ka. ^kaskia,\\nfor the purpose of capturing St. Vincent s, now called Vin-\\ncennes, and which was then in possession of the English under\\nGovernor Hamilton.\\nUnderstanding from some source, that an attack was med-\\nitated upon St. Louis, by a large force under British influence,\\nthat, too, at a time when Spain was contending with England\\nfor the possession of the Floridas, Clark, with that chivalrous\\nspirit which has earned for him one of the brightest pages in\\nAmerican history, at once offered to the Lieutenant Governor\\nLeyba, all the assistance in his power to repel the contem-\\nplated attack. The offer of assistance was rejected, on the\\nground that no danger was really apprehended.\\nIn my former sketch of the history of St. Louis, I had placed\\nthe time of this offer by Clark in 1780.* Satisfied that it was\\nmade anterior to that year, and whilst he was raising troops\\nfor the re-capture of Vincennes, 1 am not, however, permitted\\nto withdraw the statement that such an ofier was made. The\\ntestimony of witnesses then living, upon whose authority it\\nwas then made, leaves in my mind no room to doubt the cor-\\nrectness of \\\\\\\\iefacl. In this, too, I am borne out by the au-\\nthority of Stoddard in his Historical Sketches of Louisiana.\\nThe territory on which St. Louis stood, that on which sev-\\neral other towns had been located, and the surrounding countr}\\nwere claimed by the Illinois Indians, but they had acquiesced\\nin the intrusion of the whites, and had never molested them.\\nBut when the rumor of an attack upon the town began to\\nspread abroad, the people became alarmed for their safety.\\nThe town was almost destitute of works of defence, but the\\ninhabitants amounting to a little more than a hundred men,\\nimmediately proceeded to enclose it with a species of wall,\\nCelebration, February, 1847.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "2i4 Attack made on St. Louis. 1780.\\nfonned of the trunks of small trees, planted in the ground,\\nthe interstices being filled up with earth. The wall was some\\nfive or six feet high. It started from the half moon, a kind of\\nfort in that form, situated on the river, near the present F/oa^\\nin^ D x-k, and ran from thence a little above the brow of the\\nhill, in a semi-circle, until it reached the ^Mississippi, some-\\nwhat above the bridge, now on Second street. Three gates\\nwere formed in it, one near the bridge, and two others on\\nthe hill, at the points where the roads from the north-western\\nand south-western parts of the common fields came in. At\\neach of these gates was placed a heavy piece of ordnance,\\nkept continually charged, and in good order. Having com-\\npleted this work, and hearing no more of the Indians, it was\\nsupposed that the attack ha 1 been abandoned. Winter\\npassed away, and spring came; still, nothing was heard of\\nthe Indians. The inhabitants were led to believe that their\\napprehensions were groundless, from the representations of\\nthe commandant Leyba, who did everything in his power to\\ndissipate their anxiety, assuring them that there was no dan-\\nger, and that the rumor of the proposed attack was false. The\\nmonth of 31 ay came, the labors of planting were over, and\\nthe peaceful and happy villagers gave themselves up to such\\npursuits and pleasures as suited their taste.\\nA few days before the attack, an old man named Quenelle,\\nbeing on the opposite side of the river, saw another Frenchman\\nby the name i^f Ducharme, who had formerly absconded from\\nSt. Louis, who told him of the projected attack. The Govern-\\nor called him an old dotard, and ordered him to prison.\\nIn the meantime, numerous bands of the Indians living on\\nthe lakes and the Mississi|)pi the Ojibeways, Menomenies,\\nWinnebagoes, Sioux, Sacs, 6z.c.. together with a large number\\nof Canadians, amounting, in all, to upwards of fourteen hun-\\ndred had assembled on the eastern shore of the [Mississippi,\\na little above St. Louis, awaiting the 26th of 3Iay, the day\\nfixed for the attack. The ^Sth of May was the feast of Corpus\\nC/iristi, a day highly venerated by the inhabitant s, who were\\nall Catholics. Had the a.ssault taken place then, it would\\nhave been fatal to them; for, after divine service, all, men,\\nwomen and children, had flocked to the prairie to gather\\nstrawben-ies, which were that season very abundant and fine.\\nThe town, being left perfectly unguarded, could have been\\ntaken with ease, and the unsuspecting inhabitants, who were\\nroaming about in search of fruit, could have been massacred\\nwithout resistance. Fortunately, however, a few only of the\\nenemy had crossed the river, and ambushed themselves in the\\nprairie. The villagers frequently came so near them, in the\\ncourse of the day, that the indians.from their places of conceal-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "1780. Attack made on St. Louis. 245\\nment, could have reached them with their hands. But they\\nknew not how many of the whites were still remaining in the\\ntown, and in the absence of their coadjutors, feared to attack,\\nlest then^ preconcerted plan might be defeated.\\nOn the 26th, the body of the Indians crossed, and marched\\ndirectly towards the fields, expecting to find the greater part\\nof the villagers there but in this they were disappointed, a\\nfew only having gone out to view their crops. These perceiv-\\ned the approach of the savage foe, and immediately com-\\nmenced a retreat towards the town, the most of them taking\\nthe road that led to the upper gate, nearly through the mass\\nof Indians, and followed by a shower of bullets. The firing-\\nalarmed those who were in town, and the cr} To arms to\\narms was heard in every direction. They rushed towards\\nthe works, and threw open the gates to their brethren. The\\nIndians advanced slowly, but steadily, towards the town, and\\nthe inhabitants, though almost deprived of hope, by the vast\\nsuperiority in numbers of the assailants, determined to defend\\nthemselves to the last.\\nIn expectation of an attack, Silvio Francisco Cartabona, a\\ngovernmental officer, had gone to Ste. Genevieve for a com-\\npany of militia, to aid in defending the town, in case of neces-\\nsity; and had, at the beginning of the month, returned with\\nsixty men, who were quartered on the citizens. As soon as\\nthe attack commenced, however, neither Cartabona nor his\\nmen could be seen. Either through fear or treachery, the\\ngreater part concealed themselves in a garret, and there re-\\nmained until the Indians had retired. The assailed, being de-\\nprived of a considerable force by this shameful defection, were\\nstill resolute and determined. About fifteen men were posted\\nat each gate the rest were scattered along the line of defence,\\nin the most advantageous manner.\\nWhen within proper distance, the Indians began an irregu-\\nlar fire, which was answered with showers of grape shot from\\nthe artillery. The firing, for a while, was warm; but the In-\\ndians perceiving that all their efforts would be inefiectual, on\\naccount of the entrenchments, and deterred bj- the cannon, to\\nwhich they were unaccustomed, from making a neaier ap-\\nproach, suifered their zeal to abate, and deliberately retired.\\nAt this stage of aflairs, the Lieutenant Governor made his ap-\\n])earance. The first intimation that he received of what was\\ngoing on, was by the discharge of artillery, on the part of the\\ninhabitants. He immediately ordered several pieces of can-\\nnon, which were posted in front of the government house, to\\nbe spiked and filled with sand, and went, or rather icas rolled\\nin a wheelbarrow, to the scene of action. In a very perempto-\\nry tone, he commanded the inhabitants to cease firing, and\\nreturn to their houses. Those posted at the lower gate, did\\nnot hear the order, and consequently kept their stations. The", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "246 Massacre near St. Louis. 1780.\\ncommandant perceived this, and ordered a cannon to be fired\\nat them. They had barely time to throw themselves on the\\nground, when the volley passed over them, and struck the\\nwail, tearing a great part of it down. These proceedings, as\\nwell as the whole tenor of his conduct, after the first rumor of\\nan attack, gave rise to suspicions, very unfavorable to the\\nLieutenant Governor. It was freely said, that he was the\\ncause of the attack, that he was connected with the British,\\nand that he had been bribed into a dereliction of duty, which,\\nhad not Providence averted, would have doomed them to de-\\nstruction. Under the pretext of proving to them that there\\nwas no danger of an attack, he had, a few days before it oc-\\ncurred, sold to the traders all the ammunition belonging to\\nthe government; and they would have been left perfectly des-\\ntitute and defenceless, had they not found, in a private house,\\neight barrels of powder, belonging to a trader, which they\\nseized in the name of the king, upon the first alarm. These\\ncircumstances gave birth to a strong aversion to the Comman-\\ndant, which evinces itself, even at this day, in execrations of\\nhis ch aractcr, whenever his name is mentioned to those who\\nhave known him. Representations of his conduct, together\\nwith a detailed account of the attack, were sent to New Or-\\nleans by a special messenger, and the result was, that the\\nGovernor General reappointed Francisco Cruzat to the office\\nof Lieutenant Governor.\\nAs soon as it was ascertained that the Indians had retired\\nfrom the neighborhood, the inhabitants proceeded to gather\\nand bury the dead, that lay scattered in all parts of the prai-\\nrie. Seven were at first found, and buried in one grave. Ten\\nor twelve others, in the course of a fortnight, were discovered\\nin the long grass that bordeied the marshes. The acts of the\\nIndians were accompanied by their characteristic ferocity.\\nSome of their victims were horribly mangled. With the ex-\\ncP{)tion of one individual, the whites who accompanied the\\nIndians, did not take part in the butcheries that were commit-\\nted. A young man, named Calve, was found dead, his skull\\nsplit open, and a tomahawk, on the blade of which was writ-\\nten the word, Calcc, sticking in his brain. He was sup-\\nj)osed to have fallen by the hand of his uncle. Had those\\nwho discovered the Indians in the prairie, iled to the lower\\ngate, they would have escaped; but the greater pait of them\\ntook the road that led to the upper gate, through the very\\nranks of the enemy, and were thus exposed to the whole of\\ntheir fire. About twenty persons, it is computed, met their\\ndeath in endeavoring to get within the entrenchments. None\\nof those within them were injured, and none of the Indians\\nwore killed at least, none of them were found. Their ob-\\nject was not plunder, for they did not attempt, in their retreat,\\nto take with them any of the cattle or horses that were in the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "1780. Traitorous Conduct of Lcyba. 247\\nprairie, and which they might have taken nor did they at-\\ntack any of the neighboring towns, where the danger would\\nhave been less, and the prospect of success greater. The\\nonly object they had in view, was the destruction of St.\\nLouis and this would seem to favor the idea that they were\\ninstigated by the English, and gives good ground, when con-\\nnected with other circumstances, to believe that Leyba was\\ntheir aider and abettor.\\nThus ended an attack, which, properly conducted, might\\nhave been destructive to the infant town, and which, from\\nthe number of the enemy, and the danger incurred, was\\ncalculated to impress itself deeply on the minds of those\\nwho witnessed it. It forms an era in the history of the\\nplace and the year in which it occurred, has ever since\\nbeen designated by the inhabitants as the year of the blow\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Vannee du Coup.\\nLeyba, aware that representations of his course had been\\nspecially forwarded to the Governor General at New Or-\\nleans, and fearful of the consequences, and unable to bear\\nup under the load of scorn and contempt which the inhabi-\\ntants heaped upon him, died a short time after the attack,\\nsuspected by many of having hastened his end by poison.\\nUpon his death, Cartabona performed the functions of\\ngovernment until the following year, when Cruzat returned\\nto St. Louis, and assumed the command as Lieutenant Gov-\\nernor a second time.\\nThere can be no doubt that Leyba, like another Arnold,\\nwas seduced into defection from his duty, and that it was only\\nthe unflinching daring of the people of St. Louis, that saved\\nthis infant outpost from utter destruction.\\nThe population of St. Louis at the period of this attack\\nw^as about eight or nine hundred, of all ages and classes.\\nHutchins* says (l /71) At Ste. Genevieve there were two\\nhundred and eight whites and eighty negroes, capable of\\nbearing arms; and at St. Louis, four hundred and fifteen\\nwhites and forty blacks. He further states there were one\\nhundred and twenty houses in St. Louis, some of which were\\nof stone, large and commodious. The whole white popula-\\ntion he makes eight hundred, and of negroes, one hundred\\nand fifty.\\nStoddard, in his Sketches of Louisiana, (p. 79) says\\nThe commandant of Michilimackinac in 1780, assembled\\nabout fifteen hundred Indians, and one hundred and forty\\nEnglish, and attempted the reduction of St. Louis, the capital\\n*Historical and Topographical Description of Louisiana.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "24S Sketches of Major Stoddard. 1780.\\nof Upper Louisiana. During the short time they were be-\\nfore that town, sixty of the inhabitants were killed, and thirty\\ntaken prisoners. Fortunately, General Clark was on ihe op-\\nposite side of the Mississippi with a considerable lorce. On\\nhis appearance at ^t. Louis with a strong detachment, the\\nIndians were amazed. They had no disposition to quarrel\\nwith any other than Louisianians, and charged the English with\\ndeception. In fine, as the jealousy of the Indians was ex-\\ncited, the English trembled for their safety, and therefore\\nsecretly abandoned their auxiliaries, and made the best of\\ntheir way into Canada. The Indians then returned to their\\nhomes in peace.\\nThis expedition, as appears, was not sanctioned by the Eng-\\nlish court, and the private property of the commandant was\\nseized to pay the expenses of it most likely because it proved\\nunfortunate.\\nMajor Amos Stoddard, author of the Sketches, Historical\\nand Descriptive, of Louisiana, was an officer of the United\\nStates, and constituted the agent of France to receive Upper\\nLouisiana from the Spanish authorities and make the transfer\\nto the United States. He was an accomplished scholar in\\nscience and general literature, read French, and was in the\\ncountry in the discharge of his official duties from j\\\\Iarch,\\n1804 to 1809. A part of the time his head quarters were in\\nSt. Louis. He was personally acquainted and intimate with\\nthe more intelligent inhabitants of the place, had access to\\npublic archives, which he carefully examiued, and made ex-\\ntensive excursions throughout the country. Respectable men\\nin most of the districts, and especially at St. Louis, furnished\\nhim with such local information as they possessed. And in\\ncarefully comparing his statements in general with the pub-\\nlished authorities and other documents from ^^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2hence he\\nderived many facts in his Sketches, we find him accurate.\\nYet, in this statement of the attack he is certainly inaccurate,\\nthough, doubtless, he wrote as he was informed from the re-\\ncollections of the people. The number of British officers and\\ntroops is much overrated. And, certainly. General Clark at\\nthe time of the invasion was not on the opposite side of the\\nJMississippi, nor did he make his appearance at St. Louis\\nwith a strong detachment, for at that eventful crisis, he icas\\nbelow the mouth of the Ohio establishing Fort Jcjfcrson. From\\nthence he proceeded by land to Ilarrodsburg in Kentuck) in\\nthe month of June was at the Falls (Louisville) the 14th of", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "249\\n1780. Document of Mr. Nicollet.\\nJuly, and by the 2nd of August had an army of one thousand\\nmen raised to march against the Indians in Ohio. Besides,\\nColonel John Todd, was County Lieutenant, or command-\\nant at Kaskaskia, in May, 17S0.\\nAs subsequent historians have followed mainly the state-\\nment of Major Stoddard, we have no occasion to examine\\ntheir testimon}-.\\nMr. Nicollet, in a documentary report of an exploration of\\nthe Upper Mississippi, published by the United States Senate\\nFebruary, 1841, containing a Sketch of the Early History of\\nSt. Louis, and who examined the papers of the late Col. Au-\\nguste Chouteau, denies the offer or the interference of Gen\\nClark, alleging that, with his men, he then occupied the impor-\\ntant post of Kaskaskia, which is more than fifty-six miles S.\\nE. of St.Louis; and that, consequently, this gallant officer could\\nnot have had time, even if it had fell within the line of his\\nduty, to aid in an affair that concerned the Spaniards and the\\nBritish, which was planned as a surprise, and lasted but a few\\nhours.\\nMr. Nicollet was mistaken in the date, or else a typographi-\\ncal error crept into the printed copy, for it was not the 6th,\\nbut the 26th, of May the assault was made. This is evident\\nfrom the records of the church, concerning the burial of the\\nslain, and is sustained by Mr. Primm in the document already\\ngiven. He was also mistaken in supposing General Clark to\\nhave been at Kaskaskia at that time. Judge Martin* says\\nIn the fall, [1780] the British commanding officer at Mich-\\nillimackinac, with about one hundred and forty men from\\nhis garrison, and near fourteen hundred Indians, attacked the\\nSpanish post at St. Louis but Col. Clark, who was still at\\nKaskaskia, came to its relief The Indians, who came from\\nMichiUimackinac, having no idea of fighting any but Span-\\niards, refused to act against Ameiicans, and complained of\\nbeing deceived. Clark released about fifty prisoners that had\\nbeen made, and the enemy made the best ^of his way home.\\nJudge Martin refers to Stoddard. Judge Hall has o-iven a\\ngraphic description of the assault, the substance of which he\\nhad from the Address of W. Primm, Esq., before the St. Louis\\nLyceum, in 1831, and subsequently published in the Illinoi\\nMagazine, of which Judge Hall was Editor. He says nothin\\nabout the interference of General Clark. f\\nilistoryof Louisiana, vol. ii., p. 5.3.\\nt Sketches of the West, vol. 1 171, 172.\\n16\\nlois", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "250 The Explanation. 1780.\\nAmidst this conflicting testimony, the reader naturally in-\\nquires, what is the truth\\nWe subjoin the following facts and suggestions\\nThere was constant intercourse between the inhabitants of\\nSt. Louis and those of Cahokia and Kaskaskia, and each\\nparty felt interested in the welfare of the other.\\nIn the spring of 1779, when Clark was at Cahokia and\\nKaskaskia, St. Louis was threatened by a British and Indian\\nforce from the North. This the gallant General learned from\\nthe Indians of Illinois, who were friendly, and he communi-\\ncated the intelhgence to the inhabitants, and, through them,\\nto Governor Leyba, by the medium of his French associates of\\nIllinois. It was then he proftered aid, should the town be at-\\ntacked. When the attack was made, a year after, he had\\nleft the Illinois country, and was at the Chickasaw Bluffs,\\nestablishing Fort Jefl!erson, to which point he went early in\\n1780, by the Mississippi river.\\nThis proffered aid, in case of an invasion, made in 1779,\\nwas not without its effect. It produced a friendly feeling in\\nSt. Louis, and the contiguous settlements, to the Americans,\\nwhich was subsequently manifested in the encouragement\\ngiven by the commandants to emigration across the Missis-\\nsippi. We conceive the statement of Mr. Primm, heretofore\\ngiven, to be the correct one.\\nThere is one fact that must remain unexplained. Taking\\nthe lowest statement of the invading force, and, M ith an im-\\nbecile commander, as Leyba unquestionably was, they could\\nhave destroyed St. Louis, and massacred all its inhabitants.\\nIt appears, from all accounts, the Indians, after killing and\\nscalping about twenty persons, who were out of the town in\\nthe fields, and making an attack on the gates, suddenly- re-\\ntired, refusing to co-operate any longer with their British al-\\nlies.\\nTradition says, they were instigated to make this attack by\\na renegade French trader, in revenge for some injury he had\\nreceived at St. Louis, and that finding persons they knew, and\\nwith whom they had formerly associated, and whom they\\nrecognized as friends, they withdrew of their own accord.\\nBe this as it may, we regard their relinquishment of the at-\\ntack as a merciful interposition of Providence.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "1780. Proposition Made hy Virginia. 251\\nIn the autumn of 1780, La Balme, a native of France,\\nmade an attempt to carry an expedition from Kaskaskia\\nagainst Detroit. With twenty or thirty men, he marched\\nfrom Kaskaskia to Post V incennes, where he was joined by a\\nsmall reinforcement. He then moved up the Wabash, and\\nreached the British trading post, Ke-ki-ong-a, at the head of\\nthe Maumee. After plundering the traders, and some of the\\nIndians, he marched from the post, and encamped near the\\nriver Aboite. A party of the Miami Indians attacked the\\nencampment in the night. La Balme and several of- his fol-\\nlowers were slain, and the expedition was defeated.\\nWe now enter on the Annals of 1781.\\nVirginia, in accordance with the recommendation of Con-\\ngress already noticed, upon the 2d of January of this year,\\nagreed to yield her western lands to the United States, upon\\ncertain conditions; among which were these: 1st, no person\\nholding ground under a purchase from the natives to him or\\nhis grantors, individually, and no one claiming under a grant\\nor charter from the British crown, inconsistent with the char-\\nter or customs of Virginia, was to be regarded as having a\\nvalid title and 2d, the United States were to guarantee to\\nVirginia all the Territory south-east of the Ohio to the Atlan-\\ntic, as far as the bounds of Carolina. These conditions Con-\\ngress would not accede to, and the Act of Cession, on the\\npart of the Old Dominion, failed, nor was any thing farther\\ndone until 1783.t\\nEarly in the same month in which Virginia made her first\\nAct of Cession, a Spanish captain, with sixty-five men, left\\nSt. Louis, for the purpose of attacking some one of the Brit-\\nish posts of the north-west. Whether this attempt originated\\nin a desire to revenge the English and Indian siege of St.\\nLouis, in the previous year, or whether it was a mere pre-\\ntence to cover the claims about that time set up by Spain to\\nthe western country, in opposition to the colonies, which she\\nclaimed to be aiding, it is perhaps impossible to say. But\\nthese facts that the point aimed at, St. Joseph s, was far in\\nthe interior, and that this crusade was afterwards looked to\\nby the court of Spain as giving a ground of territorial right\\nmake it probable that the enterprise was rather a legal one\\nagainst the Americans, than a military one against the Eng-\\nDillon s Indiana, vol. 1, p. 190.\\nt Old Journals, ir. 265 to 267.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "252 Birth of Mary Hcckcwcldcr. 1781,\\nlish and this conclusion is made stronger b}- the fact, that\\nthe Spaniards, having taken the utterly unimportant post of\\nSt. Joseph, and having claimed the country as belonging to the\\nKing of Spain, by right of conquest, turned back to the quiet\\nwest bank of the Mississippi again, and left the Long Knives\\nto prosecute the capture of Detroit, as they best could.*\\nIn the spring of this year, an army of eight hundred men,\\nunder command of Colonel Brodhead, marched from Wheel-\\ning, the place of rendezvous, to destroy some Indian settle-\\nments at Coshocton, near the forks of the Muskingum river.\\nThis army reached the principal village, on the east side of\\nthe river, and took a number of prisoners, of which sixteen\\nwere killed with the tomahawk, and scalped. Their march\\nfurther, was arrested by the river, which was unusually high,\\nand the villages on the west side escaped. destruction, and the\\narmy re tired, f\\nUpon the l6th of April in this year, was born at Salem,\\nupon the Muskingum river, Mary Hecke welder, daughter of\\nthe widely-known Moravian missionary the earliest born of\\nwhite American children, who first saw the light north of the\\nOhio; and in her language, rather than our own, we now\\ngive some incidents relative to the Christian Delawares and\\ntheir teachers.\\nSoon after my birth, times becoming very troublesome, the\\nsettlements were oltcn in danger from war parties and finally,\\nin the beginning of September, of the same year, we were all\\nmade prisoners. First, four of the missionaries were seized\\nby a part}- of Huron warriors, and declared prisoners of war;\\nthey were then led into the camp of the Delawares, where\\nthe death-song was sung over them. Soon after they had\\nsecured them, a number of warriors marched olf for Salem\\nand Slurnbrun. About thirty savages arrived at the former\\nplace in the dusk of the evening, and broke open the mission\\nhouse. Here they took my mother and myself prisoners, and\\nhaving led her into the street, and placed guards over her, they\\nplundered the house of every thing they could take with them\\nand destroyed what was left. Then, going to take my mother\\nalong with them, the savages were prevailed upon, through\\nthe intercession of the Indian females, to let her remain at\\nSalem till the next morning the night being dark and rainy,\\nand almost impossible for her to travel so far they, at last,\\nDiplomatic Correspondence, iii. 339; riii. 150.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Secret Journals, iv. 6t, 7i.\\nDillun s Indiana, i. 190.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "1781. Sufferings of the Moravians. 253\\nconsented on condition that she should be brought into the\\ncamp the next morning, which was accordingly done, and she\\nwas safely conducted by our Indians to Gnadenhutten.\\nAfter experiencing the cruel treatment of the savages for\\nsome time, they were set at liberty again but were obliged\\nto leave their flourishing settlements, and forced to march\\nthrough a dreary wilderness to Upper Sandusky. We went\\nby land through Goseachguenk to the Walholding, and then\\npartly by water and partly along the banks of the river, to\\nSandusky Creek. All the way I was carried by an Indian\\nwoman, carefully wrapt in a blanket, on her back. Our\\njourney was exceedingly tedious and dangerous some of the\\ncanoes sunk, and those that were in them lost all their provi-\\nsions and everything they had saved. Those that went by\\nland drove the cattle, a pretty large herd. The savages now\\ndrove us along, the missionaries with their families usually in\\ntheir midst, surrounded by their Indian converts. The roads\\nwere exceedingly bad, leading through a continuation of\\nswamps.\\nHaving arrived at Upper Sandusky, they built small huts\\nof logs and bark to screen them from the cold, having neither\\nbeds nor blankets, and being reduced to the greatest poverty\\nand want for the savages had by degrees stolen almost every\\nthing, both from the missionaries and Indians, on the journey.\\nWe lived here extremely poor, ofteii-times very little or noth-\\ning to satisfy the cravings of hunger and the poorest of the\\nIndians were obliged to live upon their dead cattle, which\\ndied for want of pasture.*\\nTo this account, by one who is, from her age at the time,\\nbut a second-hand witness, we may add the following particu-\\nlars. We have already mentioned the rise of the Christian-\\nIndian towns upon the Muskingum. During the wars between\\nthe north-west savages and the Pennsylvania and Virginia\\nfrontier-men, the quiet converts of Post, Zeisberger, and\\nHecke welder, had any other than a pleasant position.\\nThe Wyandots thought they betrayed the red men s in-\\nterests to their religious white kinsfolk the pale-faced In-\\ndian-haters of the Kenawha, doubted as little that the\\npraying Delavvares played them false, and favored the\\nfierce warriors of the lakes. f Little by little these suspicions\\nand jealousies assumed form, and the missionaries having\\nactually been guilty of the crime of interpreting to the Dela-\\nAmerican Pioneer, ii. 224.\\nIn October, 1777, a party of Americans crossed the Ohio to attack the Moravian\\ntowns. Heckewelder s Narrative, 165.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "264 The Missionai-ies on Trial. 1781.\\nware chiefs, certain letters received from Pittsburgh, measures\\nwere taken by the English, as early, it seems, as 1779, to re-\\nmove them from the American borders, and thus prevent their\\ninterference. No result followed at that time from the steps\\nalluded to but in 1780 or 81, the Iroquois were asked at a\\ncouncil, held at Niagara, to remove the Muskingum Chris-\\ntians, as the settlements were in the country claimed by the\\nFive Nations. The New York savages were perfectly will-\\ning the thing should be done, but were not willing to do it\\nthemselves, so they sent to the Ottawas and Chippeways* a\\nmessage to the effect that they might have the Moravian con-\\ngregations to make soup of. The Ottawas, in their turn, de-\\nclined the treat, and sent the message to the Hurons, or, as\\nthey are most commonly called, the Wyandots. These,\\ntogether with Captain Pipe, the war chief of the Delawares,\\nwho was the enemy of the missionaries because they taught\\npeace, carried the wish of the English into execution, in the\\nmanner narrated by the daughter of the Moravian leader.\\nAt Detroit, whither four of the Europeans were taken in Oc-\\ntober, Heckewelder and his co-laborers were tried but as\\neven Captain Pipe could find no other charge agninst them\\nthan that of interpreting the American letters above referred\\nto, they were discharged and returned to their families at\\nSandusky, toward the close of Norember.f\\nWhile the English and their red allies were thus persecut-\\ning the poor Moravians and their disciples on the one hand,\\nthe Americans were preparing to do the same thing, only, as\\nthe event proved, in a much more effectual style. In the\\nspring of 1781, Colonel Brodhead led a body of troops against\\nsome of the hostile Delawares, upon the Muskingum. This,\\na portion of his followers thought, would be an excellent op-\\nportunity to destroy the Moravian towns, and it was with dif-\\nficulty he could withhold them. lie sent word to Heckewelder,\\nand tried to prevent any attack upon the members of his\\nflock. In this attempt he appears to have succeeded; but he\\ndid not, perhaps could not, prevent the slaughter of the troops\\ntaken from the hostile Delawares. First, sixteen were killed,\\nand then nearly twenty. A chief, who came under assurances\\nThe Ojibeways or Odjibways, as it is lately written in conformity with the trne sound\\nand old writing. Schoolcraft s Algic Researches. American State Papers, t. 707. 71S.\\nt See a full account in IleckQwcIder s Narrative, 230\u00e2\u0080\u0094299.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "1781. An Ambuscade. 255\\nof safety to Brodhead s camp, was also murdered by a noted\\npartisan, named Wetzel.* From that time, the Virginians\\nrested, until autumn, when the frontier-men, led by Colonel\\nDavid Williamson, marched out expressly against the towns\\nof the christian Delawares but they found that the Hurons\\nhad preceded them, and the huts and fields of the friends of\\npeace M ere deserted. f\\nThe particular cause of this attempt, on the part of the\\nAmericans, was the series of attacks made during this year by\\nsmall bands of Indians, along the whole range of stations,\\nfrom Laurel Hill to Green river. The details of these incur-\\nsions may be found in Withers Border Warfare, 225, and\\nMarshall s Kentucky, I. 115. Among these details, the mass\\nof which we, of necessity, omit, is the following, which seems\\nworthy of especial notice. Squire Boone s station, near\\niShelbyville, being very much exposed, those within it deter-\\nmined to seek a place of greater security while on their way\\nto the Beargrass settlements, they were attacked by the In-\\ndians. Colonel Floyd, hearing of this, hastened with twenty-\\nfive men against the enemy, but fell into an ambuscade of\\ntwo hundred savages, and lost half his men. Among those in\\nhis party was Captain Samuel Wells, with whom Floyd had\\nbeen for some time at feud. This gentleman, as he retreated,\\nsaw his superior officer, but personal foe, on foot, nearly ex-\\nhausted, and hard pressed by the invaders, on the point of\\nfalling a sacrifice to their fury instantly dismounting, he\\nforced Colonel Floyd to take his place in the saddle, and\\nbeing himself fresh, ran by the side of the horse, supporting\\nthe fainting rider, and saved the lives of both. It will readily\\nbe believed their enmity closed with that day.J\\nColonel Wells removed to Missouri in 1817, settled in St.\\nCharles county, v/here he died, beloved and respected by his\\nneighbors-\\nIn addition to the incursions by the northern Indians, this\\nHeekewelder s !N arrative, 214. Doddridge, 291, (the date is in this account 1780, but\\nvre presume wrongly.) Border Warfare, 219 Withers follows Doddridge, but both draw\\nfrom Heckewelder, who says 1781. For a full account of Lewis Wetzel, the very embodi-\\nment of the most reckless class of frontier-men, see Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 121,\\n161, 169, 177.\\nt Bjrder Warfare, 229. Doddridge, 262.\\nX Butler, 2d edition, 119. Marshall, i. 115. Marshall, says this took place la April,\\nButler in September, and refers to Colonel F s. MS. letters.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "256 Officers Appointed in Kentucky. 1781.\\nyear witnessed the rising of the Chickasaws against Fort Jef-\\nferson, which, as we have said, had been unwisely built in\\ntheir country without leave asked. The attack was made\\nunder the direction of Colbert, a Scotchman, who had ac-\\nquired great influence with the tribe, and whose descendants\\nhave since been among the influential chiefs. The garrison\\nwere few in number, sickly, and half-starved; but some\\namong them were fool-hardy and wicked enough to fire at\\nColbert, when under a flag of truce, which provoked the sav-\\nages beyond all control, and had not Clark arrived with rein-\\nforcements, the Chickasaws would probably have had all the\\nscalps of the intruders. As it was, the fort was relieved, but\\nwas soon after abandoned, as being too far from the settle-\\nments, and of very little use at any rate.*\\nMeantime the internal organization of Kentucky was pro-\\nceeding rapidly. Floyd, Logan, and Todd were made county\\nLieutenants of Jeflerson, Lincoln, and Fayette, with the rank\\nof Colonel while William Pope, Stephen Trigg, and Daniel\\nBoone, were made Lieutenant Colonels, to act for the others\\nin case of need. Clark was made Brigadier General, and\\nplaced at the head of military aflairs, his head quarters being\\nat the Falls, between which point and the Licking he kept a\\nrow galley going, to intercept parties of Indians, though to\\nvery little purpose. George May, who had been surveyor for\\nthe whole county of Kentucky, after the division, had Jefferson\\nassigned him while Thomas Marshall was appointed to the\\nsame post in Fayette, and James Thompson in Lincoln. Of the\\nthree, however, only the last opened his office during the year,\\nand great was the discontent of those waiting to enter the\\nfertile lands of the two counties which were thus kept out of\\ntheir reach; a discontent ten-fuld the greater in consequence\\nof the laws of Virginia in relation to her depreciated curren-\\ncy, the effect of which was to make land cost in specie only\\nhalf a cent an acre.\\n[Towards the autumn of 1781, marauding parties of In-\\ndians again visited the frontiers of Kentucky. Boonesborough\\nbeing now an interior station remained unmolested. The\\npeople at a station in the vicinity of Shelbyville became\\nalarmed at Indian signs and attempted to remove to Fort Nel-\\n*Butler, 2d edition, 119.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "1781. Attack on ths McAfee Station. 257\\nson. They were attacked by a large body of Indians, defeated\\nand dispersed.\\nAmongst the resolute and active men among the pioneers\\nof Kentucky were the iMcAffees, three brothers, Samuel,\\nJames and Robert McAffee, who made a station in the vicinity\\nof Harrodsburgh. They were vigorous, athletic men, of\\nhonorable principles, and members of the Presbytei ian church.\\nLike the other pioneers, they were frequently brought into\\ndeadly conflict with the Indians.\\nIt was in the month of May, 1781, that Samuel McAffee\\nand another man were fired on by Indians and the man fell.\\nMcAfiee turned and ran towards tlie fort, but in a few yards\\nmet another Indian in the path. Each attempted to fire at\\nthe same instant, but the Indian s gun missed fire, while\\nMcAffee shot him through the heart. The two other brothers,\\nhearing the guns, came to the rescue, but had a most peri-\\nlous escape to the fort.\\nIn a few moments the fort was assailed by a large party,\\nand while the men used their rifles, the women cast the\\nbullets, and provided refreshments. The firing was heard at\\nother stations, and Major jMcGary and forty men were soon\\non the trail of the Indians, whom they overtook and routed.*\\nOne other event will close the western annals of 1781^ and\\nno more important event has yet been chronicled it was the\\nlarge emigration of young unmarried women, into a region\\nabounding in young unmarried men its natural result was\\nthe rapid increase of population.]\\n*Marsbairs Kentucky, i. UT.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX.\\nTHRILLING INCIDENTS.\\nMassacre of the Moravian Indians\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Capture and burning of C; bnel Crawford Defeat of\\nColonel Laugher}-\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Attack on Bryant s Station Battle of the Blue Licks Expedition\\nagainst the Indians in Ohio hj General Clark Peace with Great Britain Instructions\\nto Indian Cjmmissioners Difficulties about cirrj-ing out certain conditions of the\\ntreaty.\\n1 We have already noticed the establishment of Fort JefTer-\\nson, on the Mississippi, a few miles below the mouth of\\nthe Ohio, by General Clark. The country was claimed by\\nthe Chickasaw Indians, and they remonstrated at this intrusion\\non their territory. The remonstrance being disregarded, they\\nprepared to repel the invaders by force. Early la the sum-\\nmer of 1781, when the garrison was reduced to about thirty\\nmen, many of whom were invalids, the Indians attacked the\\nfort with a large force. These Chickasaws were led by Col-\\nbert, a half breed chief, whose father was a Scotch trader.\\nThe siege was pressed with vigor six days, and several assaults\\nmade by the invaders, who were driven back by the artillery,\\nloaded with grape and musket balls. The garrison was re-\\nlieved by the timely appearance of General G. R. Clark, with\\na reinforcement and a supply of provisions. Shortly after-\\nwards, the Governor of Virginia ordered it to be dismantled\\nand abandoned. The order being executed, the Chickasaws\\nwere at peace.*\\nThis year the crops of wheat, corn, and provisions of all\\nkinds were abundant in the West, and the autumn brought\\ngreat numbers of emigrants to Kentucky.\\nWe have already noticed the sufferings of the Moravians\\non the Muskingum, in 1781. These people were religiously\\nopposed to war in every form, and taught their Indian con-\\nverts this lesson. Hence the savage Indians despised and\\npersecuted them, and were notorious for charging the depre-\\ndations committed by themselves, on the praying Indians,\\nas the Moravian converts were called.\\nAs earl} as 1769, the praying Indians upon the Delaware\\nSriver had removed westward, and commenced three settlc-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Marihall s Kentucky, i. 112; Butler, 119; Monette, ii. i:*2.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "1781. The Moravian Indians. 259\\nments upon the Muskingum river, which were called Gnaden-\\nhutten, SchoBnbrun, and Salem. They were situated in the\\nsouth part of Tuscarawas county. The Missionaries, through\\nwhose benevolent labors they were converted, v.ere David\\nZeisberger, Michael Jung, Christian Frederic Post, (already\\nmentioned, page 105.) and John Heckewelder. Here they\\nintended to live in peace, and extend their truly christian\\nlabors to the tribes of the north-west.\\nThe converted Indians had adopted civilized habits, were\\nable to read, and had cleared and cultivated farms in common\\nfields. They had several hundred acres of corn on the rich\\nbottom lands of the river had two hundred cattle, and four\\nhundred hogs. These Indians were chiefly Delawares, and\\nas a portion of the uncivilized Delaware nation were un-\\nfriendly to the United States, the frontier people entertained\\nstrong prejudices against the praying Delawares.\\nMany persons thought, or pretended to think, that, although\\nthese christian Indians had renounced war and theft, they\\ngave information to the savage tribes. They treated all\\nIndians that passed through their towns with christian hospi-\\ntality, and, therefore, were accused of furnisUing supplies to\\nwar parties.\\nNor did they fare any better from the other side. The\\n^Yyandots were mortal enemies to the United States, and at\\nwar with them, and they accused the Moravian Indians of\\nbeing in communication with the Americans, and even with\\nthe military of the United States.\\nThe British officers, at Detroit, in the year 1781, made ap-\\nplication to the Six Nations, to have the praying Indians re-\\nmoved, and the subject was considered in a council at Niaga-\\nra, where the Iroquois, in their figurative language, authorized\\nthe Ottawas and Ojibeways to kill them. We herewith\\nmake you a present of the Christian Indians, to make soup\\nof,* was the form of address to which both the Ojibeways\\nand Ottawas returned for answer, We have no cause for\\ndoing this.\\nThe same year, the Wyandots, led by a noted chief, called\\nthe Half-King, arrived at the Moravian towns, with two hun\\ndred warriors, on their way to the settlements in Western Vir-\\nginia, and threatened these peaceable Indians with destruction.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "2G0 Colonel Williamson s Volunteers. 1781.\\nThe fact has long siace been established beyond all dispute,\\nthat these praying Indians lived according to their profession\\nthat they did all the\\\\- could to prevail on the Ohio Indians\\nto live in peace, and that when they knew of any hostile\\nparties intending an attack on the settlements, they sent run-\\nners and gave them timely warning.\\nThose renegadoes, Girty, McKee and Elliott, who held\\ncommissions in the British service, did what they could to ex-\\ncite hostilities against them. The Half-King and Captain Pipe\\nwere their enemies. Finally, British officers employed the\\nWyandots to remove them and their teachers from their own\\ntowns and country, to Sandusky. Their corn was left in the\\nfield and their cattle in the woods.\\nDuring the following winter, their missionaries were sepa-\\nrated from them, and sent as prisoners to Detroit. Not only\\nthe mis.sionaries, but the people, were treated with great\\nseverity. The British finally released them, and suffered\\nthem to return.\\nIn the autumn of 1781, Colonel David Williamson raised a\\ncorps of volunteers in Western Pensylvania, and marched to\\nth Moravian towns, with the design of removing the inhabi-\\ntants to Pittsburgh, but he had been anticipated by the Wyan-\\ndots and British.\\nA few persons were still at the towns, whom he took pri-\\nsoners, and removed them to Pittsburgh.\\nIt is supposed that Colonel Williamson thought that the re-\\nmoval of the praying Indians to Sandusky was proof enough\\nof their treachery. During the winter, several persons and\\nfamilies were killed along the Ohio river, probably by Wyan-\\ndots, and those massacres were laid to the Christian Dela-\\nwares. Unfortunatch about one hundred and lifty, men,\\nwomen, and children, returned to their towns in February, of\\nwhich fact Colonel Williamson learned, and early in March,\\nwith an irregular force collected from the regions of the Ohio\\nand jMonongahela rivers, of about one hundred men, without\\nauthority from any civil or military power, he made a rapid\\nmarch to the Muskingum, where the party arrived on the 7th\\nof March.\\nTheir professed object was to capture and remove the\\nChristian Dclawares, and destroy their houses and fields. A", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "1782, Massacre of the Moravian Indians. 261\\nnumber of the people were at work in their corn fields, when\\nthis hostile force appeared, who ran to the village of Gnaden-\\nImtten. Several men and one woman were killed. They were\\ntold it was the intention to take them to Pittsburgh, where they\\nwould be protected, and were directed to enter two houses\\nand remain for the night.\\nThe commander of the party then proposed to leave it to\\nhis men to decide by vote their fate, and orders were given\\nthat those who were for sparing their lives should step out in\\nfront. Of some ninety men present, only seventeen or eigh-\\nteen voted to spare their lives This sentence was then an-\\nnounced to the people. They spent the night in prayer and\\nin singing hymns. In the morning the terrible slaughter com-\\nmenced. No resistance was made. Guns, tomahawks, and\\nhatchets were used. Two only escaped one, a young man\\nabout seventeen years of age, wounded, bleeding and scalped,\\ncrept into the bushes and lived another crawled under the\\nfloor, where he lay until the Ijlood of his murdered relations\\npoured in streams upon him.\\nThe buildings were set on fire, and the bodies partially con-\\nsumed. Colonel Williamsom and his men returned to receive\\nthe execrations of their countrymen. Both the civil and mil-\\nitary authorities of the State and nation reprobated the dire-\\nful deed\\nForty men, twenty-two women, and thirty-tv\\\\^o children\\nwere thus destroyed\\nIt would seem, from all the testimony in the case, that Wil-\\nliamson was inclined to mercy. Such was his plea in justifi-\\ncation of the part he acted, but he was the commander, and\\nought to have known his duty. The only palliation that can\\nbe offered, is the infatuation under which they labored, that\\nthese Indians were concerned in the murder of the frontier\\nfamilies.*\\nIt was in March of 1782, that this great murder was com-\\nmitted. And as the tiger, having once tasted blood, longs for\\nblood, so it was with the frontier-men and another expedi-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2*For further details the reader is referred to Ilejlje weTJer s Nra-rative, pij. 313-32S\\nBrown s History of Missions; History of Missions by Smith and Choules; American Pi--\\noneer, vol. ii. pp. 425-432; Monete s Valley of the Mis is^ippi, vol. ii. pp. 129-131\\nDoddriilge, pp 243, 255 Withers Border Warfare, pp. 232-230 and varous public\\ndocuments. [Ed.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "26-2 Crawford Taken. 1782.\\ntion was at once organized, to make a dash at the towns of\\nthe Moravian Delawares and Wyandots, upon the Sandusky.\\nNo Indian was to be spared; friend or foe, every red man\\nwas to die. The commander of the expedition was Colonel\\nWilliam Crawford, Washington s old agent in the West. lie\\ndid not want to go, but found it could not be avoided. The\\ntroops, numbering nearly five hundred men, marched, in June,\\nto the Sandusky uninterrupted. There they found the towns\\ndeserted, and the savages on the alert. A battle ensued, and\\nthe whites were forced to retreat. In their retreat, many left\\nthe main body, and nearly all who did so perished. Of\\nCrawford s own fate, we have the following account by Dr.\\nKnight, his companion\\nMonday morning, the tenth of June, we were paraded to\\nmarch to Sandusky, about ihirty-three miles distant they had\\neleven prisoners of us, and four scalps, the Indians being sev-\\nenteen in number.\\nColonel Crawford was very desirous to see a certain Simon\\nGirty, who lived with the Indians, and was on this account\\npermitted to go to town the same night, with two warriors to\\nguard him, having orders at the same time to pass by the\\nplace where the Colonel had turned out his horse, that they\\nmight, if possible, find him. The rest of us were taken as\\nfar as the old town, which was within eight miles of the new.\\nTuesday morning, the eleventh, Colonel Crawford was\\nbrought out to us on purpose to be marched in with the other\\nprisoners, i asked the Colonel if he had seen Mr. Girty\\nHe told me he had, and that Girty had promised to do every\\nthing in his power for him, but that the Indians were very\\nmuch enraged against the prisoners; particularly Captain\\nPipe, one of the chiefs he likewise told me that Girty had\\ninfornicd him that his son-in-law, Colonel Harrison, and his\\nnephew, William Crawford, were made prisoners by the Shaw-\\nancse, but had been pardoned. This Captain Pipe had come\\nfrom the town about an hour before Colonel Crawford, and\\nhad painted all the prisoners faces black. As he was paint-\\ning me he told me 1 should go to the Shawanese towns and\\nsee my Iriends. When the Colonel arrived, he painted him\\nblack also, told him he was glad to see him, and that he\\nwould liavc him shaved when he came to see his friends at\\nIhe Wyandot town. When we marched, the Colonel and I\\nwere kept back between Pipe and Wyngenim, the two Dela-\\nware chiefs the other nine prisoners wpre sent forward with\\nanother party of Indians. As we went along we saw four\\nof the prisoners lying by the path, tomahawked and scalped\\nsome of them were at the distance of half a mile from each", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "1782. Crawford s Death. 2G3\\nother. When we arrived within half a mile of the place i\\nwhere the Colonel was executed, we overtook the five prison-\\ners that remained alive the Indians had caused them to sit\\ndown on the ground, as they did also the Colonel and me,\\nat some distance from them. I was there given in charge to\\nan Indian fellow to be taken to the Shawanese towns.\\nIn the place where we were now made to sit down, there\\nwas a number of squaws and boys, who fell on the five pris-\\noners and tomahawked them. There was a certain John\\nMcKinly amongst the prisoners, formerly an officer in the 13th\\nVirginia regiment, whose head an old squaw cut ofl^, and the\\nIndians kicked it about upon the ground. The young Indian\\nfellows came often where the Colonel and I were, and dashed\\nthe scalps in our faces. We were then conducted along to-\\nward the place where the Colonel was afterwards executed;\\nwhen we came within about half a mile of it, Simon Girty\\nmet us, with several Indians on horseback he spoke to the\\nColonel, but as I was about one hundred and fifty yards be-\\nhind, could not hear what passed between them.\\nAlmost every Indian we met, struck us either with sticks\\nor their fists. Girty waited till I was brought up, and asked,\\nwas that the Doctor? I told him yes, and went towards\\nhim, reaching out my hand, but he bid me begone, and called\\nme a damned rascal, upon which the fellows who had me in\\ncharge pulled me along. Girty rode up after me and told me\\nI was to go to the Shawanese towns.\\nWhen we went to the fire the Colonel was stripped naked,\\nordered to sit down by the fire, and then they beat him with\\nsticks and their fists. Presently after I was treated in the\\nsame manner. They then tied a rope to the foot of a post\\nabout fifteen feet high, bound the Colonel s hands behind his\\nback and fastened the rope to the ligature between his wrists.\\nThe rope was long enough for him to sit down or walk round\\nthe post once or twice, and return the same way. The Colo-\\nnel then called to Girty, and asked if they intended to burn\\nhim? Girty answered, yes. The Colonel said he would take\\nit all patiently. Upon this. Captain Pipe, a Delaware chief,\\nmade a speech to the Indians, viz about thirty or forty men\\nsixty or seventy squaws and boys.\\nWhen the speech was finished they all yelled a hideous and\\nhearty assent to what had been said. The Indian men then\\ntook up their guns, and shot powder into the Colonel s body,\\nfrom his feet as far up as his neck. I think that not less than\\nseventy loads were discharged upon his naked body. They\\nthen crowded about him, and to the best of my observation,\\ncut off his ears; when the throng had dispersed a little, I\\nsaw the blood running from both sides of his head in con-\\nsequence thereof.\\nThe fire was about six or seven yards from the post to which", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "264 Crawford s Death. 1782.\\nthe Colonel was tied it was made of small hickory poles,\\nburnt quite through in the middle, each end of the poles re-\\nmaining about six feet in length. Three or four Indians by\\nturns would take up, individually, one of tliese burning pieces\\nof wood and apply it to his naked body, already burnt black\\nwith the powder. These tormentors presented themselves on\\nevery side of him with the burning faggots and poles. Some\\nof the squaws took broad boards, upon which they wouhJ\\ncarry a quantity of burning coals and hot embers and throw\\non him, so that in a short time he had nothing but coals of\\nfire and hot ashes to walk upon.\\nIn the midst of these extreme tortures, he called to Simon\\nGirty and begged of him to shoot him but Girty making no\\nanswer, he called to him again. Girty, then, by way of de-\\nrision, told the Colonel he had no gun, at the same time turn-\\ning about to an Indian who was behind him, laughed heartily,\\nand by all his gestures seemed delighted at the horrid scene.\\nGirty then came up to me and bade me prepare for death.\\nlie said, however, I was not to die at that place, but to be\\nburnt at the Shawancse towns. He swore by G d I need not\\nexpect to escape death, but should suffer it in all its enormities.\\nlie then observed that some prisoners had given him to\\nunderstand, that if our people had him they would not hurt\\nhim for his part, he said, he did not believe it, but desired to\\nknow ray opinion of the matter, but being at the time in great\\nanguish and distress for the torments the Colonel was suffer-\\ning before my eyes, as well as the expectation of undergoing\\nthe same fate in two days, 1 made little or no answer, lie\\nexpressed a great deal of ill-will for Colonel Gibson, and said\\nhe was one of his greatest enemies, and more to the same\\npurpose, to all which 1 paid very little attention.\\nColonel Crawford, at tliis period of his suliering, besought\\nthe Almighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very low, and\\nbore his torments with the most manly fortitude. He con-\\ntinued in all the extremities of pain for an hour and three\\nquarters or two hours longer, as near as I can judge, when at\\nlast, being almost exhausted, he lay down on his belly they\\nthen .scalped him, and repeatedly threw the scalp in my face,\\ntelling mc, that was my great captain. An old squaw\\n(whose appearance every way answered the ideas people en-\\ntertain of the Devil,) got a board, took a parcel ot coals and\\nashes and laid them on his back and head, after he had been\\n.scalped: ho then rait^ed himself upon his feet and began to\\nwalk round the post they next put a burning stick to him as\\nusual, but he seemed more insensible of pain than before.\\nThe Indian fellow who had me in charge, now took me\\naway to Captain Pipe s house, about three quarters of a mile\\nfrom the place of the Colonel s execution. I was bound all\\nnight, and thus prevented from seeing the last of the horrid", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "1782. Treatment of the Moravians hy the British. 265\\nspectacle. Next morning, being June 12tli, the Indian untied\\nme, painted me black, and we set oif forthe Shawanese town,\\nwhich he told me was somewhat less than forty miles distant\\nfrom that place. We soon came to the spot where the Colonel\\nhad been burnt, as it was partly in our way I saw his bones\\nlying amongst the remains of the fire, almost burnt to ashes\\nI suppose after he was dead they laid his body on the\\nfire. The Indian told me that was my big Captain, and gave\\nthe scalp halloo.\\nIn strange, but pleasant contrast to the treatment of the s\\nChristian Indians upon the Muskingum, we have to record\\nnext, the conduct of the Biitish toward their religious leaders\\nduring this same spring. Girty, who early in the season had\\nled a band of Wyandots against the American frontiers, had\\nleft orders to have Ileckewelder and his comrades driven like\\nbeasts from Sandusky, where they had wintered, to Detroit\\nspecially enjoining brutality toward them. But his agents, or\\nrather those of the English commandant in the West, together\\nwith the traders who were called upon to aid in their removal,\\ndistinguished themselves by kindness and consideration, aid-\\ning the missionaries on their march, defending the captives\\nfrom the outrageous brutality of Girty, who overtook them at\\nLower Sandusky, and who swore he would have their lives,;\\nand at length re-uniting them to their surviving disciples, at a\\nsettlement upon the river Huron.*\\nIt was in March that Williamson s campaign took place,\\nand during the same month the Moravians were taken to\\nMichigan. It was in that month, also,-j- that an event took\\nplace in Kentucky, near the present town of Mt. Sterling, in\\nMontgomery county, which has been dwelt upon with more\\ninterest, by her historians, than almost any other of equal un-\\nimportance we refer to Estill s defeat by a party of Wyan-\\ndots. The interest of this skirmish arose from the equality of\\nnumbers on the two sides the supposed cowardice of Miller,\\nEstill s lieutenant, who was sent to outflank the savages and\\nthe consequent death of the leader, a brave and popular man.\\nIts effect upon the settlers was merely to excite a deeper hos-\\ntility toward the Indian races.\\nHeckeweldtr s Naxrativc, 308, 329-.349.\\nI Marshall (i. 126) says May; we follow Chief Justice Eobertson, quoted hy Butler (124\\nnote) who says March 22. See also Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, 1. 3. This is a detailed\\naccount.\\n17", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "266 Defeat of Colonel Laughery. 1782.\\nNor did the red men, on their part, show any signs of losing\\ntheir animosity. Elliot, McKee and Girty urged them on,\\nwith a fury that is not easy to account for.\\nAgain the woods teemed with savages, and no one was\\nsafe from attack beyond the walls of a station. The influence\\nof the British, and the constant pressure of the Long Knives\\nupon the red-men, had produced a union of the various tribes\\nof the north-west, who seemed to be gathering again to strike\\na fatal blow at the frontier settlements, and had they been led\\nby a Philip, a Pontiac, or a Tecumthe, it is impossible to esti-\\nmate the injury they might have inflicted.\\nIt was the same spring, that the calamitous defeat of Col-\\nonel Archibald Laughery occurred. This gentleman had been\\nrequested, by Colonel Clark, to raise one hundred volunteers\\nin the county of Westmoreland, Pa., to aid him again.st the\\nOhio Indians. The company was raised principally at his\\nown expense, and he also provided the outfit and munitions\\nfor the expedition. In this he was aided by the late Robert\\nOrr, by birth an Irishman, but who manifested a deep and\\ngenerous interest in his adopted country. Mr. Orr was one of\\nthe oflicers, and next in command under Colonel Laugh-\\nery.\\nThere were one hundred and seven men in the expedition,\\nwho proceeded in boats down the Ohio, to meet General\\nClark, at the Falls. At the mouth of a creek in the south-\\neastern part of Indiana, that bears the name of the com-\\nmander, the boats were attacked by the Indians. Of the\\nwhole detachment, not one escaped. Colonel Laughery\\nwas killed, and most of his oflicers. Captain Orr, who com-\\nmanded a company, had his arm broken with a ball. The\\nwounded, who were unable to travel, were di-spatched with\\nthe tomahawk, and the few who escaped with their lives,\\nwere driven through the wilderness to Sandusky. Captain\\nOrr was taken to Detroit, where he lay in the hospital for\\nseveral months, and, with the remnant w ho lived, was ex-\\nchanged, in the spring of 1783. On the 13th of July, while\\nMr. Orr was in captivity, Ilannahstown, in Westmoreland\\ncounty, where his wife and children resided, was attacked and\\nburnt by the Indians, and his house and all his property de-\\nstroyed. Captain Orr, subsequently, was one of the associate\\nJudges of the county, maintained a highly respectable char-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "1782. Attack on Bryanfs Station. 267\\nacter, and died in 1833, in the eighty-ninth year of his\\nage.*\\nJune and July passed, however, and August was half gone\\nand still the anticipated storm had not burst upon the pioneers\\nin its full force, when, upon the night of the 14th of the latter\\nmonth, the main body of the Indians, five or six hundred in\\nnumber, gathered, silent as the shadows, round Bryant s sta-\\ntion, a post on the bank of the Elkhorn, about five miles from\\nLexington. The garrison of this post had heard, on the even-\\ning of the 14th, of the defeat of a party of whites not far dis-\\ntant, and during that night were busy in preparations to\\nmarch, with day-break, to the assistance of their neighbors.\\nAll night long their preparations continued, and what little\\nsound the savages made as they approached, was unheard\\namid the comparative tumult within. Day stole through the\\nforest; the woodsmen rose from their brief slumbers, took\\ntheir arms, and were on the point of opening their gates to*\\nmarch, when the crack of rifles, mingled with yells and howls,\\ntold them, in an instant, how narrowly they had escaped cap-\\ntivity or death. Rushing to the loop-holes and crannies, they\\nsaw about a hundred red-men, firing and gesticulating in full\\nview of the fort. The young bloods, full of rage at Estill s\\nsad defeat, wished instantly to rush forth upon the attackers,\\nbut there was something in the manner of the Indians so pe-\\nculiar, that the older heads at once suspected a trick, and\\nlooked anxiously to the opposite side of the fort, where they\\njudged the main body of the enemy were probably concealed.\\nNor were they deceived. The savages were led by Simon\\nGirty. This white savage had proposed, by an attack upon\\none side of the station with a small part of his force, to draw\\nout the garrison, and then intended, with the main body, to\\nfall upon the other side, and secure the fort but his plan was\\ndefeated by the over-acting of his red allies, and the sagacity\\nof his opponents. These opponents, however, had still a sad\\ndifliculty to encounter; the fort was not supplied with water,\\nand the spring was at some distance, and in the immediate\\nvicinity of the thicket in which it was supposed the main\\nforce of the Indians lay concealed. The danger of going or\\nsending for water was plain, the absolute necessity of having\\nDay s Historical Collections of Pennsylvania, p. 97 MS. Letters of Robert Orr, Esq.,\\nof Pittsburgh.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Ed.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "268 Attack on BnjanVs Station. 1782.\\nit was equally so and how it could be procured, was a ques-\\ntion which made many a head shake, many a heart sink. At\\nlength a plan, equally sagacious and bold, was hit upon, and\\ncarried into execution by as great an exertion of womanly\\npresence of mind as can, perhaps, be found on record. If the\\nsavages were, as was supposed, concealed near the spring, it\\nwas believed they would not show themselves until they had\\nreason to believe their trick had succeeded, and the garrison\\nhad left the fort on the other side. It was, therefore, proposed\\nto all the females to go with their buckets to the spring, fill\\nthem, and return to the fort, before any sally was made\\nagainst the attacking party. The danger to which they must\\nbe exposed was not to be concealed, but it was urged upon\\nthem that this must be done, or all perish and that if they\\nwere steady, the Indians would not molest them and to the\\nhonor of their sex be it said, they went forth in a body, and\\ndirectly under five hundred rifles, filled their buckets, and re-\\nturned in such a manner as not to suggest to the quick-sighted\\nsavages that their presence in the thicket was suspected.\\nThis done, a small number of the garrison were sent forth\\nagainst the attackers, with orders to multiply their numbers\\nto the ear by constant firing, while the main body of the\\nwhites took their places to repel the anticipated rush of those\\nin concealment. The plan succeeded perfectly. The whole\\nbody of Indians rushed from their ambuscade as they heard\\nthe firing upon the opposite side of the fort, and were received\\nby a fair, well-directed discharge of all the rifles left within\\nthe station. Astonished and horror-stricken, the assailants\\nturned to the forest again as quickly as they had left it, having\\nlost many of their number.\\nIn the morning, as soon as the presence of the Indians was\\nascertained, and before their numbers were suspected, two\\nmessengers had broken through their line, bearing to Lexing-\\nton tidings of the seige of Bryant s station, and asking suc-\\ncors. These succors came about two in the afternoon sixteen\\nmen being mounted, and thirty or more on foot. The savages\\nexpected their arrival, and prepared to destroy them, but the\\nhorsemen, by rapiti riding, and enveloped in dust, reached the\\nfort unharmed, and of the footmen, after an hour s hard fight-\\ning, only two were killed and four wounded. The Indian s\\ncourage rarely supports him through long-continued exertion", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "1782. Attack on Bryant s Station.. 269\\nand Girty found his men so far disheartened by their failures\\nthat of the morning in the attempt to take the fort, and that\\nin the afternoon to destroy the troops from Lexington that\\nbefore night they talked of abandoning the seige. This\\ntheir leader was very unwilling to do and thinking he\\nmight scare the garrison into surrender, he managed to get\\nwithin speaking distance, and there, from behind a large\\nstump, commenced a parley. He told the white men who he\\nwas assured thera of his great desire that they should not\\nsuffer; and informing them that he looked hourly for rein-\\nforcements with cannon, against which they could not hope\\nto hold out, begged them to surrender at once if they did so,\\nno one should be hurt, but if they waited till the cannon came\\nup, he feared they would all fall victims. The garrison look-\\ned at one another with uncertainty and fear against cannon\\nthey could do nothing, and cannon had been used in 1780.\\nSeeing ihe effect of Girty s speech, and disbelieving every\\nword of it, a young man, named Reynolds, took it upon him-\\nself to answer the renegade. You need not be so particu-\\nlar, he cried, to tell us your name we know your name,\\nand you too. I ve had a villanous, untrustworthy cur-dog,\\nthis long while, named Simon Girty, in compliment to you\\nhe s so like you -just as ugly and just as wicked. As to the\\ncannon, let them come on the country s roused, and the\\n.scalps of your red cut-throats, and your own too, will be dry-\\ning on our cabins in twenty-four hours. And if by any\\nchance, you or your allies do get into the fort, we ve a big\\nstore of rods laid in on purpose to scourge you out again.\\nThe method taken by Reynolds was much more effectual\\nthan any argument with his comrades would have been, and\\nGirty had to return to the Indian council-fire unsuccessful.\\nBut he and the chiefs well knew that though their reinforce-\\nments and cannon were all imaginary, the expected aid of the\\nwhites was not. Boone, Todd, and Logan would soon be\\nupon them the ablest and boldest of the pioneers would cut\\nthem off from a retreat to the Ohio, and their destruction\\nwould be insured. On the other hand, if they now began to\\nretire, and were pursued, as they surely would be, they could\\nchoose their own ground, and always fight with their way home\\nclear behind them. All night they lay still, their fires burning,\\nbut when day broke, the whole body of savages was gone.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "270 Bailie of the Blue Licks. 1782.\\nBy noon of the ISth of August, about one hundred and\\neighty men had gathered at Bryant s station among them\\nwere Boone and his son. After counting the fires, and notic-\\ning other signs, they determined on immediate pursuit, with-\\nout waiting for the arrival of Colonel Logan and his party\\naccordingly, on the 18th, the whole body set forward under the\\ncommand of Colonel John Todd. The trail of the savages\\nwas as plain as could be Vished indeed, to Boone and the\\nmore reflecting, it was clear that the retiring army had taken\\npains to make it so, and our sagacious woodsmen at once\\nconcluded that a surprise at some point was intended, and\\nthat point Boone was confident was the Lower Blue Licks,\\nwhere the nature of the ground eminently favored such a plan.\\nWith great caution the little army proceeded until, upon the\\nfollowing day, they reached the Licking river, at the point de-\\nsignated by Boone as the one where an attack might be ex-\\npected and as they came in sight of the opposite bank, they\\ndiscovered upon its bare ridge a few Indians, who gazed at\\nthem a moment and then passed into the ravine beyond. The\\nhills about the Blue Licks are even now almost wholly with-\\nout wood, and the scattered cedars which at present lend\\nthem some green, did not exist in 1782. As you ascend the\\nridge of the hill above the spring, you at last reach a point\\nwhere two ravines, thickly wooded, run down from the bare\\nground to the right and left, affording a place of conceaJment\\nfor a very large body of men, who could thence attack on\\nfront and flank and rear, any who were pursuing the main\\ntrace along the higher ground in these ravines, Boone, who\\nwas looked to by the commanders for counsel, said that the\\nIndians were probably hidden. He proposed, therefore, that\\nthey should send a part of their men to cross the Licking far-\\nther up, and fall upon the Indians in the rear, while the re-\\nmaining troops attacked them in front. While Boone s plan\\nwas under discussion by the officers of the pursuing party,\\nMajor Hugh McGary, according to the common account,\\nbroke from the council, and called upon the troops who\\nwere not cowards to follow him, and thus collecting a band,\\nwent without order, and against orders, into the action, and\\nin consequence of this act a general pursuit of officers and\\nmen took place, more to save the desperate men that follow-\\ned McGary, than from a hope of a successful fight with the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "1782, Battle of the Blue Licks. 271\\nIndians. [The late Col. Benj. Cooper, of Missouri, who was\\nin the action, makes this statement. Col, Boone, in a letter\\nto the Governor of Virginia, dated August 30th, 1782, gives\\nthe following particulars.] We formed our columns into\\none single line, and marched up in their front within about\\nforty yards before there was a gun fired. Colonel Trigg com-\\nmanded on the right, myself on the left, Major McGary in the\\ncentre, and Major Harlan the advance party in the front.\\nFrom the manner in which we had formed, it fell to my lot to\\nbring on the attack. This was done with a very heavy fire\\non both sides, and extended back of the line to Col, Trigg,\\nwhere the enemy was so strong that they rushed up and broke\\nthe right wing at the first fire. Thus the enemy got in our\\nrear, and we were compelled to retreat, with the loss of\\nseventy-seven of our men and twelve wounded. Nor is the\\nimpression of this passage altered by the statement of the\\nsame keen pioneer, as given in his account of his adventures.\\nThere he says The savages observing us, gave way, and\\nwe, being ignorant of their numbers, passed the river. When\\nthe enemy saw our proceedings, having greatly the advantage\\nof us in situation, they formed the line of battle, from one\\nbend of Licking to the other, about a mile from the Blue Licks.\\nAn exceeding fierce battle immediately began, for about fif-\\nteen minutes, when we, being overpowered by numbers, were\\nobliged to retreat, with the loss of sixty-seven men, seven of\\nwhom were taken prisoners. Governor Morehead, however,\\nhas derived frorn the accounts of eye-witnesses, received\\nthrough R. Wickliffe, some particulars, which, if correct, will\\nreconcile most of the common story with Boone s statement,\\nand these we give in the words of his address leaving our\\nreaders to judge, first, as to the probability that Boone would\\nentirely omit all reference to the conduct of McGary and,\\nsecond, as to the likelihood of McGary and his followers paus-\\ning when once under way. It is also to be noticed that Col-\\nCooper, Marshal and Stipp, say nothing of the pause alluded\\nto.\\nScarcely had Boone submitted his opinions, when Major\\nMcGary raised the war-whoop, and spurring his horse into\\nthe river, called vehemently upon all who were not cowards\\nto follow him, and he would show them the enemy. Presently\\nthe army was in motion. The greater part suffered them-\\nselves to be led by McGary the remainder, perhaps a third", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "272 Battle of the Blue Licks. 1782.\\nof the whole number, lingered a while with Todd and Boone\\nin council. All at length passed over, and at Boone s sugges-\\ntion, the commanding officer ordered another halt. The pio-\\nneer then proposed, a second time, that the army should\\nremain where it was, until an opportunity was afforded to re-\\nconnoitre the suspected region. So reasonable a proposal\\nwas acceded to, and two bold but experienced men were\\nselected, to proceed from the Lick along the Buflalo to a point\\nhalf a mile beyond the ravines, where the road branched off\\nin different directions. They were instructed to examine the\\ncountry with the utmost care on each side of the road, espe-\\ncially the spot where it passed between the ravines, and upon\\nthe first appearance of the enemy to repair in haste to the\\narmy. The spies discharged the dangerous and responsible\\ntask. They crossed over the ridge proceeded to the place\\ndesignated beyond it, and returned in safety, without having\\nmade any discovery. No trace of the enemy was to be seen.\\nThe little army of one hundred and eighty two men now\\nmarched forward Colonel Trigg was in command of the\\nright wing, Boone of the left, McGary in the centre, and\\nMajor Harlan with the party in front.*\\n[After this disastrous defeat, the sorest calamity that ever\\nbefel Kentucky, those who escaped, on foot, plunged into the\\nthickets, and made their way to Bryant s station, thirty-six\\nmiles distant, and the nearest place of shelter.\\nColonel Logan, and his party, was met by the fugitives,\\nwithin six miles of the station, to which he returned until the\\nmost had arrived. Of the one hundred and eighty-two per-\\nsons who went out to the battle, about one-third were killed,\\ntwelve wounded, and seven carried off prisoners, who were\\nput to the torture when they reached the Indian towns.]\\nIn this short, but severe action, Todd, Trigg, Ilarlan, and\\nBoone s son, all fell. It was a sad day for Kentucky. The\\nfeelings and fears of the Fayette county settlers may be\\nguessed from the following extract from Boone s letter to Vir-\\nginia when he felt anxiety, what must they have suffered\\nBy the signs, we thought the Indians had exceeded four\\nhundred; while the whole of the militia of this county does\\nnot amount to more than one hundred and thirty. From these\\nfacts, your Excellency may form an idea of our situation. I\\nknow that your own circumstances are critical, but are we to\\nbe wholly forgotten? I hope not. I trust about five Iiundrcd\\nmen may be sent to our assistance immediately. If these\\nshall be stationed as our county lieutenants shall deem ne-\\nMorehead g Address, p. 99.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "1782. Treaty of Peace. 273\\ncessary, it may be the means of saving our part of the coun-\\ntry but if they are placed under the direction of General\\nClark, they will be of little or no service to our settlement.\\nThe Falls lie one hundred miles west of us, and the Indians\\nnorth-east; while our men are frequently called to protect\\nthem. I have encouraged the people in this county all that\\nI could, but I can no longer justify them or myself to risk our\\nlives here under such extraordinary hazard?. The inhabitants\\nof this county are very much alarmed at the thoughts of the\\nIndians bringing another campaign into our country this fall.\\nIf this should be the case, it will break up these settlements.\\nI hope, therefore, your Excellency will take the matter into\\nyour consideration, and send us some relief as quick as possi-\\nble.*\\nClark, of course, soon learned how severe a blow had been\\nstruck by the northern savages, and determined, as soon as\\npossible, again to lead an expedition into the Miami valleys.\\nIt was the last of September, however, before a thousand men\\ncould be gathered at the mouth of the Licking, whence they\\nmarched northward. But their coming, though expeditious\\nand secret, was discovered by the natives, and the towns on the\\nMiamies and Mad River abandoned to their fate. The crops\\nwere again destroyed, the towns burned, the British store,\\n(Loramie s) with its goods annihilated, and a few prisoners\\ntaken, but no engagement of any consequence took place.f\\nSuch, however, appears to have been the impression made\\nby Clark upon the Shawanese, that no large body of Indians,\\nthenceforward, invaded the territory south of the Ohio,\\nIn November, after the return of the Kentucky troops,\\nMessrs. May and Marshall opened their land offices, and the\\nscramble for choice locations began again, and in a way\\nwhich laid the foundation for infinite litigation and heart-\\nburning.\\n[The defeat of the British army at Yorktown, Virginia, and\\nthe capture of Lord Cornwallis, prepared the way for prelimi-\\nnaries of peace with Great Britain, and put a check upon\\ntheir Indian allies.]\\nUpon the 30th of November, 1782, provisional articles of\\npeace had been arranged at Paris, between the Commissioners\\nof England and her unconquerable colonies. Upon the 20th\\n*See Moreliead s Address, p. 173.\\nt Clark s lett.r ia Butler, 2d edition, 536; also in Almon s RemembraBcer, for 178.3,\\npart ii. p. 93.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "274 Land Speculation Sti-onger than Law. 1783-\\nof the January following, hostilities ceased; on the 19th of\\nApril the anniversary of the battle of Lexington peace\\nwas proclaimed to the army of the United States, and on the\\n3d of the next September, the definite treaty which ended our\\nrevolutionary struggle was concluded. Of that treaty we\\ngive so much as relates to the boundaries of the West.\\nThe line on the north was to pass along the middle of\\nLake Ontario, to the Niagara river thence along the middle\\nof said communication into Lake Erie, through the middle of\\nsaid lake, until it arrives at the water communication between\\nthat lake and Lake Superior; thence through Lake Superior,\\nnorthward to the isles Royal and Philipeaux, to the Long\\nLake; thence through the middle of the said Long Lake, and\\nthe water communication between it and the Lake of the\\nWoods, to the said Lake of the Woods thence through the\\nsaid lake, to the most north-western point thereof; and, from\\nthence, on a due west course, to the river Mississippi thence,\\nby a line to be drawn along the middle of the said river Mis-\\nsissippi, until it shall intersect the northernmost part of the\\nthirty-first degree of north latitude. South by a line to be\\ndrawn due east from the determination of the line last men-\\ntioned, in the latitude of thirty-one degrees north of the equa-\\ntor, to the middle of the river Apalachicola or Chatahouche\\nthence along the middle thereof, to its junction with the Flint\\nriver thence straight to the head of St. Mary s river and\\nthence, down along the middle of St. Mary s river, to the At-\\nlantic Ocean.\\nBut the cessation of hostilities with England, was not,\\nnecessarily, the cessation of warfare with the native tribes\\nand while all hoped that the horrors of the border contests in\\nthe W^est, were at an end, none competent to judge, failed to\\nsee the probability of a continued and violent struggle, Vir-\\nginia, at an early period, (in October, 1779,) had, by law, dis-\\ncouraged all settlements on the part of her citizens, northwest\\nof the Ohio but the spirit of land speculation was stronger\\nthan law, and the prospect of peace gave new energy to that\\nspirit and how to throw open the immense region beyond the\\nmountains, without driving the natives to desperation, was a\\nproblem which engaged the ablest minds. Washington, upon\\nthe 7th of September, 1783, writing to James Duane, in Con-\\nRevised Statutes of Virginia, by B. Watkins Leigh, ii. 378.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "1783. Settlements Restricted. 273\\ngress, enlarged upon the difficulties which lay before that body\\nin relation to public lands. He pointed out the necessity\\nwhich existed for making the settlements compact and pro-\\nposed that it should be made even felony to settle or survey\\nlands west of a line to be designated by Congress which line,\\nhe added, might extend from the mouth of the Great Miami to\\nMad river, thence to Fort Miami on the Maumee, and thence\\nnorthward so as to include Detroit or, perhaps, from the Fort\\ndown the river to Lake Erie. He noticed the propriety of ex-\\ncluding the Indian Agents from all share in the trade with the\\nred men, and showed the wisdom of forbidding all purchases\\nof land from the Indians, except by the sovereign power,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Con-\\ngress, or the State Legislature, as the case might be. Unless\\nsome such stringent measures were adopted, he prophecied re-\\nnewed border wars, which would end only after great expendi-\\nture of money and of life.* But before the Congress of the\\nColonies could take any efficient steps to secure the West, it\\nwas necessary that those measures of cession which commen-\\nced in 1780-81, should be completed. New York had, condi-\\ntionally, given up her claims on the 1st of March, 1781, -f- and\\nCongress had accepted her deed, but Virginia, as we have\\nsaid, had required from the United States, a guarantee of the\\nterritories retained by her, which they were not willing to\\ngive, and no acceptance of her provision to cede had taken\\nplace. Under these circumstances. Congress, upon the 18th\\nof April, again pressed the necessity of cessions, and, upon\\nthe 13th of September, six days after Washington s letter\\nabove referred to, stated the terms upon which they would re-\\nceive the proposals of the Ancient Dominion.^ To these terms\\nthe Virginians acceded, and, upon the 20th of December, au-\\nthorized their delegates to make a deed to the United States\\nof all their right in the territory northwest of the river Ohio,\\nUpon condition, that the territory so ceded shall be laid out\\nand formed into States, containing a suitable extent of terri-\\ntory, not less than one hundred, nor more than one hundred\\nand fifty miles square, or as near thereto as circumstances will\\nadmit and that the States so formed shall be distinct repub-\\nlican States, and admitted members of the Federal Union,\\nhaving the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and indepen-\\ndence, as the other States.\\nSparks Washington, viii. 477. f Land Laws, 95. Old Journal^, iv. 189-267.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "276 Terms of Cession hy Virginia. 1778.\\nThat the reasonable and necessary expenses incurred by\\nthis State in subduing any British posts, or in maintaining\\nforts and garrisons within, and for the defence, or in acquiring\\nany part of the territory so ceded or relinquished, shall be\\nfully reimbursed by the U. States; and that one Commissioner\\nshall be appointed by Congress, one by this Commonwealth,\\nand another by those two Commissioners, who, or a majority\\nof them, shall be authorized and empowered to adjust and\\nliquidate the account of the necessary and reasonable expen-\\nses incurred by this State, which they shall judge to be com-\\nprised within the intent and meaning of the act of Con-\\ngress of the tenth of October, one thousand seven hundred\\nand eighty, respecting such expenses. That the French and\\nCanadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the Kaskaskies, St.\\nVincents, and the neighboring villages, who have profe.ssed\\nthemselves citizens of Virginia, shall have their possessions\\nand titles confirmed to them, and be protected in the enjoy-\\nment of their rights and liberties. That a quantity not ex-\\nceeding one hundred and fifty thousand acres of land, promised\\nby this State, shall be allowed and granted to the then Colo-\\nnel, now General George Rogers Clark, and to the ofilcers and\\nsoldiers of his regiment, who marched with him when the\\nposts of Kaskaskies, and St. Vincents were reduced, and to\\nthe officers and soldiers that have since been incorporated into\\nthe said regiment, to be laid off in one tract, the length of\\nwhich not to exceed double the breadth, in such place, on the\\nnorthwest side of the Ohio, as a majority of the otficers shall\\nchoose, and to be afterwards divided among the said officers\\nand soldiers in due proportion, according to the laws of Vir-\\nginia. That in case the quantity of good land on the south-\\neast side of the Ohio, upon the waters of the Cumberland\\nriver, and between the Green river and Tennessee river, which\\nhave been reserved by law for the Virginia troops upon conti-\\nnental establishment, should, from the North Carolina line, bear-\\ning in further upon the Cumberland lands than was expected,\\nprove insufficient for their legal bounties, the deficiency should\\nbe made up to the said troops, in good lands, to be laid off be-\\ntween the rivers Scioto and Little Miami, on the north-west\\nside of the river Ohio, in such proportions as have been enga-\\nged to them by the laws of Virginia. That all the lands with-\\nin the territory so ceded to the United States, and not reserved\\nfor, or appropriated to, any of the before mentioned purposes,\\nor disposed of in bounties to the officers and soldiers of the\\nAmerican army, shall be considered a common fund for the\\nuse and benefit of such of the United States as have become,\\nor shall become, members of the confederation or federal al-\\nliance of the .said States, Virginia inclusive, according to their\\nusual respective proportions in the general charge and ex-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "1784. Instructions to Indian Commissioners. 277\\npenditure, and shall be faithfully and bona fide disposed of for\\nthat purpose, and for no other use or purpose whatsoever.*\\nAnd, in agreement with these conditions, a deed was made\\nMarch 1, 1784. But it was not possible to wait the final ac-\\ntion of Virginia, before taking some steps to soothe the In-\\ndians, and extinguish their title. On the 22d of September,\\ntherefore, Congress forbade all purchases of, or settlements on,\\nIndian lands,f and on the 15th of October, the Commissioners\\nto treat with the natives were instructed,\\n1st. To require the delivery of all prisoners\\n2d. To inform the Indians of the boundaries between the\\nBritish possessions and the United States\\n3d. To dwell upon the fact that the red men had not been\\nfaithful to their agreements\\n4. To negotiate for all the land east of the line proposed\\nby Washington, namely, from the mouth of the Great Miami\\nto Mad river, thence to Fort Miami on the Maumee, and thence\\ndown the Maumee to the Lake\\n5th. To hold, if possible, one convention with all the tribes:\\n7th. To learn all they could respecting the French of Kas-\\nkaskia, c.\\n8th. To confirm no grants by the natives to individuals;\\nand,\\n9th. To look after American stragglers beyond the Ohio, to\\nsignify the displeasure of Congress at the invasion of the In-\\ndian lands, and to prevent all further intrusions. Upon the\\n19th of the following March, the 4th and 5th of these instruc-\\ntions were entirely changed, at the suggestion of a committee\\nheaded by IMr. Jefierson the western boundary line being\\nmade to run due north from the lowest point of the Falls of\\nthe Ohio, to the northern limits of the United States, and the\\nCommissioners being told to treat with the nations at various\\nplaces and different times.J\\nMeanwhile steps had been taken by the Americans to ob-\\ntain possession of Detroit and the other western posts, bat in\\nvain. Upon the 12th of July, Washington had sent Baron\\nSee Land Laws, p. 98.\\nt Old Journals, iv. 275.\\nt Secret Journals, i. 225, 261, 264,", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "J78 Efforts to obtain the Western Posts. 1784.\\nSteuben to Canada for that purpose, with orders, if he found\\nit advisable, to embody the French of Michigan into a militia\\nand place the fort at Detroit in their hands. But when the\\nBaron presented himself near Quebec, General Haldimand,\\nwhile he received him very politely, refused the necessary\\npassports, saying that he had received no orders to deliver up\\nthe posts along the Lakes. This measure failing, one Cassaty,\\na native of Detroit, was sent thither in August to learn the\\nfeelings of the people, and to do what he might to make the\\nAmerican side popular.* About the same time, Virginia,\\nhaving no longer any occasion for a western army, and being\\nsadly pressed for money, withdrew^ her commission from\\nGeorge Rogers Clark, with thanks, however, -for his very\\ngreat and singular services.\\n[This dismission was on the 2d July, 1783, and Benjamin\\nHarrison, the Governor of Virginia, wrote to General Clark\\na letter from which we give the following extract.\\nThe conclusion of the war, and the distressed situation of\\nthe State, with respect to its finances, call on us to adopt the\\nmost prudent economy. It is for this reason alone, I have\\ncome to a determination to give over all thoughts for the\\npresent of carrying on ofTensive war against the Indians,\\nwhich you will easily perceive will render the services of a\\ngeneral otficer in that quarter unnecessary, and will, there-\\nfore, consider yourself out of command. But, before I take\\nleave of you, Tfeel myself called upon, in the most forcible\\nmanner, to return you my thanks, and those of my Council,\\nfor the very great and singular services you have rendered\\nyour country, in wresting so great and valuable a territory\\nout of the hands of the British enemy, repelling the attacks\\nof their savage allies, and carrying on successful war in the\\nheart of their country. This tribute of praise and thanks, so\\njustly due, I am happy to communicate to you as the united\\nvoice of the executive.\\nClark, and his soldiers, in the distribution of lands were\\nnot forgotten either, and, in October, a tract of one hundred\\nand fifty thousand acres of land was granted them north of\\nthe Ohio, to be located where they pleased they chose the\\nregion opposite the Falls, and the town of Clarksville was\\nthen founded.\\nSecret .Tournn s, i, 225. 261, 264.\\nt Spuvk^ Washington, viii. 463, 470.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall (i. 175,) gives the letters of Steuben\\nand llitUlimnnd.\\nt Bul cr, 21 edition, 400. Dillon s Indiana, i. 195.\\nI Revised Statutes of Virginia, by G. W. Leigh, ii. 405.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "1784. Difficulties between Brita m and the United States. 279\\nWhile these various steps, bearing upon the interest of the\\nwhole West, were taken by Congress, Washington and the As-\\nsembly of Virginia, Kentucky herself was organizing upon a\\nnew basis Virginiahaving united the three counties, with their\\nseparate courts, into one district, having a court of common\\nlaw and chancery for the whole territory that now forms the\\nState, and to this district lestored the for-a-time-discarded\\nname, Kentucky. The sessions of the court thus organized\\nresulted in the foundation of Danville, which in consequence\\nfor a season became the centre and capital of the District.*\\nIt might have been reasonably hoped that peace with the\\nmother country would have led to comparative prosperity\\nwithin the newly formed nation. But such was not the case.\\nCongress had no power to compel the States to fulfil the pro-\\nvisions of the treaty which had been concluded, and Britain\\nwas not willing to comply on her side with all its terms, until\\nevidence was given by the other party that no infraction of\\ntljem was to be feared from the rashness of democratic lead-\\ners. Among the provisions of that treaty were the follow-\\ning\\nArt. 4. It is agreed that creditors on either side shall meet\\nwith no lawful impediment to the recovery of the full value,\\nin sterling money, of all bona fide deb.ts heretofore contracted.\\nArt. 5. It is agreed that the Congress shall earnestly re-\\ncommend it to the Legislatures of the respective States, to\\nprovide for the restitution of all estates, rights, and proper-\\nties, which have been confiscated, belonging to real British\\nsubjects, and also of the estates, rights, and properties of per-\\nsons resident in districts in the possession of his Majesty s\\narms, and who have not borne arms against the said United\\nStates. And that persons of any other description shall have\\nfree liberty to go to any part or parts of any of the thirteen\\nUnited States, and therein to remain twelve months, unmo-\\nlested in their endeavors to obtain the restitution of such of\\ntheir estates, rights and properties, as may have been confis-\\ncated; and that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to\\nthe several States a reconsideration and revision of all acts or\\nlaws regarding the premises, so as to render the said laws or\\nacts perfectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but\\nwith that spirit of conciliation which, on the return of the\\nblessings of peace, should universally prevail. And that Con-\\ngress shall also earnestly recommend to the several States,\\nthat the estates, rights and properties, of such last mentioned\\n^Marshall, p. 159.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "280 Provisions of Trcaly of Peace. 1784.\\npersons, shall be restored to them, they refunding to any per-\\nsons who may now be in possession, the bona fide price\\n(where any has been given) which such persons may have\\npaid on purchasing any of the said lands, rights or properties,\\nsince the confiscation. And it is agreed that all persons who\\nhave any interest in confiscated lands, either by debts, niarriage\\nsettlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful impedi-\\nment in the prosecution of their just rights.\\nArt. 6. That there shall be no future confiscations made,\\nnor any prosecutions commenced against any person or per-\\nsons for, or by reason of, the part which he or they may have\\ntaken in the present war; and that no person shall, on that\\naccount, suffer any future loss or damage, either in his person,\\nliberty or property and that those who may be in confine-\\nment on such charges, at the time of the ratification of the\\ntreatv in America, shall be immediately set at liberty, and the\\nprosecutions so commenced be discontinued.\\nArt. 7. There shall be a firm and perpetual peace between\\nhis Britannic Majesty and the said States, and between the\\nsubjects of the one and the citizens of the other, wherefore,\\nall hostilities, both by sea and land, shall from hencefortjj\\ncease all prisoners, on both sides, shall be set at liberty\\nand his Britannic Majesty shall, with all convenient speed,\\nand without causing any destruction, or carrying away\\nany negroes or other property of the American inhabitants,\\nwithdraw all his armies, garrisons, and fleets, from the said\\nUnited States, and from every post, place, and harbor, within\\nthe same leaving in all fortifications the American artillery\\nthat may be therein and shall also order and cause all\\narchives, records, deeds, and papers, belonging to any of the\\nsaid States, or their citizens, which in the course of the war,\\nmay have fallen into the hands of his ofiicers, to be forthwith\\nrestored and delivered to the proper States and persons to\\nwhom they belong.*\\nThat these stipulations were wise and just, none, perhaps\\ndoubted but they opened a door for disputes, through which\\ntroubles enough swarmed in and vre may now, with as\\nmuch propriety as at any time, say the little that our limits\\nwill allow us to say, in reference to those disagreements be-\\ntween England and America, which, for so long a time kept\\nalive the hopes and enmities of the Indians, contending, as\\nthey were, for their native lands and the burial places of their\\nfathers. The origin of the ditficulty was an alleged infraction\\nof the provisional treaty, signed November 30th, 1782, on the\\npart of the British, who showed an intention to take away\\n*3cc Land Laws, p. 11.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "1784. Provisions of Treaty of Peace. 281\\nwith them from New York certain negroes claimed as the\\npropert}^ of the American inhabitants, none of which, by\\nthe terms both of that and the definitive treaty, was to be re-\\nmoved. Against this intention, Washington had remonstrat-\\ned, and Congress resolved in vain in reply to all remon-\\nstrances, it was said that the slaves were either booty taken\\nin war, and as such, by the laws of war, belonged to the cap-\\ntors, and could not come within the meaning of the treaty;\\nor, were freemen and could not be enslaved.* It was un-\\ndoubtedly true in regard to many of the negroes, that they\\nwere taken in war, and as such, (if property at all,) the booty\\nof the captors; but it was equally certain that another por-\\ntion of them consisted of runaways, and by the terms of the\\ntreaty, as the Americans all thought, should have been restor-\\ned or paid for. [This case was argued by the Hon. John Jay,\\nand its facts and principles clearly set forth. Washington\\nthought the British unfair and dishonest in their retention of\\nthe western posts, and considered the non-payment of their\\ndebts, by the Americans, as a mere pretext.!] It was\\nin x\\\\pril, 1783, that the purposes of England, in relation\\nto the negroes, became apparent in May, the Commander-\\nin-chief and Congress tried, as we have said, ineffectually,\\nto bring about a different course of action. Upon the third\\nof September, the definitive treaty was signed at Paris on\\nthe twenty-fifth of November, the British left New York,\\ncarrying the negroes claimed by the Americans with them\\nwhile upon the fourth of the following January, 1784, the\\ntreaty was ratified by the United States, and on the 9th of\\nApril by England. Under these circumstances Virginia and\\nseveral other States saw fit to decline compliance with the\\narticle respecting the recovery of debts; refused to repeal the-\\nlaws previously existing against British creditors and upon,\\nthe twenty-second of next June, after the ratification of peace\\nby both parties, the Old Dominion expressly declined to fulfil\\nthe treaty in its completeness. This refusal, or neglect, which,\\nwas equivalent to a refusal, on the part of the States to abide\\nstrictly by the treaty, caused England, on the other hand, to\\nretain possession of the western posts, and threatened to in-\\nvolve the two countries again in open warfare.\\nMarshall, i, 173.\\nt Secret Journals, iv. 275. Sparks Washington, iv. 163. 179.\\n18", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "282 Provisions of Treaty of Peace. 1784.\\nThe dispute, therefore, originated in a difference of opinion\\nbetween the parties as to the meaning of that part of the\\nseventh article, which relates to the carrying away ne-\\ngroes this was followed by a plain infraction of the fourth\\narticle on the part of the States and that by an equally plain\\nviolation of the provision in regard to evacuating the posts^\\n(article 7) on the side of Great Britain.\\n[The posts, or forts, were situated at Oswego, Niagara,\\nPresque Isle, (Erie,) Sandusky, Detroit, Michillimackinac, and\\nPrairie du Chein.]\\nIn March, 1785, John Adams was sent to England to re-\\nquire the withdrawal of his Majesty s armies from the posts\\nstill held by them. This requisition he made on the 8th of\\nthe following December and was told in reply that when the\\nfourth article was respected by the States, the seventh would\\nbe by England. These facts having been laid before Con-\\ngress, that body, in March, 1787, pressed upon the States the\\nnecessity of repealing all laws violating the treaty but Vir-\\nginia, in substance, refused to comply with the requisition re-\\nspecting British creditors, until the western forts were evac-\\nuated, and the slaves that had been taken, returned or paid\\nfor.*\\nFrom what has been said, it will be easily surmised that, to\\nthe request of Governor Clinton of New York, relative to the\\nabandonment of the posts within that state, as well as to the\\ndemand of Congress in the following July, for the possession\\nof all the strongholds along the lakes, General Haldimand\\nreplied, as he had done to Baron Steuben, 1 have received\\nno orders from his Majesty to deliver them up. t\\nWhile the condition of the western frontier remained thus\\nuncertain, settlers were rapidly gathering about the inland\\nforts. In the spring of this year, Pittsburgh, which had been\\nlong settled, and once before surveyed, was regularly laid out\\nunder the direction of Tench Francis, agent for the Messrs.\\nPenn, who, as adherents to England in the revolutionary\\nstruggle, had forfeited a large part of their possessions in\\nAmerica. The lots were soon sold, and improvements im-\\nmediately began; though, as would appear from the follow-\\ning extract from Arthur Lee s Journal, who passed through\\nSecret Journals, iv. 185 to 2S7.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pitkin, ii. 192 to 200.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall, i. 107 to 1S8.\\nt Marshall, i. 177, ic.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "1784. Settlements in Kentucky. 283\\nPittsburgh on his way to the Indian council at Fort Mcintosh,\\nit was not, late in its first year, very prepossessing or promis-\\ning in its appearance\\nPittsburgh is inhabited almost entirely by Scots and Irish,\\nwho live in paltry log-houses, and are as dirty as if in the\\nnorth of Ireland, or even Scotland. There is a great deal of\\ntrade carried on the goods being brought, at the vast expense\\nof forty-five shillings per hundred, from Philadelphia and Bal-\\ntimore. They take, in the shops, money, wheat, flour and\\nskins. There are in the town four attorneys, two doctors, and\\nnot a priest of any persuasion, nor church, nor chapel. The\\nrivers encroach fast on the town and to such a degree, that,\\nas a gentleman told me, the Allegheny had, within thirty\\nyears of his memory, carried away one hundred yards. The\\nplace, I believe, will never be very considerable.\\nThe detention of the western fortresses, however, though\\nof little moment to Pennsylvania, was a very serious evil to\\nthe more distant settlers of Kentucky. The northern savages\\nagain prepared their scalping knives, and the traders from\\nCanada, if not the agents ef the British government, urged\\nthem to harrass the frontiers.\\n[During this year of comparative peace and quiet, new set-\\ntlements were made in Kentucky, and a large increase added\\nto the population. Simon Kenton returned to the improve-\\nment he made in 1775, where Washington now stands in Ma-\\nson county, which soon became the nucleus of an extensive\\nsettlement. Here a block house was erected.\\nAt the Lower Blue Licks, the Messrs. Tanner had a small\\nsettlement the preceding year. Limestone (now Maysville)\\nbecame the place of landing for immigrants, and the route by\\nthe Blue Licks to Bryant s station and Lexington a thorough-\\nfare. An immense accession to the population was made by\\nimmigration in autumn, and consequently settlements were\\nmuch extended the ensuing winter and spring.f\\nThe population of all the settlements up to 1783, exceeded\\ntwelve thousand persons, and this number was augmented by\\nthe arrivals of the succeeding summer, to more than twenty\\nthousand.\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6American Pioneer, i. 30i.\\ntMarshall,i. 188, 195.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "284 Virginia Military Lands Surveyed. 1784.\\nMerchandize, from Philadelphia, was transported in wag-\\nons across the mountains to Pittsburgh, and from thence, on\\nkeel-boats and flats, floated down the Ohio to Limestone and\\nLouisville. A dry goods store was opened at Louisville, by\\nDaniel Brodhead, and the next year, another store was\\nopened, in Lexington, by Colonel James Wilkinson. In 1784,\\nLouisville contained sixty-three houses, finished; thirty-seven\\npartly finished twenty-two, raised, but not covered and\\nmore than one hundred log cabins.*\\nIn the autumn of 1781, Colonel Benjamin Logan, appre-\\nhending the Cherokees meditated an invasion of Kentucky,\\nmade a call for a convention of the citizens at Danville, to\\ntake measures for the defence of the country.]\\nAt this meeting the whole subject of the position and dan-\\nger of Kentucky was examined and discussed, and it was\\nagreed that a convention should meet in December, to adopt\\nsome measures for the security of the settlements in the wil-\\nderness. Upon the 27th of that month it met, nor was it long\\nbefore the idea became prominent that Kentucky must ask to\\nbe severed from Virginia, and leftj to her own guidance and\\ncontrol. But as no such conception was general, when the\\ndelegates to this first convention were chosen, they deemed it\\nbest to appoint a second, to meet during the next May, at\\nwhich was specially to be considered the topic most inter-\\nesting to those who were called on to think and vote a\\ncomplete separation from the parent state political indepen-\\ndence.f\\nIt was during 1784, also, that the military claimants of\\nland, under the laws of A^irginia, began their locations. All\\nthe territory between the Green and Cumberland rivers, ex-\\ncepting that granted to Henderson Co., was to be appro-\\npriated to soldiers of the parent state and when that was\\nexhausted, the lands north of the Ohio, between the Scioto\\nand Little Miami rivers. In 1783, the Continental Line had\\nchosen Colonel Richard C. Anderson principal surveyor on\\ntheir behalf, and on the 17th of December in that year, con-\\ncluded with him a contract, under which, upon the 20th of\\nthe following July, he opened his oflicc near Louisville; and\\n*MoncUe, ii, 143. Letters of an AmericaD Plan\u00c2\u00bber, from 1770 to 17SG, vol. iii. p- 422.\\nMarshall, i. 161.\\nt Marshall, i. 190 to 195.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "1784. Virginia Land Claims Surveyed. 285\\nentries at once began. The first entry north of the Ohio,\\nhowever, was not made until x\\\\ugust 1, 1787.*\\nTwo subjects, which in order of time belong to this year,\\nwe defer, the one to 1787, the other to 1785 the former is the\\nmeasure adopted by Congress for the government of the new\\nterritory the latter, the first treaty with the Indians relative\\nto the West.\\nMcDonald s Sketches, 22 to 24. He gives the contract. Also letter of W. M. Ander-\\nc in. (American Pioneer, i. 438.) The number of soldiers in the Virginia Continental\\nLine preyed to be 1124. (American State Papers, xriii. 535.)", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X.\\nWESTERN PROGRESS.\\nCession of tho North-western Territory by Virginia Treaties with the Indians Procla-\\nmation of Congress against settlers on Indian Lands Ordinance for Surveying the\\nPublic Lands Convention in Kentucky Negotiation with the Shawanese\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Council at\\nthe Mouth of the Great Miami Negotiations with Spain Groat Dissatisfaction in\\nthe West Company formed to settle Ohio.\\n[One of the most important events to the North-western\\nStates that occurred in 1784, was the cession by Virginia to\\nthe United States, of all claims to the country to the northwest\\nof the Ohio river. The names of the Commissioners, and an\\noutline of the conditions of the cession, we copy from Dillon s\\nHistorical Notes on Indiana, volume first, page 197.\\nOn the first day of March, 1784, Thomas Jefferson, Samuel\\nHardy, Arthur Lee, and James JMonroe, delegates in Congress\\non the part of Virginia, executed a deed of cession, by which\\nthey transferred to the United States, on certain conditions,\\nall right, title, and claim of Virginia to the country northwest\\nof the river Ohio. The deed of cession contained the follow-\\ning conditions, viz That the territory so ceded shall be laid\\nout and formed into states, containing a suitable extent of ter-\\nritory, not less than one hundred, nor more than one hundred\\nand fifty miles square or as near thereto as circumstances\\nwill admit and that the states so formed shall be distinct\\nrepublican states, and admitted members of the federal union\\nhaving the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and indepen-\\ndence, as the other states. That the necessary and reasona-\\nble expenses incurred by Virginia, in subduing any British\\nposts, or in maintaining forts and garrisons within, and for the\\ndefence, or in acquiring any part of, the territory so ceded or\\nrelinquished, shall be fully reimbursed by the United States.\\nThat the French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers\\nof the Kaskaskias, Post Vincennes, and the neighboring villa-\\nges, who have professed themselves citizens of Virginia, shall\\nhave their possessions and titles confirmed to them, and be\\nprotected in the enjoyment of their rights and liberties. That\\na quantity not exceeding one hundred and fifty thousand acres\\nof land, promised by Virginia, shall be allowed and granted\\nto the then Colonel, now General George Rogers Clark, and\\nto the officers and soldiers of his regiment, who marched with\\nhim when the posts of Kaskaskia and Vincennes were reduc-\\ned, and to the officers and soldiers that have been since", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "1784. Cession of Virginia. 287\\nincorporated in the said regiment, to be laid off in one tract,\\nthe length of which not to exceed double the breadth, in such\\nplace on the northwest side of the Ohio, as a majority of the\\nofficers shall choose, and to be afterwards divided among the\\nofficers and soldiers in due proportion, according to the laws\\nof Virginia. That in case the quantity of good lands on the\\nsoutheast side of the Ohio, upon the waters of Cumberland\\nriver, and between the Green river and Tennessee river,\\nwhich have been reserved by law for the Virginia troops upon\\ncontinental establishment, should, from the North Carolina line\\nbearing in further upon the Cumberland lands than was ex-\\npected, prove insufficient for their legal bounties, the defi-\\nciency shall be made up to the said troops, in good lands to be\\nlaid off between the rivers Scioto and Little Miami, on the\\nnorthwest side of the river Ohio, in such proportions as have\\nbeen engaged to them by the laws of Virginia. That all the\\nlands within the territory so ceded to the United States,\\nand not reserved for, or appropriated to any of the before-\\nmentioned purposes, or disposed of in bounties to the officers\\nand soldiers of the American army, shall be considered as a\\ncommon fund for the use and benefit of such of the United\\nStates as have become, or shall become, members of the con-\\nfederation or federal alliance of the said states, Virginia in-\\nclusive, according to their usual respective proportion in the\\ngeneral charge and expenditure, and shall be faithfully and\\nbona fide disposed offer that purpose, and for no other use or\\npurpose whatsoever.\\nIn speaking of Pittsburgh, we referred to the passage of\\nArthur Lee through that place late in 1784, to attend a council\\nwith the Indians at Fort Mcintosh. Upon the 22d of the pre-\\nvious October, this gentleman, in connection with Richard\\nButler and Oliver Wolcott, had met the hostile tribes of the\\nIroquois,* at Fort Stanwix, and had there concluded a treaty\\nof peace, among the articles of which was the follovi^ing\\nArt. 3. A line shall be drawn, beginning at the mouth of a\\ncreek, about four miles east of Niagara, called Oyonwayea,\\nor Johnson s Landing Place, upon the lake, named by the In-\\ndians Oswego, and by us Ontario from thence southerly, in\\na direction always four miles east of the carrying path, be-\\ntween Lake Erie and Ontario, to the mouth of Tehoseroron,\\nor Buffalo Creek, or Lake Erie thence south, to the north\\nboundary of the State of Pennsylvania thence west, to the\\nend of the said north boundary thence south, along the west\\nboundary of the said State, to the river Ohio the said line,\\ntrom the mouth of the Oyonwayea to the Ohio, shall be\\nthe western boundary of the lands of the Six Nations so that\\nSee Land Laws, p. 132.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "288 Provisions of the Treaty of Fort Mcintosh. 1785.\\nthe Six Nations shall, and do, yield to the United States, all\\nclaims to the country west of the said boundary; and then\\nthey shall be secured in the peaceful possession ot the lands\\nthey inhabit, east and north of the same, reserving only six\\nmiles square, round the Fort of Oswego, to the United States,\\nfor the support of the same.\\n[The hostile tribes referred to were the Mohawks, Onon-\\ndagas, Cayugas, and Senacas, who had joined the British\\nwhile the Oneidas and Tuscaroras were on the American\\nside.]\\nThe old indefinite claim of the great northern confederacy\\nto the West, being thus extinguished, Mr. Lee, together with\\nRichard Butler and George Rogers Clark, proceeded to treat\\nwith the Western Indians themselves at Fort Mcintosh, upon\\nthe 21st of January, 1785. The nations represented were the\\nWyandots, Delawares, Chippeways, and Ottowas and among\\nthe representatives, it is said, was the celebrated war chief of\\nthe Delawares, Buckongahelas the most important provi-\\nsions of the treaty agreed upon, were the seven following:\\nArt. 3. The boundary line between the United States jind\\nthe Wyandot and Delaware nations, shall begin at the mouth\\nof the river Cayahoga, and run thence, up the said river, to the\\nportage between that and the Tuscarawas branch of the Mus-\\nkingum then, down the said branch, to the forks at the cross-\\ning place above Fort J^awrence, [Laurens;] then westwardly,\\nto the portage of the Big Miami, which runs into the Ohio, at\\nthe mouth of which branch the fort stood which was taken by\\nthe French in one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two then,\\nalong the said portage, to the Great INIiami or Ome river, and\\ndown the south-east side of the same to its mouth thence,\\nalong the south shore of Lake Erie, to the mouth of the Cay-\\nahoga, where it began.\\nArt. 4. The United States allot all the lands contained\\nwithin the said lines to the Wyandot and Delaware nations,\\nto live and to hunt on, and to sucli of the Ottowa nation as\\nnow live thereon saving and reserving, for the establishment\\nof trading posts, six miles square at the mouth of Miami or\\nOme river, and the same at the portage on that branch of the\\nBig Miami which runs into the Ohio, and the same on the\\nLake of Sandusky, where the fort formerly stood, and also\\ntwo miles square on each side of the lower rapids of Sandusky\\nriver; which posts, and the lands annexed to them, shall be to\\nthe use, and under the government of the United States.\\nArt. 5. If any citizen of the United States, or other person,\\nnot being an Indian, shall attempt to settle on any of the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "1785. Settlements Prohibited North of the Ohio. 289\\nlands allotted to the Wyandot and Delaware nations, in this\\ntreaty, except on the lands reserved to the United States in\\nthe preceding article, such person shall forfeit the protection\\nof the United States, and the Indians may punish him as they\\nplease.\\nArt. 6. The Indians who sign this treaty, as well in behalf\\nof all their tribes as of themselves, do acknowledge the lands\\neast, south and west, of the lines described in the third article,\\nso far as the said Indians formerly claimed the same, to belong\\nto the United States; and none of their tribes shall presume\\nto settle upon the same, or any part of it.\\nArt. 7. The post of Detroit, with a district beginning at\\nthe mouth of the river Rosine, on the west side of Lake Erie,\\nand running west six miles up the southern bank of the said\\nriver, thence, northerly, and always six miles west of the strait,\\ntill it strikes the Lake St. Clair, shall also be reserved to the\\nsole use of the United States.\\nArt. 8. In the same manner, the post of Michillimackinac,\\nwith its dependencies, and twelve miles square about the\\nsame, shall be reserved to the use of the United States.\\nArt. 9. If any Indian or Indians shall commit a robbery or\\nmurder on any citizen of the United States, the tribe to which\\nsuch offender may belong, shall be bound to deliver them up\\nat the nearest post, to be punished according to the ordinances\\nof the United States.\\n[To prevent intrusion on the Indian lands, and consequently\\ncollision with the aborigines, the Continental Congress, on the\\n15th of June, 1785, sent forth the following ^proclamation,\\nwhieh was circulated in the Western country.\\nWhereas, it has been represented to the United State*, in\\nCongress assembled, that several disorderly persons have cross-\\ned the Ohio and settled upon their unappropriated lands; and,\\nwhereas, it is their intention, as soon as it shall be surveyed,\\nto open offices for the sale of a considerable part thereof, in\\nsuch proportions and under such other regulations as may suit\\nthe convenience of all the citizens of the said States and others\\nwho may wish to become purchasers of the same and as\\nsuch conduct tends to defeat the object they have in view is\\nin direct opposition to the ordinances and resolutions of Con-\\ngress, and highly disrespectful to the federal authority they\\nhave, therefore, thought fit, and do hereby issue this, their\\nproclamation, strictly forbidding all such unwarrantable intru-\\nsions, and enjoining all those who have settled thereon to de-\\npart with their families and effects, without loss of time, as\\nthey shall answer the same at their peril.*]\\nDillon s Indiana, i. 199.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "290 Ordinance Relative to Western Lands. 1785.\\nThus were the first steps taken for securing to the United\\nStates the Indian titles to the vast realm beyond the Ohio\\nand a few months later the legislation was commenced that\\nwas to determine the mode of its disposal, and the plan of its\\nsettlements.\\nIn April of the previous year Congress had adopted certain\\nresolutions in relation to the number and size of the States to\\nbe formed from the Western Territory, and sketched the great\\nfeatures of an Ordinance for its organization, but as all these\\nthings were afterwards modified in 1787, we have deferred\\nthe subject of that organization to the last named year. But\\nthough the details of the government of the West were not\\nas yet settled, Congress, upon the 20th of May, 1785,* passed\\nan ordinance relative to surveys, which determined a plan for\\nthe division of the ceded lands, and the main principles of\\nwhich still remain in force. This was not done, however, un-\\ntil Massachusett?, as well as New York and Virginia, had\\nceded her claims to the Union which she did upon the 19lh\\nof April in this year, the Act authorizing the cession having\\nbeen passed upon the l3th of the previous November. f\\nBy the ordinance above referred to, the territory purchased\\nof the Indians was to be divided into townships, six miles\\nsquare,! ^V north and south lines, crossed at right angles by\\nothers: the first north and south line to begin on the Ohio, at\\na point due north of the western termination of the southern\\nboundary of Penn.sylvania, and the first ea.st and west line to\\nbegin at the same point, and extend throughout the territory.\\nThe ranges of townships thus formed were to be numbered\\nfrom the Pennsylvania line westward the town.ships them-\\nselves from the Ohio northward. Each town.ship was to be\\nsubdivided into thirty-six parts or sections, e.ach, of course,\\none mile square. When seven ranges of townships had been\\nthus surveyed, the Geographer was to make a return of them\\nto the Board of Treasury, who were to take therefrom one-\\nseventh part, by lot, for the use of the late Continental army\\nand so of every seven ranges as surveyed and returned: the\\n*Thcro was an ordinance reported May 28, 1784, (Old Journals, iv. 41G;) a second,\\nApril 2Gth, 1785, (Old Journals, iv. 507;) tbat of May 20th difl ered in several respects.\\n1 0:d Journals, iv. 600 to 504. Lands Laws, 102.\\nX the first ordinance these were to have been ten mile?, and by the Eecond seven miles\\nsquare. See Journals.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "1785. Ordinance Relative to Western Lands. 291\\nremaining six-sevenths were to be drawn for by the several\\nStates, in the proportion of the last rc([uisition made on them\\nand they were to make publie sale thereof in the following\\nmanner: range 1st, township 1st, was to be sold entire, town-\\nship 2d in sections, and so on alternately; while in range 2d,\\ntownship 1st was to be sold in sections, and township 2d en-\\ntire, retaining throughout, both as to the ranges and town-\\nships, the principle of alternation. The price was to be at\\nleast one dollar per acre in specie, loan oflice certificates re-\\nduced to specie value, or certificates of liquidated debts of\\nthe United States. Five sections in each township were to\\nbe reserved, four for the United States, and one for schools.\\nAll sales thus made by the States were to be returned to the\\nBoard of Treasury. This ordinance also gave the mode\\nfor dividing, among the continental soldiers, the lands set\\napart to them reserved three townships for Canadian refu-\\ngees secured to the Moravian Indians their rights and ex-\\ncluded from sale the tenitory between the Little Miami and\\nScioto, in accordance with the provisions made by Virginia,\\nin her deed of cession, in favor of her own troops. Many\\npoints in this law were afterwards changed, but its great\\nfeatures remained.*\\nIt had been anticipated, that so soon as the treaty of Fort\\nMcintosh was known, settlers and speculators would cross the\\nOhio, and to prevent the evil which it was foreseen would\\nfollow any general movement of the kind, the Indian Com-\\nmissioners were authorized in June, to issue a Proclamation\\ncommanding all persons northwest of the river to leave with-\\nout loss of time, or stay at tlieir peril, announcing the inten-\\ntion of government as soon as possible to sell the soil as fast\\nas surveyed. f The peril to be apprehended from the weak\\nhands of the confederacy might not have deterred fearless\\nmen from filling the forbidden land, but there were those near\\nby who executed the laws they made in a manner which was\\nby no means to be disregarded and, as we learn from the\\nHonorable George Corwin, of Portsmouth, when four families\\nfrom Redstone attempted a settlement at the mouth of the\\nScioto, in April, 1785, they received such a notice to quit, from\\nthe natives, in the shape of rifle-balls, that the survivors (for\\nLand Laws, 549 to .354.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Old .lournal?, iv. 520 to 522.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f Land Laws, .354. Old Journals, iv. 533.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "292 Third Convention in Kentucky. 1785.\\ntwo men were killed) were glad enough to abandon their en-\\nterprize, and take refuge at Limestone or Maybville.* Fur-\\nther West the experiment succeeded better, and some years\\nbefore the time of which we are writing, in 1781, a settlement\\nwas made in the neighborhood of the old French forts, by\\nemigrants from Western Virginia, who were joined during the\\npresent year by several other families from the same region.\\n[A sketch of the early American settlements in Illinois will\\nbe found among the Annals of that State; in the Appendix.]\\nIn Kentucky during 1785, events were of a different charac-\\nter from any yet witnessed in the West. Hitherto, to live and\\nresist the savages had been the problem, but now the more\\ncomplicated questions of self-rule and political power pre-\\nsented themselves for discussion and answer. The Conven-\\ntion which met late in 1784, finding a strong feeling prevalent\\nin f\\\\ivor of separation from A^irginia, and unwilling to assume\\ntoo much responsibility, had proposed, as we have stated, a\\nsecond Convention to meet in the following May. It met upon\\nthe 23rd of that month, and the same spirit of self dependence\\nbeing dominant, an address to the Assembly of Virginia and\\none to the people of Kentuck}^, together with five resolutions,\\nall relative to separation, and in favor of it, were an-\\nimously carried. Two of these resolutions deserve especial\\nnotice one of them recognized, what the Constitution of\\nVirginia did not, the principle of equal representation, or a\\nrepresentation of the people living in a certain territory, and not\\nthe square miles contained in it the other referred the whole\\nmatter again, to a thi)d Convention, which was to meet in\\nAugust, and continue its sessions by adjournment until April,\\n1786. As the members of the body which passed this resolve\\nhad been chosen, it is believed, on the basis of equal re-\\npresentation, and for the very purpose of considering the\\nquestion of independence, it is by no means clear why this re-\\nference to a third assembly was made. It may have been\\nfrom great precaution, or it may have been through the\\ninfluence of James Wilkinson, who, though not a member of\\nthe second Convention, exercised great power in it; and who\\nbeing chosen a member of the third, became its leader and\\ncontroller, by the combined influence of his manners, elo-\\nquence, intellect, and character. This gentleman, there ap-\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 56.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "1785. Third Convention in Kentucky. 293\\npears to be reason to think, deemed the tone of the petition to\\nVirginia too humble, and wished another meeting, to speak\\nboth to the Parent State and the people of the District in more\\nrousing and exciting words. And his wish, if such was his\\nwish, was fulfilled. Upon the 8th of August, a third Conven-\\ntion met, adopted a new form of address to the Old Dominion,\\nand called upon the people of Kentucky to arm, associate,\\nand embody, to hold in detestation and abhorrence, and\\ntreat as enemies to the community, every person who shall\\nwithhold his countenance and support, of ^uch measures as\\nmay be recommended for [the] common defence and to\\nprepare for offensive movements against the Indians, without\\nwaiting to be attacked.*\\nThat Wilkinson, in this address to the people of Kentucky,\\nsomewhat exaggerated the danger of Indian invasion is pro-\\nbable and the propriet}^ of his call upon his countrymen to\\ninvade the lands beyond the Ohio, at the time that Congress\\nwas treating with the natives owning them, and seeking to\\nput a stop to warfare, is more than questionable but still his\\nexpressions of anxiety lest the whites should be found unpre-\\npared, were not wholly without cause.\\n[At this period hostile feelings and movements were again\\nmanifested, as appears from the following extract from Dil-\\nlon s Historical Notes.\\nA large Indian council, composed of deputies from dif-\\nferent tribes, was held at Ouiatenon, on the river Wabash, in\\nthe month of August, 1785. About the same time an Indian\\nkilled one of the French inhabitants of Post Vincennes. A\\nparty of the friends of this man then fell upon the Indians,\\nkilled four and wounded some more. Soon afterwards an\\nIndian chief w^aited on the French inhabitants, and told them\\nthat they must remove at a fixed time that the Indians were\\ndetermined to make w^ar on the American settlers and that\\nif the French remained at Post Vincennes, they would share\\nthe fate of the Americans.\\nIn October the Southern Indians became hostile, made in-\\ncursions into Kentucky, attacked the family of Mr. McClure,\\nmassacred three children, and took his wife and one child\\nprisoners. They w^ere rescued by a party under the command\\nMarshall, i. 195, 196 to 220; where all the original papers at length,\\nt Correspondence of Captain John Armitrong, in Dillon s Indiana, i. 201.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "294 Virginia offers Kentucky Terms. 1786.\\nof Captain William Whitley. Other families and stations\\nwere attacked.*]\\nBut the proper source of action in the matter at this time\\nwas the confederation, and Wilkinson and his associates in\\nproposing to invade the north-west territory, should have\\nsought to act under its sanction, and not as leaders of a\\nsovereign power. Nor was the confederation at this very\\ntime unmindful of the ^West; in the autumn of 85, Major\\nDoughty descended the Ohio to the mouth of the Muskingum,\\nand upon the point north of the former, and west of the lat-\\nter river, began Fort Harmar.f\\nThe address or petition, though the last name seems scarcely\\napplicable, which the Third Kentucky Convention had sent to\\nthe Assembly of the the parent State, was by that body duly\\nreceived and listened to, and the reasons for an early separation\\nappearing cogent, Virginia, in January, 1786, passed a law by\\nwhich Kentucky might claim independence, provided she\\nwere willing to accept of the following conditions, as ex-\\nplained in a letter from iNIr. Madison, to Gen. Washington,\\ndated December 9th, 17854\\nKentucky made a formal application for independence.\\nHer memorial has been considered, and the terms of separation\\nfixed by a Committee of the Whole. The substance of them\\nis that all private rights and interests, derived from the laws\\nof Virginia, shall be secured that the unlocatrd lands shall\\nbe applied to the objects to which the laws of A irginia have\\nappropriated them that the Ohio shall be a common high-\\nway for the citizens of the United States, and the jurisdiction\\nof Kentucky and Virginia, as far as the remaining territory of\\nthe latter will be thereon, be concurrent only with the new\\nStates on the opposite shore that the }\u00c2\u00bbroposed State shall\\ntake its due share of our State debts and that the separation\\nshall not take place unless these terms shall be approved by a\\nconvention to be held to decide the question, nor^until Congress\\nsliall assent thereto, and the terms of their admission into\\nthe Union. The limits ot the proposed State are to be the\\nsame with the present limits of the district. The apparent\\ncoolness of the representatives of Kentucky, as to a separa-\\ntion, since these terms have been defined, indicates that they\\nhad some views, which will not be favored by them. They\\ndislike much to be hung upon the will of Congress.\\n*Mar hill, i. 221\\nfAineriouu Pioneer, i. 25-30 and frontispiece. Monctte^ ii. 222.\\n{Sparks Washington, ix. 610.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "1786. Convention iviih Western Tribes Proposed. 295\\nThese conditions were to be submitted to a Fourth conven-\\ntion to be held in the following September. If those were\\nagreed to, the convention was to select a day posterior to Sep-\\ntember 1st, 1787, after which the laws of Virginia were to\\ncease forever to be force within the western district for\\nwhich, meanwhile, a constitution and laws were to be pre-\\npared by a Fifth convention to be called for that purpose it\\nbeing provided, that this act was to be effective only when in\\nsubstance approved by the United States.* This act was not,\\nhowever, altogether pleasant to the more zealous of the advo-\\ncates of self-rule, and an attempt was made by Wilkinson\\nand his friends to induce the people of the district to declare\\nthemselves independent of Virginia before the comparatively\\ndistant period fixed by the law in question. The attempt,\\nhowever, was opposed and defeated the election of members\\nfor the Fourth convention took place without disturbance,\\nand in September it would undoubtedly have met to attend to\\nthe business confided to it, had not the Indian incursions led\\nto a movement against the tribes on the Wabash, at the very\\ntime appointed for the assembly at Danville.\\nBefore we come to this movement be^^ond the Ohio, howev-\\ner, it is necessary to mention the steps taken by Congress du-\\nring the early part of this year to secure and perpetuate peace\\nwith the north-western tribes. The treaty of Fort Stanwix\\nwith the Iroquois, was upon the 22d of October, 1784; that\\nof Fort Mcintosh, with the Delawares, Wyandots, :c., upon\\nthe 21st of January, 1785; upon the 18th of March following,\\nit was resolved that a treaty be held with the Vv abash Indi-\\nans at Post Vincent on the 20th of June, 1785, or at such other\\ntime and place as might seem best to the commissioners.f\\nVarious circumstances caused the time to be changed to the\\n31st of January, 1786, and the place to the mouth of the\\nGreat Miami, where, upon that day a treaty was made by G.\\nR. Clark, Richard Butler and Sam l. H. Parsons, not, however\\nwith the Piankishaws and others named in the original reso-\\nlution, but with the Delawares, Wyandots and Shawanese.t\\n^Marshall, i. 222.\\ntOld Journals, iv. 487.\\nJThose first named were the Potawatama, Twigtwees, Piankashaw and other west-\\nern nations. See Old Journals, iv. 628, 633, 538, 542. The resolution on the pa^e\\nlast cited June 29, 1785, changes the place to the mouth of the Great Miami or\\nthe Falls.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "296 Letter of General Parsons. 1786.\\nThat treaty, in addition to the usual articles, contained\\nthe following.*\\nArt. 2. The Shawanee nation do acknowledge the United\\nStates to be the sole and absolute sovereigns of all the terri-\\ntory ceded to them by a treaty of peace made between them\\nand the king of Great Britain, the fourteenth day of January,\\none thousand seven hundred and eighty-four.\\nArt. 6. The United States do allpttothe Shawanee nation,\\nlands within their territory, to live and hunt upon, beginning\\nat the south line of the lands allotted to the Wyandots and\\nDelaware nations, at the ])lace where the main branch of the\\nGreat Miami, which falls into the Ohio, intersects said line\\nthen, down the River Miami, to the fork of that river, nrxt be-\\nlow the old fort which was taken by the French in one thous-\\nand seven hundred and fifty-two thence, due west, to the\\nRiver De La Panse then, down that river, to the river Wa-\\nbash; beyond which lines none of the citizens of the United\\nStates shall settle, nor disturb the Shawanees in their settle-\\nment and possessions. And the Shawanees do relinquish to\\nthe United States, all title, or pretence of title, they ever had\\nto the lands east, west, and south of the east, west, and south\\nlines before described. f\\nThe absence of the Wabash Indians from this council was\\nnot the result of any change of plans on the part of the Ameri-\\ncans, but solely of a growing spirit of hostility among the sav-\\nages, fostered, there is too much reason to think, by the sub-\\nagents of England. The temper of the Indians who first met\\nthe commissioners, is thus referred to by General Parsons, in\\na letter to Captain Hart, at Fort Harmar, dated Fort Fin-\\nney.\\n[Major Finney was a witness to the treaty. Fort Finney\\nwas at the mouth of the Great Miami. ]J\\nSince we have been here, every measure has been taken to\\nbring in the Indians. The Wyandots and Delawares are here\\nthe other nations were coming, and were turned back by the\\nShawancse. These, at last, sent two of their tribe to exam-\\nine our situation and satisfy themselves of our designs. With\\nthese men we were very open and explicit. We told them\\nwe were fully convinced of their designs in coming; that we\\nwere fully satisfied with it; that they were at libert} to take\\ntheir own way and time to answer the purposes they came\\n-Old .Journal?, iv. G27. liand Laws, 299.\\nt See Land Laws, 299.\\nJ cut s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 33.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "1786. Clark s Treatment of the Indians. 297\\nfor that we were desirous of living in peace with them and\\nfor that purpose had come with offers of peace to them, which\\nthey would judge of, and whether peace or war was most for\\ntheir interest; that we very well knew the measures the Brit-\\nish agents had taken to deceive them. That if they came to\\nthe treaty, any man who had filled their ears with those stories\\nwas at liberty to come with them, and return in safety. But\\nif they refused to treat with us, we should consider it as a\\ndeclaration of war on their part, c. These men stayed\\nabout us eight days, and then told us they were fully con-\\nvinced our designs were good that they had been deceived;\\nthat they would return home, and use their influence to bring\\nin their nation, and send out to the other nations. Last night\\nwe received a belt of Wampum and a twist of tobacco, with\\na message that they would be in when we had smoked the\\ntobacco. From our information, we are led to believe these\\npeople will very generally come in, and heartily concur with\\nus in peace. I think it not probable the treaty will begin\\nsooner than January.\\nThe British agents, our own traders, and the inhabitants of\\nKentuclry, 1 am convinced, are all opposed to a treaty, and\\nare using every measure to prevent it. Strange as this may\\nseem, I have very convincing proofs of its reality. The causes\\nI can assign, but they are too man}^ for the compass of a let-\\nter. Notwithstanding all treaties we can make, I am con-\\nvinced we shall not be in safety until we have posts estab-\\nlished in the upper country.*\\nThe various tribes of the north-west, therefore, had been\\ninvited to the mouth of the Miami, but, owing to counter in-\\nflluence, neither attended, nor took any notice of the messages\\nsent them ;f and those who did finally attend, came, if tradi-\\ntion tells truly, in no amicable spirit, and but for the profound\\nknowledge possessed by Clark of the Indian character, and\\nthe high rank he held in the estimation of the natives, the\\nmeeting of January 31st might very probably have terminated\\nin the murder of the commissioners.\\n[Of this treaty the following account is given, out of which,\\nprobably, the graphic sketch was drawn by a western writer,,\\nand may be found in the first edition of these annals.]\\nThe Indians came in to a treaty at Fort Washington in the\\nmost friendly manner, except the Shawanese, the most con-\\nceited and warlike of the aborigines, the first in at a battle,\\nand the last at a treaty. Three hundred of their finest war-\\n*See North American Review, October, 1841, p. .330.\\ntOld Journals, iv. 657.\\n19", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "298 Clark s Treatment of the Indians. 1786.\\nriors set off in all their paint and feathers, and filed into the\\ncouncil-house. Their number and den eanor, so unusual at an\\noccasion of this sort, was altogether unexpected and suspi-\\ncious. The United States stockade mustered seventy men.\\nIn the centre of the hall, at a little table, sat the commissary\\ngeneral, Clark, the indefatigable scourge of these very marau-\\nders; General Richard Butler and JMr. Parsons. There was\\nalso present a Captain Denny, who, I believe, is still alive,\\nand can attest this story. On the part of the Indians, an old\\ncouncil-sachem and a war chief took the lead. The latter, a\\ntall, raw-boned fellow, with an impudent and villanous look,\\nmade a boisterous and threatening speech, which operated\\neffectually on the passions of the Indians, who set up a pro-\\ndigious whoop at every pause. He concluded by presenting\\na black and white wampum, to signify they were prepared for\\neither event, peace or war. Clark exhibited the same unalter-\\ned and careless countenance he had shown during the whole\\nscene, his head leaning on his left hand, and his elbow resting\\nupon the table. He raised his little cane, and pushed the\\nsacred wampum off the table, with very little ceremony.\\nEvery Indian at the same time started from his seat with one\\nof those sudden, simultaneous, and peculiar savage sounds,\\nwhich startle and disconcert the stoutest heart, and can neither\\nbe described nor forgotten. At this juncture Clark rose. The\\nscrutinizing eye cowered at his glance. He stamped his foot\\non the prostrate and insulted symbol, and ordered them to\\nleave the hall. The} did so, apparently involuntarily. They\\nwere heard all that night, debating in the bushes near the fort.\\nThe raw-boned chief was for war, the old sachem for peace.\\nThe latter prevailed, and the next morning they came back\\nand sued for peace. (Notes of an old officer. See Encyclo-\\npa-dia Americana, iii. 232.)\\nBut the tribes more distant than the Shawancse were in no\\nway disposed to cease their incursions, and upon the 16th of\\nMay, the Governor of Virginia was forced to write upon the\\nsubject to Congress, which at once sent two companies down\\nthe Ohio to the Falls, and upon the 30th of June authorized the\\nraising of militia in Kentucky, and the invasion of the country\\nof the mischief-makers, under the command of the lea iing Unit-\\ned States officer.* We do not learn that it was nominally\\nunder this resolution that General Clark s expedition of the en-\\nsuing fall was undertaken but at any rate this act on the part\\nof Congress justified offensive measures on the part of the Ken-\\ntuckians when they became necessary and it being thought\\nnecessary to act upon the Wabash before winter, a body of a\\nOld Journals, iv. 657 to 660.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "1786. Clark s abortive Expedition up the Wabash. 299\\nthousand men, or more, gathered at the Falls, and marched\\nthence toward Vincennes, which place they reached some\\ntime in September, 1786.\\nHere the army remained inactive during nine days, waiting\\nthe arrival of their provisions and ammunition, which had\\nbeen sent down to the mouth of the Wabash in boats, and\\nwere delayed by the low water. This stay, so different from\\nClark s old mode of proceeding, was in opposition to his ad-\\nvice,* and proved fatal to the expedition. The soldiers be-\\ncame restive, and their confidence in the General being de-\\nstroyed, by discovering the fact, that his clear mind was too\\ncommonly confused and darkened by the influence of ardent\\nspirits, they at last refused obedience a body of three hundred\\nturned their faces homeward, and the rest soon followed in\\ntheir track.\\nAn expedition conducted by Colonel Logan against the\\nShawanese, who, in spite of their treaty, had resumed hostili-\\nties, terminated very differently from that under the conqueror\\nof Illinois their towns were burned and their crops wasted.\\nIt was the gathering of the men of Kentucky for these ex-\\npeditions, which prevented the meeting of the convention that\\nwas to have come together in September. So many were\\nabsent on military duty that a quorum could not be had, and\\nthose who came to the point of assembly, were forced, as a\\ncommittee merely, to prepare a memorial for the Virginia\\nlegislature, setting forth the causes which made a convention\\nat that time impossible, and asking certain changes in the Act\\nof Separation.^ This done, they continued their meetings by\\nadjournment during the remainder of the year, hoping a\\nquorum might still be gathered which was not done, how-\\never, until the ensuing January. J\\nMeanwhile, beyond the Alleghenies, events were taking\\nplace which produced more excitement in Kentucky than In-\\ndian wars, or Acts of Separation even we refer to the\\nSpanish negotiations, involving the navigation of the Missis-\\nsippi. In 1780, as we have stated, Spain expressed her de-\\ntermination to claim the control of the great western river in\\nJanuary, 1781, she attacked the fort of St. Joseph s, and took\\npossession of the northwest in the name of his Catholic Majes-\\nMarshall, i. 250.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler, 153.\\nt Marshall, i, 251. I^iJ* 253.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "300 Negotiations with Spain. 1786.\\nty on the 15th of the next month, Congress, at the instance\\nof the Virginia Delegates, instructed Mr. Jay, then at Madrid,\\nnot to insist on the use of the Mississippi by the Americans, if\\na treaty could not be effected without giving it up. Through\\n1782, the court of Madrid labored, not only to induce the\\nUnited States to give up the stream of the West, but a great\\npart of the West itself, and France backed her pretensions\\nand thus matters rested. In July, 1785, Don Diego Gardoqui,\\nappeared before Congress as the representative of Spain ;t on\\nthe 20th of the same month, Mr. Jay, the Secretary of foreign\\naffairs, was authorised to negotiate w^ith him and in May, of\\nthe year of which we are writing, negotiations begun between\\nthem, were brought to the notice of Congress. This w^as done\\nin consequence of the fact, that in these transactions Mr. Jay\\nasked the special guidance of that body, and explained his\\nreasons for doing so at length. J He pointed out the import-\\nance of a commercial treaty with Spain, and dwelt upon the\\ntwo difficulties of making such a treat} one of which was,\\nthe unwillingness of Spain to permit the navigation of the\\nMississippi, the other, the question of boundaries. Upon the\\nfirst point Mr. Jay was, and always had been, opposed to\\nyielding to the Spanish claim but that claim was still as\\nstrenuously urged as in 1780 and the court of Madrid, their\\nambassador said, would never abandon it. Under these cir-\\ncumstances, the interests of the whole Union demanding the\\nconclusion of the Spanish commercial treaty, while that\\ntreaty could apparently be secured only by giving up the\\nright to navigate the Mississippi, which was in a manner\\nsacrificing the West, Mr. Jay proposed, as a sort of compro-\\nmise, to form a treaty with Spain for twenty-five or thirty\\n3 ears, and during that time to yield the right of using the Mis-\\nsissippi below the boundaries of the United States. To this\\nproposition, the Southern members in Congress w^ere vehe-\\nmently opposed, and an attempt was made by them to take\\nthe whole matter out of Mr. Jay s hands, the delegates from\\nVirginia oflering a long and able argument in opposition to\\nhis scheme but the members of the eastern and middle states\\nout-voted the south, and the Secretary was authorised to con-\\ntinue his negotiations, without being bound to insist, at all\\nSecret Journals, iv. 63 to SO. Diplomatic Corrc?pondeDce.\\nt Old Journals, vr. 544. Secret Journals, It. 43. 46.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "1786. Dissatisfaction in the West. 301\\nhazards, upon the immediate mm of the river.* The discus-\\nsion in Congress relative to the Spanish claims, took place\\nduring August, and the rumor of them, and of the Secretary s\\nproposal, in due time reached the West but, as is common,\\nthe tale spread by report, differed from the truth, by represent-\\ning the proposition as much more positivb than it really was,\\nand as being made by John Jay, without any sanction of\\nCongress. This story, which circulated during the winter of\\n1786-7, produced among those who dwelt upon the western\\nwaters great indignation and prepared the people to antici-\\npate a contest with Spain, or a union with her, and in either\\ncase, action independent of the old Atlantic colonies. And\\nthe conduct of Clark, after the failure of the Wabash expedi-\\ntion, was well calculated to cause many to think that the lead-\\ning minds were already prepared for action. On the 8th of\\nOctober, a board oi field officers at Vincennes, determined to\\ngarrison that point, to raise supplies by impressment, and to\\nenlist new troops. Under this determination, Spanish pro-\\nperty was seized, soldiers were embodied, and steps were\\ntaken to hold a peace council with the natives; all under the\\ndirection of General Clark. Soon after this, in December,\\nThomas Green wrote from Louisville to the Governor, Council\\nand Legislature of Georgia\u00e2\u0080\u0094 which State was involved in the\\nboundary quarrel with Spain that Spanish property had been\\nseized in the north-west as a hostile measure, and not merely\\nto procure necessaries for the troops, which Clark afterward\\ndeclared was the case and added, that the General was\\nready to go down the river with troops sufficient to take\\npossession of the lands in dispute, if Georgia would counte-\\nnance him. This letter Clark said he never saw, but as he paid\\nequally with Green towards the expenses of the messenger\\nwho was to take it to the south, it was natural enough to\\nthink him priv^y to all the plans relative to the disputed terri-\\ntory, whatever they may have been. And what they were, in\\nsome minds at least, may perhaps, be judged by the following\\nextract from a letter, also written from Louisville, professedly\\nto some one in New England, and very probably by Green\\nand which was circulated widely in Frankland, Tennessee.\\nIt is dated December 4, 1786.\\nOur situation is as bad as it possibly can be, therefore every\\nSecret Journals, iv. 81 to 132.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "302 Expedition against Spain proposed. 1787.\\nexertion to retrieve our circumstances must be manly, eligible\\nand just.\\nWe can raise twenty thousand troops this side the Alle-\\ngheny and Apalachian Mountains; and the annual increase\\nof them by emigration, from other parts, is from two to four\\nthousand.\\nWe have taken all the goods belonging to the Spanish mer-\\nchants of Post Vincennes and the Illinois, and are determined\\nthey shall not trade up the river, provided they will not let. us\\ntrade down it. Preparations are now making here (if neces-\\nsary) to drive the Spaniards from their settlements, at the\\nmouth of the Mississippi. In case we are not countenanced\\nand succored by the United States ^^if we need it) our alle-\\ngiance will be thrown off, and some other power applied to.\\nGreat Britain stands ready with open arms to receive and\\nsupport us. They have already ofiered to open their resour-\\nces for our supplies. When once re-united to them, fare-\\nwell, a long farewell to all your boasted greatness. The\\nprovince of Canada and the inhabitants of these waters, of\\nthemselves, in time, will be able to conquer you. You are as\\nignorant of this country as Great Britain was of America.\\nThese are hints, if rightly improved, may be of some service\\nif not, blame yourselves for the neglect.*\\nWells, Green s messenger, on his way to Georgia, showed\\nhis papers to various persons at Danville; copies were at\\nonce taken of them, and enclosed in a letter written on the\\n22d of December to the Executive of Virginia, by fifteen of\\nthe leading citizens of Kentucky, among whom was James\\nWilkinson. In February, 1787, the Council of Virginia acted\\nupon the subject; condemned Gen. Clark s conduct, disavowed\\nthe powers assumed by him, ordered the prosecution of the per-\\nsons concerned in the seizure of property, and laid the matter\\nbefore Congress. It was presented in detail to that body upon\\nthe 13th of April,t and upon the 24th of that month, it was\\nresolved that the troops of the United States be employed to\\ndispossess the unauthorized intruders who had taken possession\\nof St. Vincents. J\\nAll these things naturally tended to excite speculation, in-\\nquiry and fear throughout the West and though no action\\nwas had in reference to the Mississippi question beyond thw\\nmountains, until the next spring, we may be sure there was\\ntalking and feeling enough in the interval.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Secret Journals, iv. 23.\\nt Secret Journals, iv. 301 to 323.\\nOld Journals, iv. 7-tO.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "1786. Putnam and Tuppcr propose to move West. 303\\nBut in giving the history ol 1786, we must not omit those\\nsteps which resulted in the formation of the New England\\nOhio Company, and the founding of the first colony, author-\\nized by government, north-west of the Belle Riviere.\\nCongress, by the resolutions of September 16, 1776, and\\nAugust 12, 1780, had promised land bounties to the officers\\nand soldiers of the Revolutionary army, who should continue in\\nthe service till the close of the war, or until discharged by\\nCongress; and to the representatives of those who should be\\nslain by the enemy.* In June, 1783, peace having been pro-\\nclaimed, General Rufus Putnam forwarded to Washington a\\nmemorial from certain of those having claims under these\\nresolutions; which Washington transmitted to Congress, to-\\ngether with General Putnam s letter. f But as the States\\nclaiming the western territory had not made their final ces-\\nsions. Congress was forced, on the 29th of October, 1783, to\\nannounce their inability to make any appropriation of land.J\\nFrom that time, nothing further was done until, upon the 18th\\nof July, 1785, Benjamin Tupper, a Revolutionary officer be-\\nlonging to Massachusetts, was appointed a surveyor of western\\nlands, in the place of General Putnam, who had been before\\nchosen, but was otherwise engaged. He, in the course of\\nthat year, visited the West, going, however, no farther than\\nPittsburgh, as the Indian troubles prevented surveys.^ On his\\nreturn home, he conferred with his friend, Putnam, as to a re-\\nnewal of their memorial of 1783, and a removal westward;\\nwhich conference resulted in a publication, dated January 10,\\n1786, in which was proposed the formation of a company to\\nsettle the Ohio lands; and those taking an interest in the\\nplan, were invited to meet in February, and choose, for each\\ncounty of Massachusetts, one or more delegates these dele-\\ngates were to assemble on the 1st of March, at the Bunch of\\nGrapes tavern in Boston, there to agree upon a system of as-\\nsociation. On the day named, eleven persons appeared at\\nthe place agreed upon and by the 3d of March, the outline\\nof the company was drawn up, and subscriptions under it at\\nonce commenced. The leading features of that outline were\\n-\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Land Laws, 337.\\nThe letters relating to this petition were scot by Mr. Sparks to the Committee for the\\nCelebraticn of the Settlement of Ohio, 1S35; and wtre published by them.\\nJLand Lawji, 339.\\ng Nye s Address, Transactions Ohio Eistoiical Society, p. 317.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "304 Ohio Company formed Cession by Connecticut. 1786.\\nthese a fund of a million dollars, mainly in continental cer-\\ntificates, was to be raised for the purpose of purchasing lands\\nin the western territor}^; there were to be a thousand shares\\nof one thousand dollars each, and upon each share ten dollars\\nin specie were to be paid^ for contingent expenses. One\\nyear s interest was to be appropriated to the charges of mak-\\ning a settlement and assisting those unable to remove without\\naid. The owners of every twenty shares were to choose an\\nagent to represent them, and attend to their interests and the\\nagents were to choose the Directors.* The plan was approv-\\ned, and in a year from that time the company was organized\\nand, before its organization, the last obstacle to the purposed\\ngrant from the United States, was done away by the cession of\\nmost of her territorial claims on the part of Connecticut. In\\nOctober, 1780, soon after the first action of Congress relative\\nto the western lands, that State had passed an act respecting\\nthe cession of her claim to the United States. This, on the\\n31st of January, 1781, was referred, together with the reso-\\nlutions of New York and Virginia, to a committee.f Various\\nreports were made, and discussions had, relative to the mat-\\nter, but it was not till May 26, 1786, that the views of the\\nState and the Union could be brought to a coincidence. This\\nbeing done by a resolution of Congress, dated upon that day,\\nthe Delegates of Connecticut, upon the 14th of September,\\nmade the deed of cession by which all her claims to the coun-\\ntry west of a line one hundred and twenty miles beyond the\\nAvestern boundary of Pennsylvania and parallel thereto, were\\ngiven up to the confederation. J\\nWe have mentioned that a minority of the Convention called\\nin Kentucky, to meet in September, 1786, was adjourned from\\n.time to time until January of this year wiien, at length a\\nquorum attended. Upon a vote being then taken relative to\\nseparation, the feeling was still, as before, strongly in favor of\\nit. But scarce had this been ascertained when a second act\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^See Nye s Addrcfs in Transactions of Ohio Ilistorical Society, Part 2d. Also, an article\\non Olii in Nortli American Review, for October, 1S41 vol. liii. 320 to 359 this article is\\nfull of original matter.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0fOld Journals, iii- 671.\\nJBy this transfer, C mnecticut retiined both the soil and jurisdiction of what is now\\nknown as the Connecticut or Western Ec crve. The compromise with her was disnpprovcJ\\nby \\\\Va.=hington and others. See Sparks Washington, ix. 173 and note. Virginia, in her\\ncession, (fee p. 258) had resigncil her jurisdiction, and her reserve was merely of tho\\nlands necessary to recompense her soldiers.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "1786. Navigation of Ike Mississippi 305\\nppon the subject, passed by Virginia in October, 1786,*\\nreached the West, and the whole question was again post-\\nponed, to be laid before ajifth convention, which was to meet\\nin September while the time when the laws of Virginia\\nshould cease to be of force, was changed to the close of the\\nyear 1778. There were many, beyond doubt, to whom\\nthis delay was a source of vexation and anger, but the people\\nof the district generally evinced no such feelings; the elec\\ntions took place in August, and the Convention assembled upon\\nthe 17tli of September, all in perfect harmony and quietness.\\nThe vote was again unanimous in favor of separation, and\\nthe act of Virginia was agreed to to form a constitution, a\\nsixth convention was to be chosen in the ensuing April, and to\\ncomplete the work of independence, Congress was to assent\\nto a formation of Kentucky into a State before July 4, 178S.-|-\\nNor w^as the spirit of moderation shown this year by the\\nKentuckians in relation to self-government, confined to that\\nsubject; in regard to the vexatious affair of the Spanish claims,\\nthere was a like temper manifested. Mr. Jay, as already re-\\nlated, had been authorized by Congress to abandon tlie right\\nof using the Mississippi for a term of years, but not to yield\\nthe pretensions of the United States to its navigation, after\\nthat period closed. In October, 1786, under these instructions,\\nhe resumed his negotiations with Don Gardoqui, but without\\nsuccess, as Spain required an entire relinquishment of the\\nAmerican claim.J In November of that year, also, Virginia\\nhad passed several Resolutions against giving up the use of\\nthe river, even for a day, and had instructed her delegates to\\noppose every attempt of the kind. When, therefore, the peo-\\nple of Kentucky met at Danville, early in May, 1787, to act\\nin relation to the subject, having been called together by\\nMessrs. Muter, Innis, Brown and Sebastian, for that purpose\\nthey found that little or nothing was to be done the plan\\nof the Secretary was not likely to succeed, and had been\\nfully protested against the assembly at Danville, having\\nbeen informed of these things, quietly adjourned.\\nWhat connection, if any, existed between this calmer\\n*Morehea(l, 124.\\nfMarshall, i. 253-256. 27-1-258. The date July 4, 1788, is mispristed 1787 in\\nMarshall, 256.\\nJSecrtt Journals, iv. 297-301.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "306 Growing Dissatisfaction in the West. 1787.\\nspirit in Kentucky and General Wilkinson s absence, during a\\npart of the year, it is impossible to say but it is probable\\nthat had not his attention at that time been drawn to the ad-\\nvantages of a trade with New Orleans, he would have exerted\\nduring 1787, a much greater influence upon his fellow citizens\\nthan he seems to have done. In June, we find hiin on his\\nway to the South nor did he appear in Kentucky again until\\nthe following February and then it was that he commenced\\nthose connections with the Spanish government of Louisiana,\\nwhich were afterwards brought in question, and by means of\\nwhich his character became involved in doubts that have\\nnever entirely been done away.*\\nAt that period, the feeling expressed in the extract from\\na letter, which we have already quoted, that the West\\nwould separate from the East, seems to have been grow-\\ning even among those who, in December, 1786, denounced\\nGreen and Clark to the Governor of Virginia. Harry Innis,\\nAttorney-General of the district, and one of those who gave\\ninformation of the Vinccnnes proceedings, in July, 1787, writes\\nto the executive of the State (Virginia), that he cannot pros-\\necute those guilty of aggressions on the Indians, and adds\\nI am decidedly of opinion that this Western country will, in\\na few years, act for itself, and erect an independent govern-\\nment. f This opinion was based partially upon the failure,\\non the part of Virginia and the confederation, to protect the\\nfrontiers, which, during this whole year, suffered both from the\\nnorthern and southern Indians; and partly on the uncertain\\nstate of tlie navigation question, in respect to which the\\nwestern men had reason, perhaps, to think that some of the\\nleaders in the Old Dominion were leagued against them.\\nWe find, for example, Washington expressing his willingness\\nthat the Mississippi should be closed for a time, because, as he\\nthought, its closure would knit the new colonies of the West\\nmore closely to the Atlantic States, and lead to the realization\\nof one of his favorite projects, the opening of lines of inter-\\nnal navigation, connecting the Ohio with the Potomac and\\nJames Iliver.J In these sentiments both Henry Lee and llich-\\n*Mar.-haIl, i. 259, 2GI, 2G7.\\nt Marshall, i. 270.\\nX Sp\\\\rks Washiogton, ix. 119, 172, 261. For Washington s views on internal improve-\\nnimta see oO, 2S 1, 471, 301, 320, 80, ic.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "1787. First Papers in the West. 807\\nard Henry Lee agreed.* How far these views of tlie great\\nVirginians wej e known, we cannot discover; but more or\\nless distinct rumors respecting them, we may presume, were\\nprevalent, so that it was by no means strange that the very\\nforemost men of the West wavered in their attachment to the\\npowerless, almost worthless confederation. Nor did the pros-\\npect of a new government at first help the matter. The view\\nwhich Patrick Henry and others took of the proposed fede-\\nral constitution, was the favorite view of the Western Virgin-\\nians so that of fourteen representatives from the District of\\nKentucky, in the convention called in 1788, to deliberate upon\\nthat constitution, but three voted in favor of it one of these\\nthree was Humphrey Marshall, the historian. And this re-\\njection of the instrument under which our Union has since so\\ngreatly prospered, was not the result of hasty action, or strong\\nparty influence^ The first point is proved by the fact that it\\nwas made known through the press to the people of the West,\\nupon the 27th of October, 1789, having been on that day\\nprinted in the Kentucky Gazette. J That mere party influ-\\nence did not govern the opponents of the constitution of the\\nUnited States, is proved, both by the character of the men,\\nand the debates in the convention.\\n[The Kentucky Gazette, commenced in Lexington, in Au-\\ngust of this year, by Mr. John Bradford, was the second news-\\npaper established west of the Allegheny mountains. The first\\nwas the Pittsburgh Gazette, established by John Scull and\\nJoseph Hall, two poor, but enterprizing young men. The firiit\\nnumber was issued July 29, 1786. These papers contributed\\nmuch to the grov. th and prosperity of this central valley.\\n*For Henry Lee s news, see Sparks, i.x. 17.3, noto, 205, note; Rioha^d Heavy L\u00c2\u00abft%\\nviews, Washington s letter to bim, Sparks, is.. 261,\\nt Marshall, i. 237,\\nJButler, 166, note.\\nI Marshall, j, 2?i.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler, 1G3,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Amerioan Pioneer, i, 305.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XI.\\nNORTH WESTERN TERRITORY.\\nThe Ohio Company Negotiate for Land Their Purchase of Codctcss Mr. Jeflsrson s\\nProject of Tea States Ordinance of 1787 Settlements on the Muskingum Syinmes\\nPurchase and Settlements made on the Miami Cincinnati Founded Trade opened\\nwith New Orleani GtncrjJ Wilkiiison i Muvementf\u00e2\u0080\u0094 AiTuirs in Kentucky.\\nWhile, south of Ohio, dissatisfaction with the federal union\\nwas spreading, not secretly and in spirit of treason, but openly\\nand as the necessary consequences of free and unfettered\\nchoice, the New England associates for settling the northwest,\\nwere by degrees reducing their theories to practice. In\\nMarch, 1786, it will be remembered, they began their sub-\\nscription on the Sth of that month, 1787, a meeting of Agents\\nchose General Parsons, General Putnam, and the Rev. Ma-\\nnasseh Cutler, Directors for the Company and these Direc-\\ntors appointed Dr. Cutler to go to New York and negotiate\\nwith Congress for the desired tract of country. On the 5th of\\nJuly, that gentleman reached the temporary Capital of the\\nUnion, and then began a scene of management worthy of\\nmore degenerate days. Full extracts from Dr. Cutler s Jour-\\nnal, showing how things went, may be found in the North\\nAmerican Review for October, 1S41.* Of these we can give\\nbut a few paragraphs. The first relates to the choice of the\\nMuskingum valley as the spot for settlement.\\nJuly 7. Paid my respects to Dr. Ilolton and several other\\ngentlemen. Was introduced, by Dr. Evvings and Mr. Ritten-\\nhou.se, to Mr. Hutchins, Geographer of the United States.\\nConsulted with him where to make our location.\\nMonday, July 9. Waited this morning, very early, on Mr.\\nHutchins. He gave me the fullest information of the western\\ncountry, from Pennsylvania to the Illinois, and advised me\\nb} ail means to make our location on the IMuskingum, which\\nwas decidedly, in his opinion, the best part of the whole west-\\nern country Attended the committee before Congress opened,\\nand then spent the remainder of the forenoon with Mr.\\nHutchins.\\nAttended the committee at Congress chamber debated on\\nterms, but were so wide apart, there appears little prospect of\\nclosing a contract.\\nVol. liii. 334 to 343.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "1787. Dr. Cutler negotiates ivilh Congress for Lands. 309\\nCalled again on Mr. Hutchins. Consulted him further\\nabout the place of location.\\nThe opinion thus given by Hutchins, who had been long\\nand familiarly acquainted with the West, agreed with that\\nformed by General Parsons, who had visited the Ohio valley,\\nonce at least, if not twice the result of his observations will\\nbe found in the letter given at length in the article of the\\nNorth American Review, of October, 1841, already quoted.\\nThe other extracts which we take from the Doctor s Journal,\\nrefer to the manoeuvres, as he terms them, by which was\\neffected a contract at least as favorable to the Union as it v/as\\nto the Company.\\nColonel Duer came to me with proposals from a number of\\nthe principal characters in the city, to extend our contract, and\\ntake in another company but that it should be kept a profound\\nsecret. He explained the plan the}^ had concerted and oflered\\nme generous conditions if 1 would accomplish the business for\\nthem. The plan struck me agreeably; Sargent insisted on\\nmy undertaking and both urged me not to think of giving\\nthe matter up so soon.\\nI was convinced it was best for me to hold up the idea of\\ngiving up a contract with Congress, and making a contract\\nwith some of the States, which I did in the strongest terms,\\nand represented to the committee and to Duer and Sargent\\nthe difficulties I saw in the way, and the improbability of\\nclosing a bargain when we were so far separated and told\\nthem I conceived it not worth wdiile to say anything further\\nto Congress on the subject. This appeared to have the effect\\nI wished. The committee were mortified and did not seem to\\nknow what to say but still urged another attempt, I left\\nthem in this state, but afterwards explained my views to Duer\\nand Sargent, who fully approved my plan. Promised Duer to\\nconsider his proposals.\\nI spent the evening (closeted) with Colonel Duer, and\\nagreed to purchase more land, if terms could be obtained, for\\nanother company, which will probably forward the negotiation.\\nSaturday, July 21. Several members of Congress called\\non me early this morning. They discovered much anxietv\\nabout a contract, and assured me that Congress, on finding I\\nwas determined not to accept their terms, and had proposed\\nleaving the city, had discovered a much more favorable dis-\\nposition and believed, if I renewed my request I might ob-\\ntain conditions as reasonable as I desired. I was very indif-\\nferent and talked much of the advantages of a contract with\\none of the States. This 1 found had the desired effect. At\\nlength I told him that if Congress would accede to the terms", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "310 Dr. Cuiler negotiates with Congress for Lands. 1787.\\nI proposed, I would extend the purchase to the tenth town-\\nship trom tlie Ohio to the Scioto inclusively by which Con-\\ngress would pay more than four millions of the public debt\\nthat our intention was, an actual, large, and immediate settle-\\nment of the most robust and industrious people in America,\\nand that it would be made systematically, which would in-\\nstantly advance the price of the Federal lands, and prove an\\nimportant acquisition to Congress. .On these terms, I would\\nrenew the negotiation, if Congress was disposed to take the\\nmatter up again.\\nI spent the evening with ]\\\\Ir. Dane and Mr. jNlilliken. They\\ninformed me that Congress had taken up my business again.\\nJuly 23. My friends had made every exertion, in private\\nconversation, to bring over my opponents in Congress. In\\norder to get at some of them so as to work more powerfully on\\ntheir minds, were obliged to engage three or four persons be-\\nfore we could get at them. In some instances we engaged\\none person who engaged a second, and he a third, before we\\ncould eiiect our purpose. In these manoBUvres 1 am much be-\\nholden to Colonel Duer and Major Sargent.\\nHaving found it impossible to support General Parsons, as\\na candidate for Governor, after the interest that General Ar-\\nthur St. Clair had secured, 1 embraced this opportunity to\\ndeclare that if General Parsons could have the appointment\\nof first judge, and Sargent Secretary, we should be satisfied\\nand that I heartily wished his Excellency General St. Clair\\nmight be the Governor and that I would solicit the Eastern\\nmembers in his favor. This I found rather pleasing to south-\\nern members.\\n1 am fully convinced that it was good policy to give up\\nParsons and openly appear solicitous that St. Clair might be\\nappointed Governor. Several gentlemen have told me that\\nour matters went on much better since St. Clair and his\\nfriends had been informed that we had given up Parsons, and\\nthat 1 had solicited the Eastern members in favor of his ap-\\npointment. I immediately went to Sargent and Dner, and we\\nnow entered into the true spirit of negotiation with great\\nbodies. Every machine in the city that it was possible to\\nwork we now put in motion. Few, Bingham, and Kearney\\nare our principal opposers. Of Few and Bingham there is\\nhope but to bring over that stubborn mule of a Kearney, I\\nthink is beyond our power.\\nFriday, July 27. I rose very early this morning, and, after\\nadjusting my baggage for my return, for I was determined to\\nleave New York this day, I set out on a general morning\\nvisit, and paid my respects to all the members of Congress in", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "1787. Purchase hy Ohio Company. 311\\nthe city, and informed them of my intention to leave the city\\nthat day. My expectations of obtaining a contract, I told\\nthem, were nearly at an end. 1 should, however, wait the\\ndecision of Congress and if the terms I had stated and\\nwhich I conceived to be very advantageous to Congress, con-\\nsidering the circumstances of that country were not acceded\\nto, we must turn our attention to some other part of the coun-\\ntry. New York, Connecticut, arid Massachusetts would sell us\\nlands at half a dollar, and give us exclusive privileges beyond\\nwhat we have asked of Congress. The speculating plan con-\\ncerted between the British of Canada, was now well known.\\nThe uneasiness of the Kentucky people, with respect to the\\nMississippi, was notorious. A revolt of that country from the\\nUnion, if a war with Spain took place, was universally\\nacknowledged to be highly probable and most certainly a\\nsystematic settlement in that countr} conducted by men\\nthoroughly attached to the federal government, and composed\\nof young, robust and hardy laborors, v. ho had no idea of any\\nother than the Federal Government, I conceived to be an ob-\\nject worthy of some attention.\\n[This business was now managed, carried through Congress\\nand brought to a conclusion in great haste. At that time the\\nfiscal concerns of government were deplorable the treasury\\nof the nation was exhausted, money could not be raised on\\nloan, as the whole revolutionary debt was a terrible incubus\\non the national credit, and the only alternative was to sell\\nlands. Dr. Cutler s own journal shows he managed the ne-\\ngotiation shrwedly, but we will not saj quite honorably.\\nOn the 23rd of July, Congress authorized the Board of\\nTreasury to make the contract on the 26th, Messrs. Cutler\\nand Sargent stated, in writing their conditions and on the\\n27th Congress referred their letter to the Board, and an order\\nof the same date was obtained. Of this, his Journal says\\nBy this ordinance we obtained the grant of near five mil-\\nlion of acres of land, amounting to three million and a half\\nof dollars one million and a half of acres for the Ohio\\nCompany, and the remainder for a private speculation, in\\nwhi:-h many of the principal characters of Amerii a are con-\\ncerned. Without connecting this speculation, similar terms\\nand advantages could not have been obtained for the Ohio\\nCompan}\\nMessrs. Cutler and vSargent, the latter of whom the Doctor\\nhad associated with himself some days before, at once closed\\na verbal contract with the Board of Treasury, which was exe-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "312 Purchase hy the Ohio Company. 1786.\\ncuted in form on the 27th of the following October.* By this\\ncontract, the vast region bounded south by the Ohio, west by\\nScioto, east by the seventh range of tov. nships then survey-\\ning, and north ijy a due west line drawn from the north boun-\\ndary of the tenth township from the Ohio direct to the Scioto,\\nwas sold to the Ohio associates and their secret co-partners,\\nfor one dolhir per acre, subject to a deduction of one-third for\\nbad lands and other contingencies. The wliole tract, how-\\never, was not paid for, or taken by the company even their\\nown portion of a million and a half of acres, and extending\\nwest to the eighteenth range of townships, f was not taken\\nand in 179J, the boundaries of the purchase proper were fixed\\nas follows: the Ohio on the south, the seventh range of town-\\nships on the east, the sixteenth range on the west, and a line\\non the north so drawn as to make the grant seven hundred\\nand fifty thousand (750,009) acres, besides reservations; this\\ngrant being the portion which it was originally agreed the\\nCompany might enter into possession of at once. In addition\\nto this, two hundred and fourteen thousand, two hundred aud\\neighty-five (214,285) acres of land M ere granted as army\\nbounties, under the resolutions of 1779, and 1780; and one\\nhundred thousand (100,000) as bounties to actual settlers both\\nof the latter tracts being within the original grant of 1787,\\nand adjoining the purchase as above defined. J\\nWhile Dr. Cutler was preparing to press his suit with Con-\\ngress, that body was bringing into form an ordinance for the\\npolitical and social organization of the Territory beyond the\\nOhio. Virginia made her ces.sion March 1, 1784, and during\\nthe month following, a plan for the temporary government of\\nthe newly acquired territory, came under discus.sion.\u00c2\u00a7 On the\\n19th of April, Mr. Spaight, ofXorth Carolina, moved to strike\\nfrom that plan, which had been reported by Mr. Jefferson, a\\nprovision for prohibiting slavery north-west of the Ohio, after\\nthe year 1800, and this motion prevailed. |j From that day\\ntill the 23.1, the plan was debated and altered, and then pass-\\nSee Land Laws 262, to 20 1 Old Journals, iv. Appendix, 17, IS.\\nt North American Rericw, vol. liii, 343, 344.\\nX Land Laws, 364 to 36S North American Review, liii. 344.\\ni See in Old Journals, iv, 293, a pr position io organize a western D strict, made Octo-\\nber 14, 17S3.\\nIj Old Jourcals, iv. 373.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "1787. Project of ten new States. 313\\ned unanimously, with the exception of South Carolina.* By\\nthis proposition the territory was to have been divided into\\nStates by parallels of latitude and meridian lines ;f this, it\\nwas thought, would have made ten States, which were to\\nhave been named as follows, beginning at the north-west cor-\\nner and going southwardly Sylvania, Michigania, Cherso-\\nnisus, Assenispia, Metropotamia, lUinoia, Saratoga, Wash-\\nington, Polypotamia, and Pclisipia.J Surely the hero of\\nMount Vernon must have shuddered to find himself in such\\ncompany.\\n[We shall refer to this subject in the Appendix, Annals of\\nIllinois, and give the facts and references concerning the\\nprohibition of slavery in the Western Territory.]\\nBut a more serious difficulty existed to this plan than its\\ncatalogue of names namely, the number of States which it\\nwas proposed to form, and their boundaries. The root of this\\nevil was in the resolution passed by Congress, October 10th,\\n1780, which fixed the size of the States to be formed from the\\nceded lands, at one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles\\nsquare; and the terms of that resolution had been referred to,\\nboth by Virginia and Massachusetts in their grants, so as to\\nmake farther legislation, at least by the former, needful to\\nchange them. Upon the 7th of July, 1786, this subject was\\ntaken up in Congress, and a resolution passed in favor of a\\ndivision of not less than three nor more than five States,\\nto which resolution, Virginia, at the close of 1788, assented.\\nOn the 29th of Sept. 1786,Cojigress, having thus changed the\\nplan for dividing the north-western territory into ten States,\\nproceeded again to consider the terms of an ordinance for the\\ngovernment of that region and this was taken up from time\\nto time, until July 13th of the 3 ear of which we are writing,\\nwhen it was finally passed, having been somewhat changed\\njust before its passage, at the suggestion of Dr. Cutler. We\\ngive it entire as it is the corner-stone of the Constitutions of\\nour north-western States.\\nOld Journals, iv, 380.\\nfOld Journals, iv. 379 Land Laws, 347.\\nJSparks Washington, ix. 48.\\nLand Laws, 338, 100, 101.\\nli Old Journals, iv, 701, fcc., 746, c., 751, feo. North American Review, liii, 33fi,\\n20", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "314 Ordinance of n 81. 1787.\\nAn Ordinance f 01 the Government of the Territory of the United\\nStates Northwest of the River Ohio.\\nBe it ordained by the United States in Congress assembled,\\nThat the said territory, for the purposes of temporary govern-\\nment, be one district, subject, however, to be divided into two\\ndistricts, as future circumstances may, in the opinion of Con-\\ngress, make it expedient.\\nBe it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the estates,\\nboth of resident, and non-resident proprietors in said territory,\\ndying intestate, shall descend to, and be distributed among,\\ntlieir children, and the descendants of a deceased child, in\\nequal parts; the descendants of a deceased child, or grand child,\\nto take the share of their deceased parent in equal parts\\namong them And where there shall be no children or de-\\nscendants, then in equal parts to the next of kin in equal de-\\ngree and, among collaterals, the children of a deceased\\nbrother or sister of the intestate shall have, in equal parts\\namong them, their deceased parents share and there shall,\\nin no case, be a distinction between kindred of the whole and\\nhalf-blood; saving, in all cases, to the widow of the intestate,\\nher third part of the real estate for life, and one-third part of\\nthe personal estate and this law, relative to descents and\\ndower, shall remain in full force until altered by the legisla-\\nture of the district. And, until the governor and judges shall\\nadopt laws as hereinafter mentioned, estates in the said terri-\\ntory may be devised or bequeathed by wills in writing, signed\\nand sealed by him or her, in whom the estate may be, (being\\nof full age,) and attested by three witnesses and real estates\\nmay be coiiveyed by lease and release, or bargain and sale,\\nsigned, sealed, and delivered, by the person, being of full age,\\nin whom the estate may be, and attested by two witnesses,\\nprovided such wills be duly proved, and such conveyances be\\nacknowledged, or the execution thereof duly proved, and be\\nrecorded witliin one year after proper magistrates, courts, and\\nregisteis, shall be appointed for that purpose and personal\\nproperty may be transferred by delivery; saving, however, to\\nthe French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the\\nKaskaskias, St. Vincents, and the neighboring villages who\\nhave heretofore professed themselves citizens of Virginia,\\ntheir laws and customs now in force among them; relative to\\nthe descent and conveyance of property.\\nBe it ordained by the authority aforesaid. That tliere shall\\nbe appointed, from time to time, by Congress, a governor,\\nwhose commission shall continue in force for three years, un-\\nless sooner revoked by Congress; he shall reside in the dis-\\ntrict, and have a freehold estate therein in 1000 acres of land,\\nwhile in the exercise of his ollice.\\nThere shall be appointed, from time to time, by Congress,", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "1787. Ordinance of 1787. 315\\na secretary, whose commission shall continue in force for four\\nyears, unless sooner revoked; he shall reside in the district,\\nand have a freehold estate therein in 500 acres of land, while\\nin the exercise of his office it shall be his duty to keep and\\npreserve the acts and laws passed by the legislature, and the\\npublic records of the district, and the proceedings of the gov-\\nernor in his Executive department and transmit authentic\\ncopies of such acts and proceedings, every six months, to the\\nSecretary of Congress There shall also be appointed a court\\nto consist of three judges, any two of whom to form a court,\\nwho shall have a common law jurisdiction, and reside in the\\ndistrict, and have each therein a freehold estate in 500 acres\\nof land while in the exercise of their offices and their com-\\nmissions shall continue in force during good behavior.\\nThe governor and judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt\\nand pubUsh in the district such laws of the original States,\\ncriminal and civil, as may be necessary, and best suited to the\\ncircumstances of the district, and report them to Congress\\nfrom time to time which laws shall be in force in the district\\nuntil the organization of the General Assembly therein, unless\\ndisapproved of by Congress but, afterwards, the legislature\\nshall have authority to alter them as they shall think fit.\\nThe governor, for the time being, shall be commander-in-\\nchief of the militia, appoint and commission all officers in the\\nsame below the rank of general officers all general officers\\nshall be appointed and commissioned by Congress.\\nPrevious to the organization of the General Assembly, the\\ngovernor shall appoint such magistrates and other civil offi-\\ncers, in each county or township, as he shall find necessary\\nfor the preservation of the peace and good order in the same\\nAfter the General Assembly shall be organized, the powers\\nand duties of magistrates and other civil officers, shall be reg-\\nulated and defined by the said assembly but all magistrates\\nand other civil officers, not herein otherwise directed, shall,\\nduring the continuance of this temporary government, be ap-\\npointed by the governor.\\nFor the prevention of crimes and injuries, the laws to be\\nadopted or made shall have force in all parts of the district,\\nand for the execution of process, criminal and civil, the gov-\\nernor shall make proper divisions thereof; and he shall pro-\\nceed, from time to time, as circumstances may require, to lay\\nout the parts of the district in v\u00c2\u00bb^hich the Indian titles shall\\nhave been extingui-;hed, into counties and townships, subject,\\nhowever, to such alterations as may thereafter be made by\\nthe legislature.\\nSo soon as there shall be 5000 free male inhabitants\\nof full age in the district, upon giving proof thereof to\\nthe Governor, they shall receive authority, with time and\\nplace, to elect representatives from their counties or townships", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "316 Ordinance of 1787. 1787.\\nto represent them in the General Assembly Provided, That,\\nfor every 600 free male inhabitants, there shall be one repre-\\nsentative, and so on progressively with the number of free\\nmale inhabitants, shall the right of representation increase,\\nuntil the number of representatives shall amount to twent}\\nfive; after which, the number and proportion of representa-\\ntives shall be regulated by the Legislature Provided, That\\nno person be eligible or qualified to act as a representative\\nunless he shall have been a citizen of one of the United\\nStates three years, and be a resident in the district, or unless\\nhe shall have resided in the district three years and, in ei-\\nther case, shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee simple,\\ntwo hundred acres of land within the same Provided, also,\\nThat a freehold in fifty acres of land in the district, having\\nbeen a citizen of one of the States, and being resident in\\nthe district, or the like freehold and two years residence in\\nthe district, shall be necessary to qualify a man as an elector\\nof a representative.\\nThe representatives thus elected, shall serve for the term of\\ntwo years and, in case of the death of a representative, or\\nremoval from ofiice, the Governor shall issue a writ to the\\ncounty or township for which he was a member, to elect\\nanother in his stead, to serve for the residue of the term.\\nThe General Assembly, or Legislature, shall consist of the\\nGovernor, Legislative Council, and a House of Representa-\\ntives. The Legislative Council shall consist of five members,\\nto continue in office five years, unless sooner removed by\\nCongress; any three of whom to be a quorum and the mem-\\nbers of the Council shall be nominated and appointed in the\\nfollowing manner, to wit As soon as Representatives shall\\nbe elected, the Governor shall appoint a time and place for\\nthem to meet together and when met they shall nominate\\nten persons, residents in the district, and each possessed of a\\nfreehold in five hundred acres of land, and return their names\\nto Congress five of whom Congress shall appoint and com-\\nmission to serve as aforesaid and, whenever a vacancy shall\\nhappen in the Council, by death or removal from office, the\\nHouse of Representatives shall nominate two persons, quali-\\nfied as aforesaid, for each vacancy, and return their names to\\nCongress one of whom Congress shall appoint and commis-\\nsion for the residue of the term. And every five years, four\\nmonths at least before the expiration of the time of service of\\nthe members of the Council, the said House shall nominate\\nten persons, qualified as aforesaid, and return their names to\\nCongress five of whom Congress shall appoint and commis-\\nsion to serve as members of the Council five years, unless\\nsooner removed. And the Governor, Legislative Council,\\nand House of Representatives, shall have authority to make\\nlaws in all cases, for the good government of the district, not", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "V 1787. Ordinance of 1787. 317\\nrepugnant to the principles and articles in this ordinance es-\\ntablished and declared. And all bills, having passed by a ma-\\njority in the House, and by a majority in the Council, shall be\\nreferred to the Governor for his assent but no bill, or legisla-\\ntive act whatever, shall be of any force without his assent.\\nThe Governor shall have power to convene, prorogue, and\\ndissolve the General Assembly, when, in his opinion, it shall\\nbe expedient.\\nThe Governor, Judges, Legislative Council, Secretary, and\\nsuch other officers as Congress shall appoint in the district,\\nshall take an oath or affirmation of fidelity and of office the\\nGovernor before the President of Congress, and all other offi-\\ncers before the Governor. As soon as a Legislature shall\\nbe formed in the district, the Council and House assembled in\\none room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to elect a del-\\negate to Congress, who shall have a seat in Congress, with a\\nright of debating, but not of voting, during this temporary\\ngovernment.\\nAnd, for extending the fundamental principles of civil and\\nreligious liberty, which form the basis whereon these republics,\\ntheir laws and constitutions are erected to fix and establish\\nthose principles as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and\\ngovernments, which forever hereafter shall be formed in the\\nsaid territory; to provide also for the establishment of States,\\nand permanent government therein, and for their admission\\nto a share in the federal councils on an equal footing with the\\noriginal States, at as early periods as may be consistent with\\nthe general interest\\nIt is hereby ordained and declared b} the authority afore-\\nsaid, That the following articles shall be considered as ar-\\nticles of compact between the original States and the people\\nand States in the said territory, and forever remain unaltera-\\nble, unless by common consent, to wit\\nArt. 1. No person, demeaning himself in a peaceable and\\norderly manner, shall ever be molested on account of his\\nmode of worship or religious sentiments, in the said territory.\\nArt. 2. The inhabitants of the said territory shall always\\nbe entitled to the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus, and of\\nthe trial by jury, of a proportionate representation of the peo-\\nple in the Legislature and of judicial proceedings according\\nto the course of common law. All persons shall be bailable,\\nunless for capital offences, where the proof shall be evident\\nor the presumption great. All fines shall be moderate and\\nno cruel or unusual punishments shall be inflicted. No man\\nshall be deprived of his liberty or property, but by the judg-\\nment of his peers or the law of the land and, should the\\npublic exigencies make it necessary, for the common preserva-\\ntion, to take any person s property, or to demand his particular", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "318 Ordinance of \\\\1%1 1787.\\nservices, full compensation shall be made for the same. And,\\nin the just preservation of rights and property, it is understood\\nand declared, that no law ought ever to be made, or have\\nforce in the said territory, that shall, in any manner whatever,\\ninterfere with or affect private contracts or engagements, bona\\nfide, and without fraud, previously formed.\\nArt. 3. Religion, morality and knowledge, being necessa-\\nry to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools\\nand the means of education shall forever be encouraged.\\nThe utmost good faith shall always be observed towards the\\nIndians; their lands and property shall never be taken from\\nthem without their consent; and, in their property, rights and\\nliberty, they shall never be invaded or disturbed, unless in\\njust and lawful wars authorized by Congress; but laws founded\\ninjustice and humanity, shall, from time to time, be made for\\npreventing wrongs being done to them, and for preserving\\npeace and friendship with them.\\nArt. 4. The said territory, and the States which may be\\nformed therein, shall forever remain a part of this confedera-\\ncy of the United States of America, subject to the Articles of\\nConfederation, and to such alterations therein as shall be con-\\nstitutionally made; and to all the acts and ordinances of the\\nUnited States in Congress assembled, conformable thereto.\\nThe inhabitants and settlers in the said territor}^ shall be\\nsubject to pay a part of the federal debts contracted, or to be\\ncontracted, and a proportional part of the expenses of gov-\\nernment, to be apportioned on them by Congress according to\\nthe same common rule and measure by which apportionments\\nthereof shall be made on the other States; and the taxes, for\\npaying their proportion, shall be laid and levied by the au-\\nthority and direction of the Legislatures of the district or\\ndistricts, or new States, as in the original States, within the\\ntime agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled.\\nThe Legislatures of those districts or new States, shall never\\ninterfere with the primary disposal of the soil by the United\\nStates in Congress assembled, nor with any regulations Con-\\ngress may find necessary for securing the title in such soil to\\nthe bona fide purchasers.* No tax shall be imposed on lands\\nthe property of the United States and, in no case, shall non-\\nresident proprietors be taxed higher than residents. The\\nnavigable waters leading into the Mississippi and St. Law-\\nrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be\\ncommon highways, and forever free, as well to the inhabi-\\ntants of the said territory as to the citizens of the United\\nStates, and those of any other States that may be admitted\\n*Act of 25tb Fcbruarj 1811, provides the same in Louisiana; and, alfo, that lands sold\\nby Congress shall not be taxed for five years after sale;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 in Mississippi, by act of 1st\\nMarch, 1817, and so of all others.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "1787. Ordinance of 1787. 319\\ninto the Confederacy, Avithout any tax, impost or duty, there-\\nfor.\\nArt. 5. There shall be formed in the said territory, not\\nless than three nor more than five States and the bounda-\\nries of the States, as soon as Virginia shall alter her act of\\ncession, and consent to the same, shall become fixed and es-\\ntablished as follows, to wit The western State in the said\\nterritory, shall be bounded by the Mississippi, the Ohio, and\\nWabash rivers; a direct line drawn from the Wabash and\\nPost St. Vincent s due north, to the territorial line between\\nthe United States and Canada; and, by the said territorial\\nline, to the Lake of the Woods and Mississippi. The middle\\nState shall be bounded by the said direct line, the Wabash from\\nPost St. Vincent s, to the Ohio; by the Ohio, by a direct line\\ndrawn due north from the mouth of the Great Miami, to the\\nsaid territorial line. The eastern State shall be bounded by the\\nlast mentioned direct line, the Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the said\\nterritorial line Provided, however, and it is further understood\\nand declared, that the boundaries of these three States shall\\nbe subject so far to be altered, that if Congress shall here-\\nafter find it expedient, they shall have authority to form one\\nor two States in that part of the said territory which lies\\nnorth of an east and west line drawn through the southerly\\nbend or extreme of Lake Michigan. And, whenever any of\\nthe said States shall have 60,000 free inhabitants therein, such\\nState shall be admitted, by its delegates, into the Congress of\\nthe United States on an equal footing with the original\\nStates in all respects whatever, and shall be at liberty to form\\na permanent constitution and State government: Provided,\\nthe constitution and govp.rnment so to be formed, shall be re-\\npublican, and in conformity to the principles contained in\\nthese articles and so far as it can be consistent with the gen-\\neral interest of the confederacy, such admission shall be\\nallowed at an earlier period, and when there may be a less\\nnumber of free inhabitants in the State than sixty thousand.\\nArt. 6. There shall be neither slavery or involuntary ser-\\nvitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment\\nof crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted\\nProvided, always, That any person escaping into the same,,\\nfrom whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of\\nthe original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed\\nand conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or ser-\\nvice as aforesaid.\\nBe it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the resolu-\\ntions of the 23d of April, 1784, relative to the subject of this\\nordinance, be, and the same are hereby repealed and declared\\nnull and void. Done, c.*\\n*Land Laws, p. 356.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "Symmes Applies for Land. 1788.\\nThe passage of this ordinance, and the grant to the New\\nEngland associates, was soon followed by an application to\\ngovernment by John Cieve Symmes, of New Jersey, for the\\ncountry between the Miamis.* This gentleman had been led\\nto visit that region by the representations of Benjamin Stites,\\nof Red Stone, (Brownsville,) who had examined the valUes\\nof the Shawanese soon after the treaty of January, 1786.f\\nSymmes found them all, and more than all they had been rep-\\nresented to be, and upon the 29th of August, 1787, wrote to\\nthe President of Congress, asking that the Treasury Board\\nmight be empowered to contract with him for the district\\nabove named. This petition, on the 2d of October, was re-\\nferred to the Board, with power to act, and a contract was\\nconcluded the next year. Upon the 18th of the month last\\nnamed, another application was made by Royal Flint and Jo-\\nseph Parker, for lands upon the Wabash and Mississippi ;J\\nthis was also referred to the Board of Treasury.\\nDuring this autumn the directors of the company organized\\nin New England, were preparing for an actual settlement in\\nthe ensuing spring, and upon the 23d of November, made ar-\\nrangements for a party of forty-seven men, unt er the superin-\\ntendence of General Rufus Putnam, to set forward. Six boat-\\nbuilders were to leave the next week on the 1st of January,\\n1788, the surveyors and their assistants, twenty-six in number,\\nwere to meet at Hartford, and go westward and the remain-\\nder to follow as soon as possible. Congress, meantime, upon\\nthe 3d of October, had ordered seven hundred troops for the\\ndefence of the western settlers, and to prevent unauthorized\\nintrusions and two days later appointed St. Clair governor\\nof the North-western Territory.]]\\nThe two leading causes of disquiet to the western people\\nthrough 1787, the Indian incursions, and the Spanish posses-\\nsion of the Mississippi, did not cease to irritate them during\\nthe next year also.\\nLand Laws, 372. See also Burnet s Letters in the Ohio Historical Tranfactions, p. 335\\nt\u00c2\u00ab 347.\\nt Cincinnati Directory, ISIO, p. 10. The Historical sketch in this volume was compile*!\\nfrom the statements of the earliest settlers. The Miami country had been entered in\\n1785, and some improrements made. Cisl s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 33.\\nX Old Journals, iv. Appendix 19.\\nI North American Review, liii. Zil. Old Journals, iv. 785, 786.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "1788. Measures to pi-cscrve Peace. 321\\nWhen Clark took his unauthorized possession of Vincennes,\\nin October, 1786, he had asked the savages of the north-west\\nto meet him in council in November; they repUed that it was\\ntoo late in the year, and the proposed meeting was postponed\\ntill April. Of this meeting Messrs. Marshall, Muter, and oth-\\ners, when writing to Virginia, gave information, and suggested\\nthat the government should take Clark s place in it. The\\nCouncil of Virginia coincided with the suggestion, and recom-\\nmended to Congress James Wilkinson, Richard C. Anderson\\nand Isaac Shelby,* as commissioners on behalf of the United\\nStates. Congress, however, received notice of Clark s move-\\nments too latef for the proposed treaty, and nothing seems to\\nhave been done until July 21st, when the superintendant of\\nIndian affairs in the north, or, if he could not go, Colonel Har-\\nmar, was instructed to proceed to Vincennes, or some other\\nconvenient place, and there hold a council with the Wabash\\nIndians and Shawanese, for the purpose of putting an end to\\nwarfare. J Favorable notice was also taken of a council\\nwhich had been held at the mouth of Detroit river, in Decem-\\nber, 1786, by the Iroquois, Wyandots and others, the purpose\\nof which was pacific, and from which an address relative to\\nthe Indian troubles had been sent to Congress. This was\\nconsidered, and upon the 5th of October it was resolved, that\\na treaty should be held early in the year 1788, with these\\ntribes, by the governor of the new territory, who was instruct-\\ned on the subject, on the 26th of the month last mentioned.\\nAt the same time, however, that measures were thus taken to\\npreserve peace, troops were placed at Venango, Fort Pitt, Fort\\nMcintosh, the Muskingum, the Miami, Vincennes, and Louis-\\nville, and the governor of Virginia was requested to have the\\nmilitia of Kentucky in readiness for any emergency. AH these\\nmeasures, however, produced no results during 1788 the Indi-\\nans were neither overawed, conquered, nor satisfied from May\\nuntil the middle of July they were expected to meet the\\nwhites upon the Muskingum, but the point which had been\\nSecret Journals, iv. 313, 314, 309, 306.\\nt April 12tli. Secret Journals, iv. 301.\\nJ Old Journals, iv. 761.\\nil Lanman s History of Michigan, 149. Old Journal?, iv. 762, 763, 7S6. Secret Jour-\\nnals, i. 276.\\nOld Journals, iv. 762.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "322 Emigrants Land at Muskingum. 1788.\\nselected, and where goods had been placed, being at last at-\\ntacked by the Chippe\\\\va3-.s, it was thought best to adjourn the\\nmeeting and hold it at Fort llarmar, where it was at length\\nhelJ, but not until January, 1789.\\nThese Indian uncertainties, however, did not prevent the\\nNew England associates from going forward with their opera-\\ntions. During the winter of 1787-8, their men M ere press-\\ning on over the Alleghenies by the old Indian path which had\\nbeen opened into Braddock s road, and which has since been\\nfollowed by the national turnpike from Cumberland westward.\\nThrough the dreary winter da3 s they trudged on, and by April\\nwere all gathered on the Yohiogany,* where boats had been\\nbuilt, and started for the Muskingum. On the 7th of April\\nthey landed at the spot chosen, and became the founders of\\nOhio, unless we regard as such the Moravian Missionaries.\\nAs St. Ulair, who had been appointed governor the preced-\\ning October, had not yet arrived, it became necessary to erect\\na temporary government for their internal security for which\\npurpose a set of laws was passed, and published by being\\nnailed to a tree in the village, and Return Jonathan Meigs\\nwas appointed to administer them. It is a strong evidence of\\nthe good habits of the people of the colony, that during three\\nmonths, but one diflerence occurred, and that was compro-\\nmised.! Indeed, a better set of men altogether, could scarce\\nhave been selected for the purpose, than Putnam s little band.\\nWashington might well say, no colony in America was ever\\nsettled under such favorable auspices as that which has first\\ncommenced at the Muskingum. Information, property, and\\nstrength will be its characteristics. I know many of the set-\\ntlers personall} and there never were men better calculated\\nto promote the welfare of such a community. J\\nOn the 2d of July, a meeting of the directors and agents\\nwas held on the banks of the Muskingum, for the purpose of\\nnaming the new born city and its public squares.^ As yet the\\nsettlement had been merely The Muskingum, but the name\\nA li?t of the forty-eight is giTCn, North American Review, liii. 346.\\nt Western Monthly Magazine, 1833, vol. i. p. 395.\\nX Sparks War^hington, i.v. 384.\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 83.\\nII Some of the settlers called it the city of Adelphi: Sec a letter dated Moy ICth, 1783,\\nto the Massachusetts Spy in Imlay (Ed. 1797) p. 595.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "1788. Marietta Founded. 323\\nMarietta was now formally given it, in honor of Marie Antoi-\\nnette; the square upon which the block-houses stood was\\nchristened Campus Martins; the square No. 19, Capitolium\\nthe square No. 61, Cecilia; and the great road through the\\ncovert way, Sacra Via*\\nOn the 4th of July an oration was delivered by James jM.\\nVarnum,f who, with II. S. Parsons and John Armstrong,Jhad\\nbeen appointed to the judicial bench of the territory, on the\\n16th of October, 1787. Five days after the Governor arrived,\\nand the colony began to assume form. The ordinance of 1787\\nprovided two distinct grades of government for the north-\\nwest territory, under the first of which the whole power was\\nin the hands of the governor and the three judges, and this\\nform was at once organized upon the governor s arrival. The\\nfirst law, which was for regulating and e stablishing the mili-\\ntia, was published upon the 25th of July; and the next day,\\nappeared the governor s proclamation, erecting all the coun-\\ntry that had been ceded by the Indians east of the Scioto river\\ninto the county of Washington.\u00c2\u00a7\\nFrom that time forward, notwithstanding the doubt yet ex-\\nisting as to the Indians, all at Marietta went on prosperously\\nand pleasantly. On the 2d of September the first court was\\nheld, with becoming ceremonies.\\nThe procession was formed at the Point, (where most of the\\nsettlers resided,) in the following order 1st, the high Sheriff,\\nwith his drawn sword 2d, the citizens 3d, the ofiicers at the\\ngarrison at Fort Harmar 4th, the members of the bar; 5th,\\nthe Supreme Judges 6lh, the Governor and Clergyman 7th,\\nthe newly appointed Judges of the Court of Common Pleas,\\nGenerals Rufus Putnam and Benjamin Tupper.\\nThey marched up a path that had been cut and cleared\\nthrough the forest to Campus Martins Hall, (stockade.) where\\nthe whole counter-marched, and the Judges, (Putnam and\\nTupper) took their seats. The Clergyman, Rev. Dr. Cutler,\\nthen invoked the divine blessing. The Sheriff, Col. Ebenezer\\n*Carey s Museum, vol. iv. p. 390. la the fifth volume (March, 1789) of that periodical,\\npage 28-4, is an account of the city of Athens, which the Spaniards at this time proposed to\\nbuild at the mouth of the Missouri. On the very point where the rivers joined, was to\\nbe Fort Solon not for defence, however, but for the retirement of the Governor from iLe\\nbusy scenes of public employment.\\nt See this oration in Carey s Museum for May, 17S9, 453 to 455.\\nX Mr. Armstrong declined serving. John Cleve Symmes was chosen in his stead, Feb.\\n19 th, 17SS.\\nChase, vol. i. p. 92. Carey s Museum, iv, 433.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "324 Great Emigralion Westward. 1788.\\nSproat, (one of nature s nobles,) proclaimed with his solemn\\nO yes, that a court is opened for the administration of even-\\nhandedjustice, to the poor and the rich, to the guilty and the\\ninnocent, without respect to persons; none to be punished\\nwithout a trial by their peers, and then in pursuance of the\\nlaws and evidence in the case. Although this scene was ex-\\nhibited thus early in the settlement of the State, few ever\\nequalled it in the dignity and exalted character of its princi-\\npal j)articipators. Many of them belonged to the history of\\nour country, in the darkest as well as the most splendid peri-\\nods of the Revolutionary war. To witness this spectacle, a\\nlarge body of Indians was collected, from the most powerful\\ntribes then occupying the almost entire West. They had as-\\nsembled for the purpose of making a treaty. Whether any of\\nthem entered the hall of justice, or what were their impres-\\nsions, we are not told. (American Pioneer, i. p. 165.)\\nThe progress of the settlement, says a letter from JNIuskin-\\ngum, is sufficiently rapid for the hrst year. We are con-\\ntinually erecting houses, but arrivals are faster than we can\\npossibly provide convenient covering. Our first ball was\\nopened about the middle of December, at which were fifteen\\nladies, as well accomplished in the manners of polite circles\\nas any 1 have ever seen in the old States. I mention this to\\nshow the progress of society in this new world vvhrre 1 be-\\nlieve we shall vie with, if not excel, the old States, in every\\naccomplishment necessary to render life agreeable and hap-\\npy.\\nThe emigration westward, even at this time, was very great;\\nthe commandant at P ort Harmar reporting four thousand five\\nhundred persons as having passed that post between Februa-\\nry and June, 1788; many of Avhom would have stopped on\\nthe purchase of the Associates, had they been ready to re-\\nceive them.\\nDuring the following year, and indeed until the Indians,\\nwho, in spite of treaties, had been committing small depreda-\\ntions all the time, stealing horses and sinking boats, went\\nfairly and openly to war, the settlement on the Muskingum\\ngrew slowly, but steadily, and to good purpose the first at-\\ntack made by Indians on the Muskingum settlements, began\\nJanuary 2d, 1791.\\nNor were Symmes and his New Jersey friends idle during\\nthis year, though his purchase was far more open to Indian\\ndepredations than that of the Massachusetts men. His first\\nproposition had been referred, as we have said, to the Board\\nof Treasury, with power to contract, upon Hie 2d of Oct. 1787.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "1788. Symmes Purchase. 325\\nUpon the 26th of the next month, Symmes issued a pamph-\\nlet, addressed to the respectable public, stating the terms of\\nhis contract, and the scheme of sale which he proposed to\\nadopt. This was, to issue his warrants for not less than a\\nquarter section, (a hundred and sixty acres,) which might be\\nlocated any where, except, of course, on reservations, and\\nspots previously chosen. No section was to be divided, if the\\nwarrant held by the locator would cover the whole. The\\nprice was to be sixty cents and two-thirds per acre, till May,\\n1788 then one dollar till November and, after that time,\\nwas to be regulated by the demand for land. Every locator\\nwas bound to begin improvements within two years, or forfeit\\none-sixth of his purchase to whoever would settle thereon and\\nremain seven years. Military bounties might be taken in this\\nas in the purchase oft he associates. For himself, Symmes re-\\ntained one township at the mouth of the Great Miami, at the\\njunction of which stream with the Ohio, he proposed to build\\nhis great city to help the growth of which he oflcred each\\nalternate lot to any one that would build a house and live\\ntherein three years.\\nAs Continental certificates were rising, in consequence of\\nthe great land purchases then making with them, and as diffi-\\nculty was apprehended in procuring enough to make his first\\npayment, Symmes was anxious to send forward settlers early,\\nthat the true value of his purchase might become known at\\nthe east. He had, however, some difliculty in arranging with\\nthe Board of Treasury the boundaries of the first portion he\\nwas to occupy.*\\nIn January, 1788, Mathias Denman, of New Jerse}^ took an\\ninterest in Symmes purchase, and located, among other tracts,\\nthe sectional and fractional section upon which Cincinnati\\nhas been built. f Iletaining one-third of this particular lo-\\ncality, he sold another third to Robert Patterson, and the re-\\nmainder to John Filson and the three, about August, 1788,\\nagreed to lay out a town on the spot, which Mas designated\\nas being opposite Licking river, to the mouth of which they\\nproposed to have a road cut from Lexington, Kentucky, to be\\nManuscript Letters of Symmes. See Burnet s Letters, 136.\\nt Many facts relative to the settlement of Cincinnati, we take from the depositions of\\nDenman, Patterson, Ludlow, and others, contained in the report of the chancery trial of\\nCity of Cincinnati vs. Joel Williams, in 1807.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "326 Cincinnati laid out. 1788.\\nconnected with the northern shore by a ferry. Mr. Filson,\\nwho had been a schoolmaster, was appointed to name the\\ntown and, in respect to its situation, and as if Avith a pro-\\nphetic perception of the mixed race that were in after days to\\ninhabit there, he named it Losantiville, which, being interpre-\\nted, means ville, the town avti, opposite to; os, the mouth L,\\nof Licking. J This may well put to the blush the Ccnnpus\\nMartius of the Marietta scholars, and the Fort Solon of the\\nSpaniards.\\nMeanwhile, in July, Symmcs got thirty people and eight\\nfour-hor-se wagons under way for tlie West. These reached\\nLimestone (now JMaysville) in September, where they found Mr.\\nStites \\\\\\\\ith several persons from Red Stone. But the mind of\\nthe cliief purchaser was full of trouble. He had not only\\nbeen obliged to relinquish his first contract, which was ex-\\npected to embrace two millions of acres, but had failed to\\nconclude one for the single million which he now proposed\\ntaking. This arose from a difference between him and the gov-\\nernment, he wishing to have the w hole Ohio from between the\\nMiamies, while the Board of Treasury wished to confine him\\nto twenty miles upon the Ohio. This proposition, however,\\nhe would not for a long time agree to, as he had made sales\\nalong nearly the whole Ohio shore. Leaving the bargain in\\nthis unsettled state, Congress considered itself released from\\nits obligation to sell and, but for the representations of some\\nof his fiiends, our adventurer would have lost his bargain, his\\nlabor, and his money. Nor was this all. In February, 1788,\\nhe had been appointed one of the judges of the North-west\\nTerritory, in the place of Mr. Armstrong, who declined serv-\\ning. This appointment gave offence to some and others\\nwere envious of the great fortune which it was thought he\\nwould make. Some of his as. ^^ociates complained of him, also,\\nprobably of iiis endangering the contract to which they had\\nbecome parties, ^yith these murmurs and reproaches behind\\nhim, he saw before him danger, delay, suffering, and, perhaps,\\nultimate failure and ruin, and, although hopeful by nature,\\napparently he felt discouraged and sad. Ilow evcr, a visit to\\nhis purchase, where he landed upon the 22d of September,\\nrevive d his .spirits, and upon his return to Maysville, he wrote\\nto Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey, who had become in-\\nt Cincinnati Directory [for 1S19, p. 18.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "1788. Trouhles of Symmes. 327\\nterested with him, that he thought some of the land near the\\nGreat Miami positively worth a silver dollar the acre in its\\npresent state.\\nIt may be as well to give here a sketch of the changes\\nmade in Symmes contract. His first application Mas for all\\nthe country between the Miamies, running up to the north line\\nof the Ohio Company s purchase, extending due west. On\\nthe 22d of October, 1787, Congress resolved, that the Board\\nof Treasury be authorized to contract with any one for tracts\\nof not less than a million acres of western lands, the front of\\nwdiich, on the Ohio, Wabash and other rivers, should not ex-\\nceed one-third the depth. On the 15th of May, 1788, Dayton\\nand Mai sh, as Symmes agents, concluded a contract with the\\nCommissioners of the Treasury for two millions of acres in\\ntwo equal tracts. In July, Symmes concluded to take only\\none tract, but dillered with the Commissioners on the grounds\\nstated in the text. After much negotiation, upon the 15th of\\nOctober, 1788, Dayton and Marsh concluded a contract with\\ngovernment, bearing date May 15th, for one million of acres,\\nbeginning twenty miles up the Ohio from the mouth of the\\nGreat Miami, and to run back for quantity between the Miami\\nand a line drawn from the Ohio parallel to the general course\\nof that river. In 1791, Symmes found this would throw his\\npurchase too far back from the Ohio, and applied to Congress\\nto let him have all between the Miamies, running back so as\\nto include a million acres, which that body, on the 12th of\\nApril, 1792, agreed to do. When the lands between the\\nMiamies were surveyed, however, it was found that the tract\\nsouth of a line drawn from the head of the Little, due west to\\nthe Great Miami, would include less than six hundred thou-\\nsand acres but even this Symmes could not pay for, and,\\nw^hen his patent issued upon the 30th September, 1794, it\\ngave him and his associates but two hundred and forty-eight\\nthousand five hundred and forty acres, exclusive of reserva-\\ntions, which amounted to sixty-three thousand one hundred\\nand forty-two acres. This tract was bounded by the Ohio,\\nthe two Miamies, and a due east and west line, run so as to\\ncomprehend the desired quantity. As Symmes made no far-\\nther pa3-ments after this time, the rest of his purchase revert-\\ned to the United States, who gave those that had bought\\nunder Symmes ample pre-emption rights. See Land Laics,\\npp. 272-382, et scq and post.\\nAbout this time the Indians were threatening; in Kentucky,\\nhe says, they are perpetually doing mischief; a man a week,\\nI believe, falls by their hands but still government gave him\\nlittle help toward defending himself; for, while three hundred\\nmen were stationed at Muskingum, he had but one ensign", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "328 Troubles of Symmcs. 1788.\\nand seventeen men for the protection and defence of the\\nslaughter-house, as the Miami valley was called by the\\ndwellers upon the dark and bloody ground of Kentucke.\\nAnd when Captain Kearny and forty-five soldiers came to\\nMaysville in December, they came without provisions, and but\\nmade bad worse. Nor did their coming answer any purpose\\nfor when a little band of settlers were ready to go, under their\\nprotection, to the mouth of the Miami, the grand city of\\nSymmes that was to be, the ice stove their boats, their cattle\\nwere drowned, and their provisions lost, and so the settlement\\nwas prevented. But the fertile mind of a man like our ad-\\nventurer could, even under these circumstances, find comfort\\nin the anticipation of what was to come. In the words of\\nReturn Jonathan Meigs, the first Ohio poet with whom we\\nhave any acquaintance,\\nTo him glad Fancy brightest prospects shows,\\nRejoicing Nature all around him glows\\nWhere late the savage, hid in ambush, lay,\\nOr roamed the uncultured valleys for his prey,\\nHer hardy gifts rough Industry extends,\\nThe groves b W down, tlie lofty forest bends\\nAnd see the spires Of towns and cities rise,\\nAnd domes and temples swell unto the skies.\\nBut alas so far as his pet city was concerned, glad Fancy\\nproved but a gay deceiver for there came an amazing high\\nfreshet, and the Point, as it was, and still is called, was\\nfifteen feet under water.\\nBut, before Symmes left Maysville, which was upon the\\n29th of January, 1789, two settlements had been made within\\nhis purchase. The first was by Mr. Stites, the original pro-\\njector of the whole plan who, with other Redstone people,\\nhad located themselves at the mouth of the Little Miami,\\nwhere the Indians had been led by the great fertility of the\\nsoil to make a partial clearing. To this point, on the 18th of\\nNovember, 1788, came twenty-six persons, who built a block-\\nhouse, named their town Columbia, and prepared for a winter\\nof want and hard fighting. f The land at this point was so\\nfertile, that from nine acres were raised nine hundred and\\nsixty-three bushels of Indian corn. But they were agreeably\\nPoem delivered at Marietta, July 4th, slightly altered,\\nt Cincinnati Directory for IS 19, and Symmes Letters.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "1788. Columbia Settled. 329\\ndisappointed the Indians came to them, and though the\\nwhites answered, as Symmes says, in a blackguarding man-\\nner, the savages sued for peace. One, at whom a rifle was\\npresented, took off his cap, trailed his gun, and held out his\\nright hand, by which pacific gestures he induced the Ameri-\\ncans to consent to their entrance into the block-houses. In a\\nfew days this good understanding ripened into intimacy, the\\nhunters frequently taking shelter for the night at the Indian\\ncamps; and the red-men and squaws spending whole days\\nand nights at Columbia, regaling themselves with whis-\\nky. This friendly demeanor on the part of the Indians was\\nowing to the kind and just conduct of Symmes himself; who,\\nduring the preceding September, when examining the counr\\ntry about the Great Miami, had prevented some Kentuckians,\\nwho were in his company, from injuring a band of the sav-\\nages that came within their power which proceeding, he\\nsays, the Kentuckians thought unpardonable.\\nThe Columbia settlement was, however, like that proposed\\nat the Point, upon land that was under water during the high\\nrise in January, 1789. But one house escaped the deluge.\\nThe soldiers were driven from the ground-floor of the block-\\nhouse into the loft, and from the loft into the solitary boat\\nwhich the ice had spared them.\\nThis flood deserves to be commemorated in an epic for,\\nwhile it demonstrated the dangers to which the three chosen\\nspots of all Ohio, Marietta, Columbia, and the Point, must be\\never exposed, it also proved the safety, and led to the rapid\\nsettlement of Losantiville. The great recommendation of the\\nspot upon which Denman and his comrades proposed to build\\ntheir Mosaic town, as it has been called, appears to have\\nbeen the fact, that it lay opposite the Licking the terms of\\nDenman s purchase having been, that his warrants were to be\\nlocated, as nearly as possible, over against the mouth of that\\nriver; though the advantage of the noble and high plain at\\nthat point could not have escaped any eye. But the freshet\\nof 1789 placed its superiority over other points more strongly\\nin view than anything else could have done.\\n[John Filson was killed by the Indians in the Miami valley i^\\nin the autumn of 178S.] As nothing had been paid upon his\\nthird of the plat of Losantiville, his heirs made no claim upon\\nit, and it was transferred to Israel Ludlow, who had been\\n21", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "330 Cincinnati Settled. 1788.\\nSymmes surveyor. This gentleman, with Colonel Patterson,\\none of the other proprietors, and well known in the Indian\\nwars, with about fourteen others, left iNlaysville upon the\\n24th of December, 1788, to form a station and lay of a\\ntown opposite Licking. The river was filled with ice from\\nshore to shore but, says Symmes, in May, 1789, persever-\\nance triumphing over difficulty, they landed safe on a most\\ndelightful high bank of the Ohio, where they founded the\\ntown of Losantiville, \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ch. populates considerably.\\nIt is a curious fact, and one of many in western history,\\nthat may well tend to shake our faith in the learned discus-\\nsions as to dates and localities with which scholars now and\\nthen amuse the world, that the date of the settlement of Cin-\\ncinnati is unknown, even though we have the testimony of\\nthe very men that made the settlement. Judge Symmes says\\nin one of his letters, On the 24th of December, 1788, Colo-\\nnel Patterson, of Lexington, who is concerned with Mr. Den-\\nman in the section at the mouth of Licking river, sailed from\\nLimestone, c. Some, supposing it would take about two\\ndays to make the voyage, have dated the being of the Queen\\nCity of the West from December 26th. This is but guess-\\nwork, however for, as the river was full of ice, it might have\\ntaken ten days to have gone the sixty-five miles from Mays-\\nville to Licking. But, in the case in chancery, to which we\\nhave referred, we have the evidence of Patterson and Ludlow,\\nthat they landed opposite the Licking in the month of Jan-\\nuary, 1789; while William McMillan testifies that he was\\none of those who formed the settlement of Cincinnati on the\\n28th day of December, 1788. As we know of nothing more\\nconclusive on the subject than these statements, we must\\nleave this (juestion in the same darkness that we find it.\\nThe settlers of Losantiville built a few log huts and block-\\nhouses, and proceeded to lay out the town though they\\nplaced their dwellings in the most exposed situation, yet, says\\nSymmes they sullered nothing from the freshet.\\nSouth of the Ohio, during this year, matters were in scarce\\nas -ood a train as upon the Indian side of the river. The\\nsavao-es continued to annoy the settlers, and the settlers to re-\\ntaliate upon the savages, as Judge Symmes letters have\\nalready shown. But a more formidable source of trouble to\\nthe district than any attack the red men were capable of", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "1788. General Wilkinson s Plans. 331\\nmaking, was the growing disposition to cut loose from the\\nAtlantic colonies, and either by treaty or warfare obtain the\\nuse of the Mississippi from Spain. We have already men-\\ntioned Wilkinson s trip to New Orleans, in June, 1787 but\\nas that voyage was the beginning of that long and mysterious\\nSpanish intrigue with the citizens of the West, it seems worth\\nwhile to quote part of a paper, believed to be by Daniel\\nClark, the younger, whose uncle of the same name was the\\nagent and partner* of Wilkinson, in New Orleans, and who\\nwas fully acquainted with the government officers of Louis-\\niana.!\\nAbout the period of which we are now speaking, in the\\nmiddle of the year 1787, the foundation of an intercourse\\nwith Kentucky and the settlements on the Ohio was laid,\\nwhich daily ijicreased. Previous to that time, all those who\\nventured on the Mississippi had their property seized by the\\nfirst commanding officer they met, and little or no communi-\\ncation was kept up between the two countries. Now and\\nthen, an emigrant who wished to settle in Natchez, by dint of\\nentreaty, and solicitation of friends who had interests in New\\nOrleans, procured permission to remove there with his family,\\nslaves, cattle, furniture and farming utensils but was allowed\\nto bring no other property, except cash. An unexpected in-\\ncident, however, changed the face of things, and was produc-\\ntive of a new line of conduct. The arrival of a boat, belong-\\ning to General Wilkinson, loaded with tobacco and other pro-\\nductions of Kentucky, was announced in town, and a guard\\nwas immediately sent on board of it. The general s name\\nhad hindered this being done at Natchez, as the commandant\\nwas fearful that such a step might be displeasing to his supe-\\nriors, who might wish to show some respect to the property of\\na general officer; at any rate, the boat was proceeding to Or-\\nleans, and they would then resolve on what measures they\\nought to pursue, and put into execution. The government,\\nnot much disposed to show any mark of respect or forbear-\\nance towards the general s property, he not having at that\\ntime arrived, was about proceeding in the usual way of con-\\nfiscation, when a merchant in Orleans, who had considerable\\nWilkinson says the partnership was formed without his knowledge or consent (M\u00c2\u00bb-\\nmoir?, ii. 113.)\\nf American State Papers, xx. 704.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "332 Trade Opened with New Orleans. 1788.\\ninfluence there, and who was formerly acquainted with the\\ngeneral, represented to the governor that the measures taken\\nby the Intendant would very probably give rise to disagreea-\\nble events that the people of Kentucky were already exas-\\nperated at the conduct of the Spaniards in seizing on the prop-\\nerty of all those who navigated the Mississippi and if this\\nsystem was pursued, they would very probably, in spite of\\nCongress and the Executive of the United States, take upon\\nthemselves to obtain the navigation of the river by force,\\nwhich they were well able to do a measure for some time\\nbefore much dreaded by this government, which had no force\\nto resist them, if such a plan was put in execution. Hints\\nwere likewise given that Wilkinson was a very popular man,\\nwho could influence the whole of that country and probably\\nthat his sending a boat before him, with a wish that she might\\nbe seized, was but a snare at his return to influence the minds\\nof the people, and, having brought them to the point he wished,\\ninduce them to appoint him their leader, and then like a tor-\\nrent, spread over the country, and carry fire and desolation\\nfrom one end of the province to the other.\\nGovernor Miro, a weak man, unacquainted with the Ameri-\\ncan Government, ignorant even of the position of Kentucky\\nwith respect to his own province, but alarmed at the very idea\\nof an irruption of Kentucky men, whom he feared without\\nknowing their strength, communicated his wishes to the In-\\ntendant that the guard might be removed from the boat, which\\nwas accordingly done and a JMr. Patterson, who was the\\nagent of the general, was permitted to take charge of the\\nproperty on board, and to sell it, free of duty. The general,\\non his arrival in Orleans, some time after, was informed of\\nthe obligation he lay under to the merchant who had im-\\npressed the government with such an idea of his importance\\nand influence at home, waited on him, and, in concert with\\nhim, formed a plan for their future operations. In his inter-\\nview with the governor, that he might not seem to derogate\\nfrom the character given of him, by appearing concerned in\\nso trifling a business as a boat-load of tobacco, hams, and but-\\nter, he gave him to understand that the jiroperty belonged to\\nmany citizens of Kentucky, who, availing themselves of his\\nreturn to the Atlantic States, by way of Orleans, wished to\\nmake a trial of the temper of this government, as he, on his", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "1788, Trade Opened with New Orleans. 333\\narrival, might inform his own what steps had been pursued\\nunder his eye, that adequate measures might be afterwards ta-\\nken to procure satisfaction. He acknowledged with gratitude\\nthe attention and respect manifested by the governor towards\\nhimself in the favor shown to his agent; but at the same time\\nmentioned that he would not wish the governor to expose\\nhimself to the anger of his court by refraining from seizing on\\nthe boat and cargo, as it was but a trifle, if such were the\\npositive orders from the court, and he had not the power to\\nrelax them according to circumstances. Convinced by this\\ndiscourse that the general rather wished for an opportunity of\\nembroiling affairs, than sought to avoid it, the governor be-\\ncame more alarmed. For two or three years before, particu-\\niarly since the arrival of the commissioners from Georgia, who\\nhad come to Natchez to claim that country, he had been fear-\\nful of an invasion at every annual rise of the waters, and the\\nnews of a few boats being seen was enough to alarm the\\nwhole province. He revolved in his mind what measures he\\nought to pursue (consistent with the orders he had from home\\nto permit the free navigation of the river) in order to keep\\nthe Kentucky people quiet; and, in his succeeding interviews\\nwith Wilkinson, having procured more knowledge than he\\nhad hitherto acquired of their character, population, strength,\\nand disposition, he thought he could do nothing better than\\nhold out a bait to Wilkinson to use his influence in restraining\\nthe people from an invasion of this province till he could give\\nadvice to his court, and require further instructions. This\\nwas the point to which the parties wished to bring him and,\\nbeing informed that in Kentucky two or three crops were on\\nhand, for which, if an immediate vent was not to be found,\\nthe people could not be kept within bounds, he made Wilkin-\\nson the offer of a permission to import, on his own account,\\nto New Orleans, free of ducy, all the productions of Kentucky,\\nthinking by this means to conciliate the good-will of the peo-\\nple, without yielding the point of navigation, as the com-\\nmerce carried on would appear the effect of an indulgence to\\nan individual, which could be withdrawn at pleasure. On\\nconsultation with his friends, who well knew what further\\nconcessions Wilkinson would extort from the fears of the\\nSpaniards, by the promise of his good offices in preaching\\npeace, harmony, and good understanding with his govern-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "334 Kentucky not Made a State. 1788.\\nment, until arrangements were made between Spain and\\nAmerica, he was advised to insist that the governor should\\ninsure him a market for all the flour and tobacco he might\\nsend, as in the event of an unfortunate shipment, he would be\\nruined whilst endeavoring to do a service to Louisiana. This\\nwas accepted. Flour was always wanted in New Orleans,\\nand the king of Spain had given orders to purchase more to-\\nbacco for the supply of his manufactories at home than Louis-\\niana at that time produced, and which was paid for at about\\n$9.50 per cwt. In Kentucky it cost but ^2, and the profit\\nwas immense. In consequence, the general had appointed\\nhis friend, Daniel Clark, his agent here, returned by way of\\nCharleston in a vessel, with a particular permission to go to\\nthe United States, even at the very moment of Gardoqui s in-\\nformation and, on his arrival in Kentucky, bought up all the\\nproduce he could collect, which he shipped and disposed of\\nas before mentioned and for some time all the trade for the\\nOhio was carried on in his name, a line from him sufficing to\\nensure the owner of the boat every privilege and protection.*\\n[This Daniel Clark, we suppose, was the father of Mrs.\\nGaines\\nWhatever Wilkinson s views may have been, (and we\\nshould never forget that there was no treachery or treason\\nagainst the United States in leaving the old colonies and\\nforming an alliance with Spain at that period) such a recep-\\ntion as he had met with at New Orleans, was surely calculat-\\ned to make him and his friends feel that by either intimida-\\ntion, or alliance, the free trade they wished might be had from\\nSpain, could the act of Independence but be finally made\\nbinding by the consent of Congress, which was to be given\\nbefore July 5th, 178S. It is not to be doubted that this agree-\\nment on the part of the Union was looked ibr as a matter of\\ncourse almost; Kentucky had spoken her wishes over and\\nover again, and Virginia had acquiesced in them. When John\\nBrown, therefore, who in December, 1787, had been sent as\\nthe first Western representative to Congress, brought the sub-\\nject of admitting Kentucky as a Federal State before that\\nbody upon the 29th February,! i^ hoped the matter\\nwould soon be disposed of. But such was not the case from\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Bee American State Papers, xx. p. 70 Clark s Memoir is said by Wilkinson to hn\\nBubstantially correct. (Msmoirs, ii. 110.)\\nt Old Journals, iv. 811, 819, 828, 829, 830.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "1788. Offers of Spain to Kentucky. 335\\nFebruary to May, from May to June, from June to July, the\\nadmission of the District was debated, and at length the\\nwhole subject, on the 3d of July, was referred to the new gov-\\nernment about to be organized, and once more the Pioneers\\nfound themselves thwarted, and self-direction withheld.\\nOn the 28th of July the sixth Convention met at Danville,\\nto proceed with the business of making a Constitution, when\\nnews reached them* that their coming together was all to no\\npurpose, as the Legislature of the Union had not given the\\nnecessary sanction to the act of Virginia. This news amazed\\nand shocked them, and being accompanied or followed by in-\\ntimations from Mr. Brown that Spain would make easy terms\\nwith the West, were the West once her own mistress, we\\nsurely cannot wonder that the leaders of the Independence\\nparty were disposed to act with decision and show a spirit of\\nself-reliance. Wilkinson, on the one hand, could speak of\\nhis vast profits and the friendly temper of the south-western\\nrulers, while Brown wrote home such sentiments as these\\nThe eastern States would not, nor do I think they ever\\nwill assent to the admission of the district in the Union, as an\\nindependent State, unless Vermont, or the province of Maine,\\nis brought forward at the same time. The change which has\\ntaken place in the general government is made the ostensible\\nobjection to the measure; but, the jealousy of the growing im-\\nportance of the western country, and an unwillingness to add\\na vote to the southern interest, are the real causes of opposi-\\ntion. The question which the district will now have to de-\\ntermine upon, will be whether, or not, it will be more expe-\\ndient to continue the connexion with the State of Virginia,\\nor to declare their independence and proceed to frame a con-\\nstitution of government?\\nIn private conferences which I have had with Mr. Gardo-\\nqui, the Spanish minister, at this place, I have been assured\\nby him in the most explicit terajs, that if Kentucky will de-\\n*The difficulty of communicatiog-news to the West may be judged of by the following\\nextract from a letter by John Brown to Judge Muter.\\nAn answer to your favor of the 16th of March was, together with several other letters,\\nput into the hands of one of General Harmar s oCfieers, who set out in May last for the\\nOhio, and who promised to forward them to the district; but I fear they have miscarried,\\nas I was a few dajs ago informed that his orders had been countermanded, and that he\\nhad been sent to the garrison at West Point. Indeed I have found it almost impracticable\\nto transmit a letter to Kentucky, as there is scarce any communication between this place\\nand that countiy. A post is now established from this place to Fort Pitt, to set ou^Kce\\nin two weeks, after the 20th instant; this will render the communication ea y ancPRir-\\ntain. (Marshall, i. 204.)", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "336 A Seventh Convention Called. 1788.\\nclarc her independence, and empower some proper person to\\nnegotiate with him, that he has authority, and will engage to\\nopen the navigation of the Mississippi, for the exportation of\\ntheir produce, on terms of mutual advantage. But that this\\nprivilege never can be extended to them while part of the\\nUnited States, by reason of commercial treaties existing be-\\ntween that court and other powers of Europe.\\nAs there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of this declara-\\ntion, I have thought proper to communicate it to a few confi-\\ndential friends in the district, with his permission, not doubting\\nbut that they will make a prudent use of the information\\nwhich is in part confirmed by despatches yesterday received\\nby Congress, from Mr. Carmichal, our minister at that court,\\nthe contents of which I am not at liberty to disclose.*\\nBut even under the excitement produced by such prospects\\nofierc d from abroad, and such treatment at the hands of their\\nfellow-citizens, the members of the July Convention took no\\nhasty or mischievous steps. Finding their own powers legally\\nat an end in consequence of the course pursued by Congress,\\nthey determined to adjourn, and in doing so advised the call-\\ning of a seventh Convention, to meet in the following Novem-\\nber, and continue in existence until January, 1790, with full\\npower\\nTo take such measures for obtaining admission of the dis-\\ntrict, as a separate and independent member of the United\\nStates of America, and the navigation of the Mississippi, as\\nmay appear most conducive to those important purposes: and\\nalso to form a constitution of government for the district,\\nand organize the same when they shall judge it necessary or\\nto do and accomplish whatsoever, on a consideration of the\\nstate of the district, may in their opinion promote its interests.f\\nThese terms, although they contain nothing necessarily im-\\nplying a separation from Virginia against her wish, or direct-\\nly authorizing the coming Convention to treat with Spain,\\nwere still supposed Jo have been used for the purpose of ena-\\nbling or even inviting that body to take any steps, however\\nmuch against the letter of the law and as Mr. Brown s let-\\nters showed that strong temptations were held out to the peo-\\nple of the District to declare themselves independent and then\\nenter into negotiations with Spain, George Muter, Chief Jus-\\ntice of the District, on the loth of October, published a letter\\nin the Kentucky Gazette, calling attention to the fact that a\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2See Sliu-shaU s History of Kentucky, i. p. 305.\\ntSeo Marshall s History of Kentucky, i. p. 200.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "1788. Connolly in Kentucky. 337\\nseparafion without legal leave from the parent State, would\\nbe treason against that State, and a violation of the Federal\\nConstitution then just formed.\\nThis letter, and the efforts of the party who favored strict\\nadherence to legal proceedings, were not in vain. The elec-\\ntions took place, and on the 4th of November the Convention\\nmet; the contest at once began, but the two parties being\\nhappily balanced, both in and out of the Convention, the\\ngreatest caution was observed by both, and all excess prevent-\\ned. An address to the people of the District was proposed\\nby Wilkinson, the purpose of which was, doubtless, to procure\\ninstructions as to the contested points of illegal independence\\nand negotiation with Spain; but the plan of issuing such a\\npaper was afterwards dropped. Congress was memorialized\\nrespecting the Mississippi, Virginia was again asked for an\\nact of separation, and the Convention quietly adjourned until\\nthe 1st Monday of the following August.* It is not improba-\\nble that one tranquilizing influence was, the contradiction by\\nmembers of Congress, of the report that the navigation of\\nthe Mississippi was to be relinquished by the United States.\\nThis contradiction had been authorized on the 16th of Sep-\\ntember. f It was during the autumn of this same year of\\ntrouble and intrigue, that there appeared again in Kentucky,\\nJohn Connolly, formerly of Pittsburgh, of w^hom we last heard\\nas organizing an expedition to attack the frontiers in 1781. Of\\nhis purposes and movements nothing of consequence can be\\nadded, we believe, to the following statement sent by Colonel\\nThomas Marshall, to General Washington, in the month of\\nFebruary, 1789.\\nAbout this time, (November, 1788,) arrived from Canada\\nthe famous Doctor (now Colonel) Connolly his ostensible\\nbusiness was to enquire after, and repossess himself of, some\\nlands he formerly held at the Falls of theJPhio but I believe\\nhis real business was to sound the disposition of the leading\\nmen of this district respecting this Spanish business. He knew\\nthat both Colonel Muter and myself had given it all the op-\\nposition in Convention we were able to do, and before he left\\nthe district paid us a visit, though neither of us had the honor\\nof the least acquaintance with him.\\nHe w^as introduced by Colonel John Campbell, his old co-\\n^See Marshall, i. 288 to .341.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall gives all the iJapors.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler lfi2 to 181\u00e2\u0080\u0094517 to\\n623.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Carey s Museum, April 1789, p. 331 to 333.\\nt Secret Journals, iv. 449 to 454.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "33S Connolly in Kentucky. 1788\\npurchaser of the land at the Falls, formerly a prisoner taken\\nby the Indians, and confined in Canada, who previously in-\\nformed us of the proposition he was about to make. He\\n(Connolly) presently entered upon his subject, urged the great\\nimportance the navigation of the Mississippi must be to the\\ninhabitants of the western waters, showed the absolute neces-\\nsity of our possessing it, and concluded with assurances that\\nwere we disposed to assert our right respecting that naviga-\\ntion, Lord Dorchester, (formerly Sir Guy Carlton,) was cor-\\ndiall} disposed to give us powerful assistance, that his Lord-\\nship had (I think he said) four thousand British troops in\\nCanada, besides two regiments at Detroit, and could furnish us\\nwith arms, ammunition, clothing, and money that, with this\\nassistance, we might possess ourselves of New Orleans, fortify\\nthe IJalize at the mouth of the river, and keep possession in\\nspite of the utmost efforts of Spain to the contrary. He made\\nvery confident professions of Lord Dorchester s wishes to cul-\\ntivate the most friendly intercoiu se with the people of this\\ncountry, and of his own desire to become serviceable to us,\\nand with so much seeming sincerity, that had I not before\\nbeen acquainted with his character as a man of intrigue and\\nartful address, I should in all probability have given him my\\nconfidence.\\nI told him that the minds of the people of this country were\\nso strongly prejudiced against the British, not only from cir-\\ncumstances attending the late war, but from a persuasion that\\nthe Indians were at this time stimulated by them against us,\\nand that so long as those savages continued to commit such\\nhorrid cruelties on our defenceless frontiers, and were received\\nas friends and allies by the British at Detroit, it would be im-\\npossible for them to be convinced of the sincerity of Lord\\nDorchester s ofiers, let his professions be ever so strong and\\nthat, a his Lordship would have us believe him really dis-\\nposed to be our friend, he must begin by showing his disap-\\nprobation of the ravages of the Indians.\\nHe admitted the justice of my observation, and said he\\nhad urged the same to his Lordship before he left Canada.\\nHe denied that the Indians are stimulated against us by the\\nBritish, and says. Lord Dorchester observed, that the Indians\\nare free and independent nations, and have a right to make\\npeace or war as they think fit, and that he could not with\\nproprietj interfere. He promised, however, on his return to\\nCanada to repeat his arguments to his Lor-lship on the sub-\\nject, and hopes, he says, to succeed. At taking his leave he\\nbegged very politely tlie favor of our correspondence we\\nboth promised him, providing he would begin it, and devise a\\nmeans of carrying it on. He did not tell me that he was au-\\nthorized by Lord Dorchester to make us these ofiers in his\\nname, nor did I ask him but General Scott informs me that", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "1788. Connolly in Kentucky. 339\\nhe told him that his Lordship had authorized him to use his\\nname in this business.*\\nColonel George. Morgan, during this year, was induced to\\nremove for a time to the Spanish territories west of the Mis-\\nsissippi, and remained at New Madrid between one and two\\nmonths thence he went to New Orleans.f\\n[The projected city and settlement of New Madrid by Col.\\nMorgan, may be found in the Appendix, Annals of Mis-\\nsouri.]\\nPreparations, as we have stated, had been made early in 1788,\\nfor a treaty with the Indians, and during the whole autumn, the\\nrepresentatives of the Indian tribes were lingering about the\\nMuskingum settlement but it was not till Jan. 9th of this year,\\nthat the natives were brought to agree to distinct terms. On\\nthat day, one treaty was made with the Iroquois,^ confirming\\nthe previous one of October, 1784, at Fort Stanwix and\\nanother with the Wyandots, Delawares, Ottawas, Chippewas,\\nPottawatamies and Sacs, confirming and extending the treaty\\nof Fort Mcintosh, made in January, 1785.\u00c2\u00a7 Of the additions\\nwe quote the following\\nAiRT. 4. It is agreed between the United States and the said\\nnations, that the individuals of said nations shall be at liberty\\nto hunt within the territory ceded to the United States, with-\\nout hindrance or molestation, so long as they demean them-\\nselves peaceably, and offer no injury or annoyance to any of\\nthe subjects or citizens of the said United States.\\nArt. 7. Trade shall be opened with the said nations, and\\nthey do hereby respectively engage to afford protection to the\\npersons and property of such as may be duly licensed to re-\\nside among them for the purpose of trade, and to their\\nagents, factors, and servants but no person shall be permit-\\nted to reside at their towns, or at their hunting camps, as a\\ntrader, who is not furnished with a license for that purpose,\\nunder the hand and seal of the Governor of the territory of\\nthe United States northwest of the Ohio, for the time being,\\nor under the hand and seal of one of his deputies for the\\nmanagement of Indian Affairs; to the end that they may not\\nbe imposed upon in their traffic. And if any person or per-\\nsons shall intrude themselves without such license, they prom-\\nSee Butler, 520.\\nf American State Papers, xx. 504.\\nX Collection of Indian treaties. Land Laws, 1 23.\\n2 Land Laws, 149.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See also Carey s Museum for April, 1789, p. 415.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "340 Treaties of Fort Harmar. 1789\\nise to apprehend him or them, and to bring them to the said\\nGovernor, or one of his deputies, for the purpose beforemen-\\ntioncd, to be dealt with according to law; and that they may\\nbe defended against persons who might attempt to forge such\\nlicenses, they further engage to give information to the said\\nGovernor, or one of his deputies, of the names of all traders\\nresiding among them, from lime to time, and at least once every\\nyear.\\nArt. 8. Should any nation of Indians meditate a war against\\nthe United States, or either of them, and the same shall come\\nto the knowledge of the beforementioned nations, or either of\\nthem, they do hereby engage to give immediate notice thereof\\nto the Governor, or, in his absence, to the officer commanding\\nthe troops of the United States at the nearest post. And\\nshould any nation, with hostile intentions against the United\\nStates, or either of them, attempt to pass through their coun-\\ntry, they will endeavor to prevent the same, and, in like man-\\nner, give information of such attempt to the said Governor or\\ncommanding officer, as soon as possible, that all causes of\\nmistrust and suspicion may be avoided between them and the\\nUnited States in like manner, the United States shall give\\nnotice to the said Indian nations, of any harm that may be\\nmeditated against them, or either of them, that shall come to\\ntheir knowledge and do all in their power to hinder and pre-\\nvent the same, that the friendship between them may be\\nuninterrupted.*\\nBut these treaties, if meant in good faith by those who made\\nthem, were not respected, and the year of which we now\\nwrite, saw renewed the old frontier troubles in all their bar-\\nbarism and variet)^ The Wabash Indians especially, who had\\nnot been bound by any treaty as yet, kept up constant incursions\\nagainst the Kentucky settlers, and the emigrants down the\\nOhio.f and the Kentuckians retaliated, striking foes and\\nfi-iends, even the peaceable Piankeshaws who prided them-\\nselves on their attachment to the United States. J Nor could\\nthe President take any elFectual steps to put an end to this\\nconstant partisan warfare. In the first place, it was by no\\nmeans clear that an attack by the forces of the government\\nupon the Wabash tribes, could be justified. Says Wash-\\nington\\nI would have it observed forcibly, that a war with the Wa-\\nbash Indians ought to be avoided by all means consistently\\n*See Land Laws, p. 152.\\nt Marshall, i, :J4S, 354.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 American State Papers, vol. v. 84, 85.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Carey s Museum,\\nApril 17S0, p. 416, and May, pp. 504, 603.\\nX den. Knox. American State Papers, v. 13.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "1789. Troubles with the Indians. 341\\nwith the security of the frontier inhabitants, the security of the\\ntroops, and the national dignity. In the exercise of the\\npresent indiscriminate hostilities, it is extremely difficult, if\\nnot impossible, to say that a war without further measures\\nwould be just on the part of the United States. But, if, after\\nmanifesting clearly to the Indians the disposition of the Gene-\\nral Government for the preserv^ation of peace, and the exten-\\nsion of a just protection to the said Indians, they should con-\\ntinue their incursions, the United States will be constrained to\\npunish them with severity.*\\nBut how to punish them was a difficult question, again,\\neven supposing punishment necessary. Says Gen. Knox\\nBy the best and latest information it appears that, on the\\nWabash and its communications, there are from fifteen hun-\\ndred to two thousand warriors. An expedition against them,\\nwith a view of extirpating them, or destroying their towns,\\ncould not be undertaken with a probability of success, with\\nless than an army of two thousand five hundred men. The\\nregular troops of the United States on the frontiers, are less\\nthan six hundred: of that number, not more than four hundred\\ncould be collected from the posts for the purpose of the expe-\\ndition. To raise, pay, feed, arm, and equip one thousand nine\\nhundred additional men, with the necessary officers, for six\\nmonths, and to provide every thing in the hospital and quarter-\\nmaster s line, would require the sum of two hundred thousand\\ndollars, a sum far exceeding the ability of the United States\\nto advance, consistently with a due regard to other indispen-\\nsable objects.\\nSuch, however, were the representations of the Governor\\nof the new territory, and of the people of Kentucky, that\\nCongress, upon the 29th of September, empowered the Presi-\\ndent to call out the militia to protect the frontiers, and he, on\\nthe 6th of October, authorized Governor St. Clair to draw\\n1500 men from the western counties of Virginia and Penn-\\nsylvania, if absolutely necessary ordering him, however, to\\nascertain, if possible, the real disposition of the Wabash\\nand Illinois Indians. f In order to do this, speeches to them\\nwere prepared, and messengers sent among them, of whose\\nobservations we shall have occasion to take notice under the\\nyear 1790.\\nKentucky, especially, felt aggrieved this year by the with-\\ndrawal of the Virginia scouts and rangers, who had hitherto\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 13, 97, pp. 84 to 93.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0j- American State Papers, 97, 101, 102.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "342 Muskingum Settlements Spread. 1789.\\nhelped to protect her. This was done in July, by the Govern-\\nor, in consequence of a letter from the federal executive,\\nstating that national troops would thenceforward be stationed\\nupon the western streams. The Governor communicated this\\nletter to the Kentucky convention held in Jul} and that body\\nat once authorized a remonstrance against the measure, repre-\\nsenting the inadequacy of the federal troops, few and scattered\\nas they were, to protect the country, and stating the amount\\nof injury received from the savages since the first of May.*\\n[We have the authority of Judge Innis, of Kentucky (Amer.\\nState Papers, v. p. 88,) that in seven years, 1500 persons, 20,-\\n000 horses, and \u00c2\u00a315,000 worth of property had been destroy-\\ned or taken away from that district, by the savages.]\\nNor was the old separation sore healed yet. Upon the 29th\\nof December, 1788, Virginia had passed her third act to make\\nKentucky independent but as this law made the District lia-\\nble for a part of the State debt, and also reserved a certain\\ncontrol over the lands set apart as army bounties, to the Old\\nDominion, it was by no means popular and when, upon\\nthe 20th of July, the eighth Convention came together at Dan-\\nville, it was only to resolve upon a memorial requesting that\\nthe obnoxious clauses of the late, law might be repealed.\\nThis, in December, was agreed to by the present State, but\\nnew proceedings throughout were at the same time ordered,\\nand a ninth Convention directed to meet in the following\\nJuly.t\\nNorth of the Ohio, during this year, there was less trouble\\nfrom the Indians than south of it, especially in the Muskingum\\ncountry. There all prospered the Rev. Dan l. Story, under a\\nresolution of the Directors of the Ohio Company, passed in\\nMarch, 1788, in the spring of this year came westward as a\\nteacher of youth and a preacher of the Gospel.\u00c2\u00a7 By November,\\nnine associations, comprising two hundred and fifty persons,\\nhad been formed for the purpose of settling difl crent points\\nwithin the purchase and by the close of 1790, eight settlements\\nhad been made two at Belpre, (belle prairie,) one at New-\\nbury, one at Wolf Creek,|| one at Duck Creek, one at the\\nMurshnll, i. 352. American State Papers, v. 84, Ac.\\nt.Ibid, 312, 350.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler, 187.\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 86.\\nli Here wa^ built the first mill in Oaio. (American Pioneer, ii. 99, and plat\u00c2\u00ab.)", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "1789. Fort Washington Founded. 343\\nmouth of Meigs Creek, one at Anderson s Bottom, and one at\\nBig Bottom.*\\nBetween the Miamies, there was more alarm at this period,\\nbut no great amount of actual danger. Upon the 15th of\\nJune, news reached Judge Symmes that the^Vabash Indians\\nthreatened his settlements, and as yet he had received no\\ntroops for their defence, except nineteen froqi the Falls. f\\nBefore July, however, Major Doughty arrived at the Slaugh-\\nter House, and commenced the building of Fort Washington\\non the site of Losantiville. In relation to the choice of that\\nspot, rather than the one where Symmes proposed to found\\nhis great city, Judge Burnet tells the following story:\\nThrough the influence of the Judge (Symmes,) the de-\\ntachment sent by General Harmar, to erect a fort between\\nthe Miami rivers, for the protection of the settlers, landed at\\nNorth Bend. This circumstance induced many of the first\\nemigrants to repair to that place, on account of the expected\\nprotection, which the garrison would afford. While the offi-\\ncer commanding the detachment was examining the neigh-\\nborhood, to select the most eligible spot for a garrison, he\\nbecame enamored with a beautiful black-eyed female, who\\nhappened to be a married woman. The vigilant husband saw\\nhis danger, and immediately determined to remove, with his\\nfamily, to Cincinnati, where he supposed they would be safe\\nfrom intrusion. As soon as the gallant officer discovered\\nthat the object of his admiration had been removed bej ond\\nhis reach, he began to think that the Bend was not an advan-\\ntageous situation for a military work. This opinion he com-\\nmunicated to Judge Symmes, who contended, very strenu-\\nously, that it was the most suitable spot in the Miami country;\\nand protested against the removal. The arguments of the\\njudge, however, were not as influential as the sparkling eyes\\nof the fair feznale, who was then at Cincinnati. To preserve\\nthe appearance of consistency, the officer agreed, that he\\nwould defer a decision till he had explored the ground, at and\\nnear Cincinnati and that, if he found it to be less eligible\\nthan the Bend, he would return and erect the garrison at the\\nlatter place. The visit was quickly made, and resulted in a\\nconviction, that the Bend was not to be compared with Cin-\\ncinnati. The troops were accordingly removed to that place,\\nand the building of\u00c2\u00bbFort Washington was commenced. This\\nmovement, apparently trivial in itself, and certainly produced\\nby a whimsical cause, was attended by results of incalculable\\nimportance. It settled the question at once whether Symmes\\n\u00c2\u00bbIIaiTiiTour, 191. 192.\\ntSymaics Letters in Cist 3 Cincianati, 231, 229, 219.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "344 Reason for placing the Fort at Cincinnati. 1789.\\nor Cincinnati was to be the great commercial town on the\\nMiami purchase. This anecdote was communicated by\\nJudge Symmes, and is unquestionably authentic. As soon as\\nthe troops removed to Cincinnati, and established the garrison,\\nthe settlers at the Bend, then more numerous than those at\\nCincinnati, begafl to remove; and in two or three years, the\\nBend was literally deserted, and the idea of establishing a\\ntown at that point was entirely abandoned.\\nThus, we see, what great results are sometimes produced\\nby trivial circumstances. The beauty of a female, transferred\\nthe commercial emporium of Ohio from the place where it\\nwas commenced, to the place where it now is. Had the black-\\neyed beauty remained at the Bend, the garrison would have\\nbeen erected there, population, capital, and business would\\nhave centered there, and our city must have been now of\\ncomparatively small importance.*\\nWe suspect the influence of this bright-eyed beauty upon\\nthe fate of Cincinnati, is over estimated, however. Upon the\\n14th of June, before Fort Washington was commenced, and\\nwhen the only soldiers in the purchase were at North Bend,\\nSymmes writes to Dayton\\nIt is expected, that on the arrival of Governor St. Clair,\\nthis purchase will be organized into a county it is therefore\\nof some moment which town shall be made the county town.\\nLosantiville, at present, bids the fairest it is a most excellent\\nsite for a large town, and is at present the most central of any\\nof the inhabited towns but if South Bend might be finished\\nand occupied, that would be exactly in the centre, and proba-\\nbly would take the lead of the present villages until the city\\ncan be made somewhat considerable. This is really a matter\\nof importance to the proprietors, but can only be achieved by\\ntheir exertions and encouragement. The lands back of South\\nBend are not very much broken, after you ascend the first\\nhill, and will afford rich supplies for a county town. A few\\ntroops stationed at South Bend will eflect the settlement of\\nthis new village in a very short time.-f\\nThe truth is, that neither the proposed city on the Miami,\\nNorth Bend or South Bend, could compete, in point of natu-\\nral advantages, with the plain on which Cincinnati has since\\narisen and had Fort Washington been built elsewhere, after\\nthe close of the Indian war, nature woulcJ have ensured the\\nrapid growth of that point where even the ancient and mys-\\nterious dwellers along the Ohio had reared the earthen walls\\nof one of their vastest temples.J\\n*Trnn9actions Historical Society, Ohio, p. 17. fCist s Cincinnati, p. 230.\\nJSee Transactions of Ohio Historical Society, part ii. vol. i. 35.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Drake s Picture of\\nCincinnati, 202.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "17S9. Contest with the Spaniards. 345\\nWe have referred to Wilkinson s voyage to New Or-\\nleans, in 1787; in January of this year, (1789,) he fitted\\nout twenty-five large boats, some of them carrying three\\npounders, and all of them swivels, manned by 150 men, and\\nloaded with tobacco, flour, and provisions, with which he set\\nsail for the south and his lead was soon followed by others.*\\nAmong the adventurers was Colonel Armstrong of the Cum-\\nberland settlements, who sent down six boats manned by\\nthirty men; these were stopped at Natchez, and the goods\\nbeing there sold without permission, an officer and fifty soldiers\\nwere sent by the Spanish commander to arrest the transgres-\\nsors. They, meanwhile, had returned within the lines of the\\nUnited States and refused to be arrested this led to a con-\\ntest, in which, as a cotemporary letter states, five Spaniards\\nwere killed and twelve wounded.f\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Letter in Carey s Museum for February, 1789, pp. 209, 313. Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii.\\n113.\\njCarey s Museum, April, 17S9, p. 417.\\n22", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII.\\nTHE INDIAN WAR OF 1790\u00e2\u0080\u00941795.\\nOrganization of the North-western Territory Sketch of Governor St. Clair The Ex-\\ncursion to the Illinois Country Claims of the United States on Indian Lands DiflScul-\\nties with the Indians Gamelin s Mission Agency of Britiih Officers and Traders\\nIlarmar s Campaign Expedition of General Charles Scott Campaign of St. Clair\\nDisastrous Defeat.\\n[The ordinance of Congres.s, as already shown, passed in\\nAugust, 1787, but the government was not organized until\\nthe following year. In the month of July, General Arthur\\nSt. Clair, who had been appointed Governor by the Old Con-\\ngress, appeared at Marietta, and put the machinery of the\\nnew government in motion. This was on the 15th of July,\\n1788, when the governor, who had arrived on the 9th, pub-\\nlished the ordinance of Congress for the government of the\\nTerritory, and the commissions of the officers.* The organ-\\nization was what has been called, the first grade consisting\\nof a Governor, Secretary, and three Judges, who, conjointly,\\nconstituted the law-making power.\\nWinthrop Sargent, one of the Ohio immigrants of the pre-\\nceding year, was appointed Secretary, and Samuel H. Par-\\nsons, James M. Varnum and John Armstrong, Judges. The\\nlatter not accepting the office, John Cleves Symmes was ap-\\npointed in his stead. On the 26th of July, by proclamation\\nof the governor, the county of Washington was organized.\\nThis was the first organized county in the North-western Ter-\\nritory. It contained within its limits about one- half of the\\npresent State of Ohio.\\nIn September the Governor and Judges prepared and adopt-\\ned a code of laws, which have been perpetuated, with few\\nalterations, in all the North-western States.\\nAs the executive authority of Governor St. Clair extended\\nover the vast territory out of which five states had been\\norganized, a brief sketcli of his life will be read with interest.\\nlie was a native of Scotland, from which country he came\\nto the British Colonies of North America in 1755; having\\nAtwater s History of Ohio, p. 129 Dillon s Indiana, 232.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "1788. Sketch of Governor St. Clair. 347\\njoined the Royal American or 60th British regiment, and\\nserved under General Amherst at the taking of Louisburg, in\\n1758, He carried a standard at the storming and capture of\\nQuebec, under General Wolfe, in 1759.\\nSoon after the peace of 1763, he settled in Ligonier valley,\\nin Western Pennsylvania, where he continued to reside until\\nthe revolutionary war. Being a firm friend of liberty and the\\nrights of the colonies, he received from Congress the commis-\\nsion of Colonel, and joined the American army with a regi-\\nment of seven hundred and fifty men. Having been promot-\\ned to the rank of Major-General, he was tried by a court\\nmartial, in 1778, for evacuating Ticonderoga and Mount In-\\ndependence, and unanimously acquitted v/ith the highest\\nhonors.* The late General James Wilkinson, who was a Ma-\\njor under St, Clair, at the time, states in the Memoir of his\\nown Times, that the General said to him, I know I can\\nsave my character by sacrificing the arm) but were I to do\\nso, I should forfeit that which the world cannot restore, and\\nwhich the world cannot take away my own conscience.\\nHe continued in the service with honor until peace. He\\nwas rigid, some thought arbitrary, in his government, and,\\ntherefore unpopular, but he was scrupulously honest had no\\ntalent for speculation, and died poor. In a letter to the Hon.\\nW. B. Giles, of Virginia, he wrote as follows\\nIn the year 1786, I entered into the public service in civil\\nlife, and was a member of Congress, and President of that\\nbody, when it was determined to erect a government in the\\ncountry to the west, that had been ceded by Virginia to the\\nUnited States; and in the year 1788, the office of Governor\\nwas in a great measure forced on me. The losses I had sus-\\ntained in the revolutionary war, from the depreciation of the\\nmoney and other causes, had been very great; and my friends\\nsaw in this new government means that might be in my power\\nto compensate myself,, and to provide handsomely for my\\nnumerous family. They did not know how little I was quali-\\nfied to avail myself of those advantages, if they had existed.\\nI had neither taste nor genius for speculation in land, neither\\ndid I think it very consistent with tlie office. J\\nOn entering upon the responsible office of Governor of\\nthis new Territory, instructions were received by him. from\\nCongress. He was authorized and required\\nDillon s Indiana, 231.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f Wilkinson s Memoirs, i. 85.\\nX Dillon s Indiana, 231.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "348 Instructions to Governor St. Clair. 17S8.\\n1. To examine carefully into the real temper of the Indians.\\n2. To remove, if possible, all causes of controversy\\nthem, so that peace and harmony might exist between them\\nand the United States.\\n3. To regulate the trade with them.\\n4. To use his best efforts to extinguish the rights of the In-\\ndians to lands westward to the Mississippi, and northward to\\nthe forty-first degree of latitude.\\n5. To ascertain, as far as possible, the names of the real\\nhead men and leading warriors of each tribe, and to attach\\nthese men to the United States.\\n6. To defeat all combinations among the tribes by concilia-\\ntory means.*\\nAbout the first of January, 1790, the Governor and Judges,\\nwith Winthrop Sargent, the Secretary, proceeded down the\\nriver from Marietta to Fort Washington, (now Cincinnati,)\\nand the Governor laid ofi the county of Hamilton, and ap-\\npointed magistrates and other civil oflicersfor the administra-\\ntion of justice. At this time Losantiville received the name\\nof Cincinnati. On the 5th of January, a law was enacted by\\nthe Governor and Judges, requiring courts to be held four\\ntimes in a year.\\nThe Governor and Secretary continued down the river, and\\non the 8lh of January, they were at Clarksville, near the foot of\\nthe Falls, where magistrates were appointed for that portion of\\nthe North-western Territory, now included within the State of\\nIndiana. From this point, the Governor and Secretary pro-\\nceeded by land to Vincennes. Here Major Hamtramck was in\\ncommand. At that period corn was very scarce, and the peo-\\nple were sufiering, and the Governor prolfcred to have corn\\ntransported from the Falls, where it was plenty and cheap,\\nprovided the citizens could pay for it. And although he had\\nno authority fiom the government, he oflbrcd to provide for\\nthe starving who had not means to pay, and trust to the\\nliberality of Congress. f Such was also the condition of the\\ninhabitants in the Illinois country.\\nGovernor St. Clair and the Secretary reached Kaskaskia in\\nFebruary, and soon after organized the county of St. Clair,\\nDillon s Indiana, i. 232.\\nt Dillon s Indiana, i. 242.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "1790. County of St. Clair Organized. 349\\nappointed magistrates and other civil officers, and directed the\\ncitizens to exhibit to him their titles and claims to the lands\\nwhich they held, that they might be confirmed in their\\npossessions.\\nAs many of the events of Illinois will appear more in de-\\ntail, in the Appendix, we pass to the annals of the Indian\\nwars of this period.\\nThe most important and interesting events connected with\\nthe West, from the commencement of 1790 to the close of\\n1795, were those growing out of these wars. In order to\\npresent them in one unbroken and intelligible story, we shall\\nabandon for a time our division by single years, and relate the\\nevents of the six referred to as composing one period. But to\\nrender the events of that period distinct, we must recall to\\noar readers some matters that happened long before.\\nAnd in the first place, we would remind them that the\\nFrench made no large purchases from the western Indians so\\nthat the treaty of Paris, in 1763, transferred to England only\\nsmall grants about the various forts, Detroit, Vincennes, Kas-\\nkaskia, c. Then followed Pontiac s war and defeat and\\nthen the grant by the Iroquois at Fort Stanwix, in 1768, of\\nthe land south of the Ohio and even this grant, it will be re-\\nmembered, was not respected by those who actually hunted\\non the grounds transferred. Next came the war of 1774, Dun-\\nmore s war, which terminated v/ithout any transfer of the\\nIndian possessions to the whites; and when, at the close of\\nthe Revolution, in 1783, Britain made over her western claims\\nto the United States, she made over nothing more than she\\nhad received from France, save the title of the Six Nations and\\nthe southern savages to a portion of the territory south of the\\nOhio as against the Miamies, western Delawares, Shawa-\\nnese, Wyandots or Hurons, and the tribes still farther north\\nand west, she transferred nothing. [Mr. Perkins has over-\\nlooked the cession by the Iroquois to Great Britain, of a large\\nportion of the North- Western Territory in 1701, which they\\nclaimed by right of conquest.] But this, apparently, was\\nnot the view taken by the Congress of the time and they,\\nconceiving that they had, under the treaty with England, a\\nfull right to all the lands thereby ceded, and regarding the In-\\ndian title as forfeited by the hostilities of the Revolution, pro-\\nceeded, not to buy the lands of the savages, but to grant them", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "350 Mode of acquiring Indian lands. 1790-95.\\npeace, and dictate their own terms as to boundaries.* In\\nOctober, 1784, the United States acquired in this way what-\\never title the Iroquois possessed to the western country, both\\nnorth and south of the Ohio, by the second treaty of Fort\\nStanwix a treaty openly and fairly made, but one, the va-\\nlidity of which, many of the Iroquois alwa)-s disputed. The\\nground of their objection appears to have been, that the treaty\\nwas with a part only of the Indian nations, whereas the wish\\nof the natives was, that every act of the States with them,\\nshould be as with a confederacy, embracing all the tribes bor-\\ndering upon the great lakes. Our readers may remember that\\nthe instructions given the Indian Commissioners in October,\\n1783, provided for one convention with all the tribes and\\nthat this provision was changed in the following March for\\none, by which as many separate conventions were to be had,\\nif possible, as there were separate tribes. In pursuance of\\nthis last plan, the Commissioners, in October, 1784, refused to\\nlisten to the proposal which is said then to have been made\\nfor one general congress of the northern tribes, and in oppo-\\nsition to Brant, Red Jacket and other influential chiefs of the\\nIroquois, concluded the treaty of Fort Stanwix. Then came\\nthe treaty of Fort Mcintosh, in January, 1785, with the Wy-\\nandot, Delaware, Chippewa and Ottawa nations open to\\nthe objections above recited, but the validity of which, so far\\nas we know, was never disputed, at least by the Wyandots\\nand Delawares although the general council of north-west-\\nern Indians, representing sixteen tribes, asserted in 1793, that\\nthe treaties of Fort Stanwix, Fort Mcintosh and Fort Finney,\\n(mouth of the Great Miami,) were not only held with separate\\ntribes, but were obtained by intimidation, the red-men having\\nbeen asked to make treaties of peace, and forced to make\\ncessions of territory. The third treaty made by the United\\nStates was with the Shawanese at Fort Finney, in January,\\n1786 which, it will be remembered, the Wabash tribes re-\\nfused to attend. The fourth and fifth, which were acts of con-\\nfirmation, were made at Fort Ilarmar, in 1789, one with the\\nSix Nations, and the other with the Wyandots and their asso-\\nSee in proof, the Report to Congress of October 15, 17S3, (Old Journals, ir. 294;) the\\ninstructions to the Indian Commissioners, October 15th, 17S3, (Secret Journals, i. 25 the\\nvarious treaties of 178-1, 35, and 36 (ante); General Knox s Reiwrt of June 15, 1789,\\n(American State Papers, v. 13); and the distinct acknowledgment of the commifsioners in\\n1793, (Americau State Papers, v. 353.)", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Treaty of Fort Harmar. 351\\nciatcs, namel} the Delawares, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pota-\\nwatamies, and Sacs. This last, fifth treaty, the confederated\\nnations of the lake especially, refused to acknowledge as\\nbinding their council using in relation to it, in 1793, these\\nwords\\nBrothers A general council of all the Indian confederacy\\nwas held, as you well know, in the fall of the year 1788, at\\nthis place and that general council was invited by your com-\\nmissioner, Governor St. Clair, to meet him for the purpose of\\nholding a treaty, with regard to the lands mentioned by you\\nto have been ceded by the treaties of Fort Stanwix and Fort\\nMcintosh.\\nBrothers We are in possession of the speeches and letters\\nwhich passed on that occasion, between those deputed by the\\nconfederate Indians, and Governor St. Clair, the commissioner\\nof the United States. These papers prove that your said\\ncommissioner, in the beginning of the year 1789, after having\\nbeen informed by the general council, of the preceding fall,\\nthat no bargain or sale of any part of these Indian landsi,\\nwould be considered as valid or binding, unless agreed to by\\na general council, nevertheless persisted in collecting together\\na few chiefs of two or three nations only, and with them held\\na treaty for the cession of an immense country, in which they i\\nwere no more interested, than as a branch of the general con-\\nfederacy, and wdio were in no manner authorized to make any\\ngrant or cession whatever.\\nBrothers: How then was it possible for you to expect to en-\\njoy peace, and quietly to hold these lands, when your com-\\nmissioner was informed, long before he held the treaty of Fort\\nHarmar, that the consent of a general council was absolutely\\nnecessary to convey any part of these lands to the United\\nStates.*\\nAnd in 1795, at Greenville, Massas, a Chippewa chieftain,\\nwho signed the treaty at Fort Harmar, said\\nElder Brother When you yesterday read to us the treaty\\nof Muskingum, I understood you clearly at that treaty we\\nhad not good interpreters, and we were left partly unac-\\nquainted with many particulars of it. I was surprised when\\n1 heard your voice, through a good interpreter, say that we\\nhad received presents and compensation for those lands which\\nwere thereby ceded. I tell you, now, that we, the three fires,\\nnever w-ere informed of it. If our uncles, the Wyandots, and\\ngrandfathers, the Delawares, have received such presents, they\\nhave kept them to themselves. I always thought that we,\\nthe Ottawas, Chippewas, and Potawatamies, were the true\\nAmerican State Papers, v. p. 356, 357.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "352 Indian relations in 1789. 1789.\\nowners of those lands, but now I find that new masters have\\nundertaken to dispose of them so that, at this day, we do\\nnot know to whom they, of right, belong. We never received\\nany compensation for them. I don t know how it is, but ever\\nsince that treaty we have become objects of pity, and our\\nfires have been retiring from this country. Now, elder brother,\\nyou see, we are objects of compassion and have pity on our\\nweakness and misfortunes; and, since you have purchased\\nthese lands, we cede them to you they are yours.\\nThe Wyandots, however, acknowledged even the transfer\\nmade on the Muskingum, to be binding Brother, said\\nTarke, who signed foremost among the representatives of that\\ntribe at Greenville, and who had also signed at FortHarmar\\nYou have proposed to us to build our good work on the\\ntreaty of Muskingum that treaty I have always considered\\nas formed upon the fairest principles. You took pity on us\\nIndians. You did not do as our fathers the British agreed\\nyou should. You might by that agreement have taken all our\\nlands; but you pitied us, and let us hold part. I always\\nlooked upon that treaty to be binding upon the United States\\nand us Indians.*\\nThe truth in reference to this treaty of Fort Harmar seems\\nto have been, that the confederated nation, as a whole, did\\nnot sanction it, and in their council of 1778 could not agree\\none with another in relation to it. I have still my doubts,\\nsays Brant, before the council met\\nI have still my doubts whether we will join or not, some\\nbeing no ways inclined for peaceable methods. The Hurons,\\nChippewas, Ottawas, Potawatomies, and Delawares, will join\\nwith us in trying lenient steps, and having a boundar} line\\nfixed and, rather than enter headlong into a destructive war,\\nAvill give up a small part of their country. On the other hand,\\nthe Shawanese, Miamies and Kickapoos, who are now so much\\naddicted to horse-stealing, that it will be a difficult task to\\nbreak them of it, as that kind of business is their best harvest,\\nwill of course declare for war, and not giving up any of their\\ncountry, which, I am afraid, will be the means of our sepa-\\nFfiting. They are, I believe, determined not to attend the\\n^tr\u00c2\u00a7 aty with the Americans. Still I hope for the best. As the\\nmajor part of the nations are of our opinions, the rest maybe\\nbrought to, as nothing shall be wanting on my part to con-\\nvince them of their error.j\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6American State Papers, v. p. 570, 571.\\nt Stone, ii. 278.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Grounds of United Slates claims. 353\\nLe Gris, the great chief of the Miamies, in April, 1799, said to\\nGamelin, that the Muskingum treaty was not made by chiefs\\nor delegates,* but by young men acting without authority,\\nalthough Tarke, the head of the Wyandots, signed and sanc-\\ntioned it, as well as Captain Pipe of the Delawares, while\\nBrant himself was present. f\\nThus then stood the relations of the Indians and the United\\nStates in 1789. Transfers of territory had been made by the\\nIroquois, the Wyandots, the Delawares and the Shawanese,\\nwhich were open to scarce any objection but the Chippewas,\\nOttawas, Kickapoos, Weas, Piankeshaws, Potawatomies, Eel\\nRiver Indians, Kaskaskias, and above all the Miamies, were\\nnot bound by any existing agreement to yield the lands north\\nof the Ohio. If the story of a confederacy being in reality\\nformed between these nations, and their statement is cori-ect,\\nwhich we doubt, then, as they afterwards said, they had for-\\nbidden the treaty at Fort Ilarmar, and warned Governor St.\\nClair that it would not be binding.] They wished the Ohio\\nto be a perpetual boundar}^ between the white and red men\\nof the West, and would not sell a rod of the region north of\\nit. So strong was this feeling that their young men, they said,\\ncould not be restrained from warfare upon the invading Long\\nKnives, and thence resulted the unceasing attacks upon the\\nfrontier stations and the emigrants. [Probably they had been\\nput up to take this ground by the British traders. They were\\ninterested in keeping the Americans from the north side of\\nthe Ohio river, and did much to disaffect these Indians.]\\nWashington expressed doubts as to the justness of an offen-\\nsive war upon the tribes of the Wabash and Maumee and\\nhad the treaty of Fort Harmar been the sole ground whereon\\nthe United States could have claimed of the Indians the\\nNorth-western Territory, it may be doubted whether right\\nwould have justified the steps taken in 1790, 91, and 94; but\\nthe truth was, that before that treaty, the Iroquois, Delawares,\\nWyandots, and Shawanese had yielded the south of Ohio, the\\nground on which they had long dwelt; and neither the sale to\\nPutnam and his associates, nor that to Symmes, was intended\\nto reach beyond the lands ceded. Of this we have proof in\\nthe third article of the ordinance of 1787, passed the day\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 91. fSt nc, ii. 2S1.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "354 GamclirCs Mission. 1790.\\nbefore the proposition to sell to the Ohio Company was for\\nthe first time debated which article declares that the lands\\nof the Indians shall never be taken from them without their\\nconsent. It appears to us, therefore, that the United States\\nwere fully justified in taking possession of the north-west\\nshore of the Belle Riviere, and that without reference to the\\ntreaty at Fort Ilarmar, which we will allow to have been, if\\nthe Indians spoke truly, (and they were not contradicted by\\nthe United States commissioners,) morally worthless. But it\\nalso appears to us, that in taking those steps in 1790 and\\n1791, which we have presently to relate, the federal govern-\\nment acted unwisely and that it should then, at the outset,\\nhave done what it did in 1793, after St. Clair s terrible defeat,\\nnamely, it should have sent commissioners of the highest\\ncharacter to the lake tribes, and in the jjrcsencc of the British,\\nlearnt their causes of complaint, and offered fair terms of\\ncompromise. That such a step was wise and just, the govern-\\nment acknowledged by its after-action and surely none can\\nquestion the position that it was more likely to have been\\neffective before the savages had twice defeated the armies of\\nthe confederacy than afterward. The full bearing of these\\nremarks will be best seen, however, when the whole tale is\\n.^Id, and to that we now proceed.\\nIn June, 1789, Major Doughty, with a hundred and forty\\nmen, began the building of Fort Washington at Cincinnati.\\nUpon the 29th of December, General Harmar himself came\\ndown with three hundred additional troops.*\\n[Having learned from Major Hamtramck, commanding at\\nVincennes, the hostile feelings of the Wabash and Maumee\\ntribes, he left Kaskaskia, on the 11th of June, started for\\nFort Washington, and reached that point upon the 13th day\\nof .July.]\\nThe feelings alluded to had been obtained in the following\\nmanner. Washington having desired that great pains should\\nbe taken to learn the real sentiments of the north-western In-\\ndians, Governor St. Clair instructed Major Hamtramck at\\nVincennes, (Fort Knox,) to send some experienced persons to\\nascertain the views and feelings of the Miamis and their con-\\nfederates. The person chosen was Anthony Gamelin, an in-\\nCist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 121.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "1790. Gamelin s Mission. 355\\ntelligent French trader, of Vincennes, who, on the fifth of\\nApril, proceeded upon his mission. The Piankeshaws, Kicka-\\npoos, and Ouiatenons, (Ouias or Weas,) all referred him to\\ntheir elder brethren, the Miamis, so that he had to journey on\\nto the point where the Miamis, Chaouanons,* (Shawanese) and\\nDelawares resided upon the 23d of April he reached that\\npoint, and upon the 24th assembled the savages.\\nI gave to each nation, he says, two branches of wampum,\\nand began the speeches, before the French and English tra-\\nders, being invited by the chiefs to be present, having told\\nthem myself I would be glad to have them present, having\\nnothing to say against any body. After the speech, I showed\\nthem the treaty concluded at Muskingum, (Foit Harmar,) be-\\ntween his excellency Governor St. Clair and sundry nations,\\nwhich displeased them. I told them that the purpose of this\\npresent time was not to submit them to any condition, but to\\noffer them the peace, which made disappear their pleasure. The\\ngreat chief told me that he was pleased with the speech that\\nhe would give me an answer. In a private discourse with the\\ngreat chief, he told me not to mind what the Shawanese\\nwould tell me, having a bad heai t, and being the perturbators\\nof all the nations. He said the Miamies had a bad name, on\\naccount of mischief done on the River Ohio but he told me\\nit was not occasioned by his young men, but by the Sha-\\nwanese his young men going out only for to hunt.\\nThe 25th of April, Blue Jacket, chief warrior of the Sha-\\nwanese, invited me to go to his house, and told me, My\\nfriend, by the name and consent of the Shawanese and Dela-\\nwares I will speak to you. We are all sensible of your\\nspeech, and pleased with it but, after consultation, we can-\\nnot give an answer without hearing from our father at De-\\ntroit and we are determined to give you back the two\\nbranches of wampum, and to send you to Detroit to see and\\nhear the chief, or to stay here twenty nights for to receive his\\nanswer. From all quarters we receive speeches from Ameri-\\ncans, and not one is alike. We suppose that they intend to\\ndeceive us. Then take back your branches of wampum.\\nThe 26th, five Potawatomies arrived here with two negro\\nmen, which they sold to English traders. The next day I\\nwent to the great chief of the Miamies, called Les Gris. His\\nchief warrior was present. I told him how I had been served\\nby the Shawanese. He answered me that he had heard of it\\nthat the said nations had behaved contrary to his intentions.\\nHe desired me not to mind those strangers, and that he would\\nsoon give me a positive answer.\\nThe old French orthography used by CharleT\u00c2\u00bbix and all others.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "356 Gamclins Journal. 1790.\\nThe 2Sth April, the great chief desired me to call at the\\nFrench trader s and receive his answer. Don t take bad,\\nsaid he, of what I am to tell you. You may go back when\\n3 ou please. We cannot give you a positive answer. We\\nmust send your speeches to all our neighbors, and to the lake\\nnations. We cannot give a definitive answer without con-\\nsulting the commandant at Detroit. And he desired me to\\nrender him the two branches of wampum refused by the\\nShawanese; also, a copy of speeches in writing. He promised\\nme that, in thirty nights, he would send an answer to Post\\nYincennos, b}- a young man of each nation. He w as well\\npleased with the speeches, and said to be worthy of attention,\\nand should be communicated to all their confederates, having\\nresolved among them not to do anything without an unani\\nmous consent. I agreed to his requisitions, and rendered him\\nthe two branches of wampum, and a copy of the speech.\\nAfterwards, he told me that the Five Nations, so called, or\\nIroquois, were training something; that five of them, and\\nthree Wyandots, were in this village with branches of wam-\\npum. He could not tell me presently their purpose but he\\nsaid I would know of it very soon.\\nThe same day, Blue Jacket, chief of the Shawanese, invited\\nme to his house for supper and, before the other chiefs, told\\nme that, after another deliberation, the) thought necessary\\nthat I should go myself to Detroit, for to see the commandant,\\nwho would get all his children assembled for to hear my\\nspeech. I told them I would not answer them in the night\\nthat I was not ashamed to speak before the sun.\\nThe 29th April I got them all assembled. I told them that\\n1 was not to go to Detroit that the speeches were directed to\\nthe nations of the river Wabash and the Miami and that, for\\nto prove the sincerity of the speech, and the heart of Governor\\nSt. Clair, 1 have willingly given a copy of the speeches, to be\\nshown to the commandant of Detroit and, according to a\\nletter wrote by the commandant of Detroit to the Miamies,\\nShawanese, and Delawares, mentioning to you to be peacea-\\nble with the Americans, I would go to him very willingly, if it\\nwas in my directions, being sensible of his sentiments. I told\\nthem I had nothing to say to the commandant neither him to\\nme. You must immediately resolve, if you intend to take\\nme to Detroit, or else I am to go back as soon as possible.\\nBlue Jacket got up and told me, jNIy friend-, we are well\\npleased with what you say. Our intention is not to force you\\nto go to Detroit it is only a proposal, thinking it for the best.\\nOur answer is the same as the Miamies. We will send, in\\nthirty nights, a full and positive answer, by a young man of\\neach nation, by writing, to Post Yinccnnes. In the evening,\\nBlue Jackpt, chief of the Shawanese, having taken me to sup-\\nper with him, told me, in a private manner, that the Sha-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "1790. Gamcliri s Journal. 357\\nwanese nation was in doubt of the sincerity of the Big Knives,\\nso called, having been already deceived by them. That thej^\\nhad first destroyed their lands, put out their fire, and sent\\naway their young men, being a hunting, without a mouthful\\nof meat also, had taken away their women wherefore,\\nmany of them would, with a great deal of pain, forget these\\naffronts. Moreover, that some other nations were apprehend-\\ning that offers of peace would, may be, tend to take away,\\nby degrees, their lands and would serve them as they did be-\\nfore a certain proof that they intend to encroach on our\\nlands, is their new settlement on the Ohio. If they don t keep\\nthis side (of the Ohio) clear, it will never be a proper recon-\\ncilement with the nations Shawanese, Iroquois, Wyandots,\\nand, perhaps many others. Le Gris, chief of the Miamies,\\nasked me, in a private discourse, what chief had made a\\ntreaty with the Americans at Muskingum, (Fort Harmar.) I\\nanswered him, that their names were mentioned in the treaty.\\nHe told me he had heard of it some time ago but they are\\nnot chiefs, neither delegates, who made that treaty they are\\nonly young men, vvlio without authority and instructions from\\ntheir chiefs, have concluded that treaty, which will not be ap-\\nproved. They went to the treaty clandestinely, and they in-\\ntend to make mention of it in the next council to be held.*\\nOn the 8tli of May, Gamelin returned to Fort Knox, and\\non the 11th, some traders from the Upper Wabash arrived,\\nbringing news that parties from the north had joined the\\nWabash savages that the whole together had already gone\\nto war upon the Americans and that three days after Game-\\nlin left the Miamis, an American captive had been burned in\\ntheir village rf all which things so plainly foretold trouble on\\nthe frontier, that St. Clair, as vv e have stated, hastened to\\nFort Washington to concert with General Harmar a campaign\\ninto the country of the hostile tribes.\\nBefore we proceed with the history of Harmar s campaign,\\nhowever, it seems proper to give in one view all that we\\nknow relative to the agency of the British in keeping up In-\\ndian hostility after the peace of 1783.\\nMost of the tribes, as our readers have seen, adhered to\\nEngland during the Revolutionary struggle. When the war\\nceased, however, England made no provision for them, and\\ntransferred the Northwest to the United States, without any\\nstipulation as to the rights of the natives. The United States,\\nAmerican State Papers, v. p. 93.\\nt American State Papers, v. 87.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "358 -^ency of Britain. 1790.\\nregarding the lands of the hostile tribes as conquered and for-\\nfeited, proceeded to give peace to the savages, and to grant\\nthem portions of their own lands. This produced discontent,\\nand led to the formation of the confederacy hpaded by Brant.*\\nTo assist the purposes of this union, it was very desirable that\\nthe British should still hold the posts along the lakes, and sup-\\nply the red men with all needful things. The forts they\\nclaimed a right to hold, because the Americans disregarded\\nthe treaty of 1783 the trade with the Indians, even though\\nthe latter might be at war with the United States, they\\nregarded as perfectly fair and just. Having thus a sort of\\nlegal right to the position they occupied, the British did, un-\\ndoubtedly and purposely, aid and abet the Indians hostile to\\nthe United States. In 1785, after the formation of his confed-\\neracy, Brantwent to England, and his arrival was thus an-\\nnounced in the London prints\\nThis extraordinary personage is said to have presided at\\nthe late grand Congress of confederate chiefs of the Indian\\nnations in America, and to be by them appointed to the con-\\nduct and chief command in the war which they now meditate\\nagainst the United States of America. He took his departure\\nfor England immedieitely as that assembly broke up and it\\nis conjectured that his embassy to the British Court is of great\\nimportance. This country owes much to the services of\\nColonel Brant during the late war in America. He was edu-\\ncated at Philadelphia is a very shrewd, intelligent person,\\npossesses great courage and al^ilities as a warrior, and is in-\\nviolably attached to the British nation.f\\nOn the 4th of January, 1786, he visited Lord Sidney, the\\nColonial Secretary, and after plainly and boldly stating the\\ntrouble of the Indians at the forgetfulncss of Britain the en-\\ncroachments of the Americans and their fear of serious\\nconsequences, i. e. war, he closed with these words\\nThis we shall avoid to the utmost of our power, as dearly\\nas we love our lands. But should it, contrary to our wishes,\\nhaj)pon, we desire to know whether we are to be considered\\nas His Majesty s faithful allies, and have that support and\\ncountenance such as old and true frienJs expect. J\\nThe English minister returned a perfectly non-committal\\nanswer; and when the Alohawk chieftain, upon his return,\\nmet the confederated natives in November, 1786, he could\\nlleckewelder s Narrative, 379. Stone s Life of Brant, ii. 247. 240.\\nt Stone, ii. 249. Ibid, 254.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "1790. Brant s Movements. 359\\ngive them no distinct assurances of aid from England, But\\nwhile all definite promises were avoided, men situated as\\nJohn Johnson, the Indian superintendent, did not hesitate to\\nwrite to him\\nDo not suffer an idea to hold a place in your mind, that\\nit will be for your interest to sit still and see the Ameri-\\ncans attempt the posts. It is for your sakes chiefly, if not\\nentirely, that we hold them. If you become indifierent\\nabout them, they may perhaps be given u]) what security\\nwould you then have You would be left at the mercy\\nof a people whose blood calls aloud for revenge whereas,\\nby supporting them, you encourage us to hold them, and en-\\ncourage the new settlements, already considerable, and every\\nday increasing by numbers coining in, who find they can t\\nlive in the States. Many thousands are preparing to come\\nin. This increase of his Majesty s subjects will serve as a\\nprotection for you, should the subjects of the States, by en-\\ndeavoring to make further encroachments on you, disturb\\nyour quiet.*\\nThis letter was written in March, 1787 and two months\\nafterwards. Major Matthews, who had been in the suite of\\nthe Government of Canada, Lord Dorchester, after being ap-\\npointed to command at Detroit, speaks still more explicitly,\\nand in the Governor s name also His Lordship was sorry to\\nlearn, he says\\nThat while the Indians were soliciting his assistance in their\\npreparations for war, some of the Six Nations had sent depu-\\nties to Albany to treat with the Americans, who, it is said,\\nhave made a treaty with them, granting permission to make\\nroads for the purpose of coming to Niagara; but that, not-\\nwithstanding these things, the Indians should have their\\npresents, as they are marks of the King s approbation of their\\nformer conduct. In future his lordship wishes them to act as\\nis best for their interest; he cannot begin a war with the\\nAmericans, because some of their people encroach and make\\ndepredations upon parts of the Indian country; but they must\\nsee it is his lordship s intention to defend the posts and that\\nwhile these are preserved, the Indians must find great secur-\\nity therefrom, and consequently the Americans greater diffi-\\nculty in taking possession of their lands; but should they once\\nbecome masters of the posts, they will surround the Indians,\\nand accomplish their purpose with little trouble. PVom a\\nconsideration of all which, it therefore remains with the In-\\ndians to decide what is most for their own interest, and to let\\nhis lordship know their determination, that he may take his\\nstone, ii, 26S,", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "360 British Views. 1790.\\nmeasures accordingly but, whatever their resolution is, it\\nshould be taken as by one and the same people, by which\\nmeans they will be respected and become strong; but if they\\ndivide, and act one part against the other, they will become\\nweak, and help to destroy each other. This is a substance of\\nwhat his lordship desired me to tell you, and I request you\\nwill give his sentiments that mature consideration which their\\njustice, generosity, and desire to promote the welfare and\\nhappiness of the Indians, must appear to all the world to\\nmerit.\\nIn your letter to me, you seem apprehensive that the Eng-\\nlish are not very anxious about tlie defence of the posts. You\\nwill soon be satisfied that they have nothing more at heart,\\nprovided that it continues to be the wish of the Indians, and\\nthat they remain firm in doing their part of the business, b}\\npreventing the Americans from coming into their country,\\nand consequently from marching to the posts. On the other\\nhand, if the Indians think it more for their interest that the\\nAmericans should have possession of the posts, and be estab-\\nlished in their country, they ought to declare it, that the Eng-\\nlish need no longer be put to the vast and unnecessary expense\\nand inconvenience of keeping posts, the chief object of which\\nis to protect their Indian allies, and the loyalists who have\\nsuflered with them. It is well known that no encroachments\\never have or ever will be made by the English upon the lands\\nor property of the Indians in consequence of possessing the\\nposts; how far that Mill be the case if ever the Americans get\\ninto them, may very easily be imagined, from their hostile\\nperseverance, even without that advantage, in driving the\\nIndians off their lands and taking possession of them.*\\nThese assurances on the part of the British, and the delay of\\nCongress in replying to the address of the confederated na-\\ntions, dated December, 1786, led to the general council of\\n1768 but the divisions in that body, added to the uncertain\\nsupport of the English government, at length caused Brant\\nfor a time to give up his interest in the efforts of the western\\nnatives, among whom the Miamies thenceforth took the lead\\nalthough, as our extracts from Gamelin s journal show, a true\\nspirit of union did not, even in 1790, prevail among the\\nvarious tri])es. [Some of the Dclawares and Miamies so far\\nquarrelled, that the former left the Miami country, and settled\\nin Upper Louisiana.] At that time, however, the British in-\\nfluence over the Miamies and their fellows, was in no degree\\nlessened, as is plain from the entire reference of their affairs,\\nSec Stone, iii. 271.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "1790. British Agents urge Indians to War. 361\\nwhen Gamelin went to them, to the commandant at Detroit.\\nNor can we wonder at the hold possessed over the red men by\\nthe English, when such wretches as McKee, Elliott and Girty,*\\nwere the go-betweens, the channels of intercourse.\\nIn 1773, the Rev. D. Jones found Alexander McKee living\\nabout three miles from Paint Creek, Ohio, among the Shaw-\\nanese. (See his Journal in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 262.)\\nOn the 29th of February, 1776, Col. Butler, the refugee hero\\nof Wyoming and Indian agent for England, wrote to McKee,\\nthen residing as Indian agent at Fort Pitt, to come to Niagara\\nin consequence of which the committee of Western Augusta,\\nobliged him to bind himself to have nothing to do with the\\nIndians on account of Great Britain and this parole Con-\\ngress accepted. (American Archives, fourth series, v. 818,\\n820, 1692.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Old Journals, ii. 67.) In 1778, however, he left\\nPittsburgh with Simon Girty, Matthew Elliott and others, to\\njoin the British. (Heckewelder s Narrative, 170.) He be-\\ncame a Colonel, and was a leader among the north-west In-\\ndians from that time till his death. He had stores at the\\nFalls of the Maumee. (See American State papers, v. 243.\\n351.) Some of his letters were taken at Proctor s defeat in\\n1813. (See Armstrong s Notices, i. appendix No. 2 188.\\nBrown s History of War of 1812, ii. appendix.) Matthew\\nElliott had been a trader in 1776 he was taken by the Brit-\\nish and joined them, for which he received a Captain s com-\\nmission. In 1790-95 he lived at the mouth of Detroit river,\\nand carried on trade and farming. (See Heckewelder s Nar-\\nrative, 147, 170.)\\nIt is hard to say lioiv far the British agents aided the savages\\nin 1790 and 1791. The following is from a certificate by\\nThomas Rhea, taken by the Indians in May, 1781, and who\\nescaped in June. He is stated to have been untrustworthy,\\n(American State Papers, v. 196,) but his account is in part\\nconfirmed by other evidence.\\nAt this place, the Miami, were Colonels Brant and McKee,\\nwith his son Thomas and Captains Bunbury and Silvie, of\\nthe British troops. These otHcers, c., were all encamped on\\nthe south side of the Miami, or Ottawa river, at the rapids\\nabove Lake Erie, about eighteen miles; they had clever\\nhouses, built chiefly by the Potawatomies and other Indians\\nin these they had stores of goods, with arms, ammunition, and\\nprovision, which they issued to the Indians in great abun-\\ndance, viz: corn, pork, peas, c. The Indians came to this\\nplace in parties of one, two, three, four, and five hundred at\\na time, from diflierent quarters, and received from Mr. jMcKee\\nand the Indian officers, clothing, arms, ammunition, provisions,\\nGirty we have already spoken of. Alexander McKee, (sometimes written McKay and\\nMcGce) was an Indian agent before the Revolution.\\n23", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "362 British Supply Indians. 1790.\\n;c., and set out immediately for the upper Miami towns,\\nwhere they understood the forces of the United States were\\nbending their course, and in order to supply the Indians\\nfrom other quarters collected there, pirogues, loaded with the\\nabove mentioned articles, were sent up the Miami river,\\nwrought by French Canadians. About the last of May, Cap-\\ntain Silvie purchased me from the Indians, and I staid with\\nhim at this place till the 4th of June, (the King s birth day.)\\nwhen I was sent to Detroit. Previous to leaving the Miami\\nriver, I saw one Mr. Dick, who, with his wife, was taken\\nprisoner near Pittsburgh, in the Spring I believe, by the\\nWyandots. Mr. McKee was about to purchase Mr. Dick from\\nthe Indians, but found it difficult. Mrs. Dick was separated\\nfrom him, and left at a village at some distance from this\\nplace. 1 also saw a young boy, named Brittle, (Brickell, pro-\\nbably, see his narrative, American Pioneer, i. 43,) who was\\ntaken in the spring, fiom near a mill, (Capt. O llara s.) near\\nPittsburgh, his hair was cut, and he was dressed and armed\\nfor war could not get speaking to him. About the 5th of June,\\nin the Detroit river, I met from sixty to one hundred canoes,\\nin three parties, containing a large party of Indian.s, who ap-\\npeared to be very wild and uncivilized they were dressed\\nchiefly in buffalo and other skin bhinketv, with otter skin and\\nother fur breech cloths, armed with bows and arrows, and\\nspears they had no guns, and seemed to set no store by them,\\nor know little of their use, nor had the} any inclination to re-\\nceive them, though ofl ered to them. They said they were\\nthree moons on their way. The other Indians called them\\nManitofs. About this time there was a field day of the troops\\nat Detroit, which I think is from five to six hundred in num-\\nber the next day a field day of the French militia took\\nplace, and one hundred and fifty of the Canadians, some\\nothers, turned out volunteers to join the Indians, and were to\\nset off the 8th for the Miami village, with their own horses,\\nafter being plentifully supplied with arms and ammunition,\\nclothing, and provisions, eS:c., to fit them for the march. While\\nI was at the Miami or Ottawa river, as they call it, I had\\nmentioned to Col. McKce, and other cflicers, that I had seen\\nCol. Procter on his way to Fort Franklin that I understood\\nthat he was on his way to the Miami, or Sandusky, with some\\nof the Senecas, and that he expected the Cornj)lanter would\\naccompany him, in order to settle matters with the hostile\\nnations; and that he expected to get shipping at Fort Plrie, to\\nbring him and those people to the ]Miami, or Sandu^ky, A:c.\\nThat the officeis, in their conversation with each other, said,\\nif they were at Fort Erie, he should get no shipping there :c.-\\nThat the Mohawks and other Indians, that could speak Engli. -h.\\ndeclare that if he (meaning Col. Procter,) or any other Yan-\\nkee messenger, came there, they should never carry messages", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "1790. Views of the Indians. 363\\nback. This was frequently expressed by the Indians and\\nSimon Girty, and a certain Patt Hill, declared Procter should\\nnot return, if he had a hundred Senecas with him; and many\\nother such threats were used, and every movement, appear-\\nance, and declaration, seemed hostile to the United States.\\nAnd I understood that Col. McKee, and the other officers, in-\\ntended only to stay at the Miami till they had furnished the\\nwar parties of Indians with the necessaries mentioned above,\\nto fit them for war, and then would return to Detroit. That\\nElliott had returned to Detroit, and Simon Girty, and that\\nGirty declared he would go and join the Indians, and that\\nCapt. Elliott told him he was going the next day, with a boat\\nload of goods for the Indians, and that Girty might have a\\npassage with him. That on the 7th of June, the ship Dun-\\nmore sailed for Fort Erie, in which I got a passage. We ar-\\nrived there in four days. About the 12th of .June I saw taken\\ninto this vessel, a number of cannon, eighteen pounders, with\\nother military stores, and better than two companies of artil-\\nlery troops, destined, as I understood, for Detroit and the up-\\nper posts; some of the artillery-men had to remain behind,\\nfor want of room in the vessel. I have just recollected that,\\nwhile I was at the Ottawa river, I saw a party of warriors\\ncome in M ith the arms, accoutrements, clothing, c., of a\\nsergeant, corporal, and, they said, twelve men, whom they had\\nkilled in some of the lower posts on the Ohio that a man of\\nthe Indian department offered me a coat, which had a number\\nof bullet and other holes in it, and was all bloody, which I re-\\nfused to take, and Col. McKee then ordered me clothes out of\\nthe Indian store. (Amer. State papers, v. 196.)\\nYou invite us, said one of the war-chiefs to Gamelin, to\\nstop our young men. It is impossible to do it, being con-\\nstantly encouraged by the British.\\nWe confess, said another Indian, that we accepted the\\naxe, but it is by the reproach we continually receive from the\\nEnglish and other nations, which received the axe first, calling\\nus women at the present time, they invite our young men to\\nwar; as to the old people, they are wishing for peace.\\nEvery peaceful message from the officers of the crown\\nwas stopped on its way to the excited children of the forest; but\\nevery word of a hostile character, exaggerated and added to.\\nAt the time of Gamelin s mission, the spring of 1790, before\\nany act of hostility on the part of the United States had made\\nreconciliation impossible, before the success of the savages\\nhad made their demands such as could not be granted, we can-\\nnot but think it would have been true wisdom to have sent to\\nthe northern tribes, not an Indian trader, but such a represen-\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 93.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "364 Stale of the Kentucky Troops 1790.\\ntation as was sent three years later. Such, however, was not\\nthe course pursued. Governor St. Clair, under the acts of\\nCongress passed the previous year, on the 15th of July, called\\nupon Virginia for one thousand, and upon Pennsylvania for\\nfive hundred militia. Of these, three hundred were to meet\\nat Fort Steuben (JefFersonville) to aid the troops from Fort\\nKnox (Vincennes) against the Weas and Kickapoos of the\\nWabash; seven hundred were to gather at Fort Washington,\\n(Cincinnati); and five hundred just below Wheeling the two\\nlatter bodies being intended to march with the federal troops,\\nfrom Fort Washington, under General Harmar, against the\\ntowns at the junction of the St. Mary and St. Joseph.* The\\nKentucky militia men began to come in at Fort W ashington\\nabout the middle of September, the 15th being the day named.\\nOf their fitness for service, we may judge by Major Ferguson s\\nevidence:\\nThey were very illy equipped, being almost destitute of\\ncamp kettles and axes nor could a supply of these essential\\narticles be procured. Their arms were, generally, very bad,\\nand unfit for service; as 1 was the commanding ofliccr of ar-\\ntillery, they came under my inspection, in making what repairs\\nthe time would permit; and as a specimen of their badness,\\nI would inform the court, that a riile was brought to be re-\\npaired without a lock, and another without a stock. I often\\nasked the owners what induced them to think that those guns\\ncould be repaired at that time And they gave me for an-\\nswer, that they were told in Kentucky that all repairs would\\nbe made at Fort Washington. JMany of the officers told me,\\nthat they had no idea of there being half the numl)cr of bad\\narms in the whole district of Kentucky, as was then in the\\nhands of their men. As soon as the principal part of the\\nKentucky militia arrived, the General began to organize them\\nin this he had many difiiculties to encounter. Colonel Trotter\\naspired to the command, although Colonel Hardin was the\\neldest ofiicer, and in this he was encouraged both by men and\\nofficers, who openly declared, unless Colonel Trotter com-\\nmanded them, they would return home. After two or three\\ndaj s the business was settled, and they [i. e. the Kentucky\\nmen] were formed into three battalions, under the command\\nof Colonel Trotter, and Colonel llardin had the command of\\nall the militia, [both Pennsylvania and Virginia.] As soon as\\nthey were arranged, they were mustered crossed the Ohio,\\nand, on the 26th, marched, and encamped about ten miles\\nfrom Fort Washington. The last of the Pennsylvania militia\\nAmerican State P.ipcrs, v. ?-l, 92.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "1790. Expedition against the Miami Villages. 365\\narrived on the 25th September. They were equipped nearly\\nas the Kentucky militia, but were worse armed several were\\nwithout any. The General ordered all the arms in store to\\nbe delivered to those who had none, and to those whose guns\\ncould not be repaired. Amongst the militia were a great\\nmany hardly able to bear arms, such as old, infirm men, and\\nyoung boys they were not such as might be expected from a\\nfrontier country, that is, the smart active woodsman, well ac-\\ncustomed to arms, eager and alert to revenge the injuries done\\nthem and their connexions. No, there were a great number\\nof them substitutes, who probably had never fired a gun.\\nMajor Paul, of Pennsylvania, told me, that many of his men\\nwere so awkward, that they could not take their gun locks off\\nto oil them, and put them on again, nor could they put in their\\nflints so as to be useful; and even of such materials, the num-\\nbers came far short of what was ordered, as may be seen by\\nthe returns.*\\nTrouble had been anticipated from the aversion of the\\nfrontier men to act with regular troops General Harmar had\\nbeen warned on the subject by the Secretary of War and\\nevery pains had been taken to avoid the evils apprehended.\\nNotice had also been given to the British that the troops col-\\nlected were to be used against the Indians alone, so that no\\nexcuse might be given McKee Co., for co-operation ;t and\\nwhen upon the 30th Sept^Vnber Harmar left Fort Washing-\\nton every step seemed to have been taken which experience\\nor judgment could suggest to secure the success of the expedi-\\ntion. The same seems to have been true of the march, the\\nCourt of Inquiry held in 1791, having approved every ar-\\nrangement. On the 13th of October, the army being then\\nthirty or thirty-five miles from the Miami villages, it was de-\\ntermined, in consequence of information given by a captured\\nIndian, to send forward Colonel John Hardin with a detach-\\nment of six hundred militia men, and one company of regu-\\nlars, to surprise the enemy, and keep them in their forts until\\nthe main body could come up with the artillery.\\nThe troops were organized and moved forward, as follows\\nThe Kentuckians composed three battalions, under the\\nthe Majors Hall, McMuUen and Bay, with Lieutenant Colonel\\nCommandant Trotter at their head. The Pennsylvanians\\nwere formed into one battalion, under Lieutenant Colonel\\nTrubley and Major Paul, the whole to be commanded by\\nAmerican State Papers, xii. 20.\\nt Americaa State Papers, v. 96. 100.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "366 Expedition against the Miami Villages. 1790.\\nColonel John Hardin, subject to the orders of General Har-\\nmar. The 30th, the General having got forward all the sup-\\nplies that he expected, he moved out with the federal troops,\\nformed into two small battalions, under the immediate com-\\nmand of Major Wyllys and Major Doughty, together Mith\\nCaptain Ferguson s company of artillery, and three pieces of\\nordnance. On the 3d of October, General Harmar joined\\nthe advanced troops early in the morning the remaining\\npart of the day was spent in forming the line of march, the\\norder of encampment and battle, and explaining the same to\\nthe militia field officers. General Harmar s orders will show\\nthe several formations. On the 4th, the army took up the\\norder of march as is described in the orders. On the 5th, a\\nreinforcement of horsemen and mounted infantry joined from\\nKentucky. The dragoons were formed into two troops the\\nmounted riflemen made a company, and this small battalion\\nof light troops were put under the command of Major\\nFontaine.\\nThe whole of General Harmar s command then may be\\nstated thus\\n3 battalions of Kentucky militia,\\n1 do. Pennsylvania do. V 1133\\n1 do. Light troops mounted do.\\n2 do. Federal troops, 320\\nTotal, 14r33\\n(American State Papers, xii. 24. 30. to 33.)\\nOn the 14th this party marched forward, and upon the next\\nday about three o clock reached the villages, but they were\\ndeserted. On the morning of the 17th, the main army arriv-\\ned, and the work of destruction commenced by the 21st, the\\nchief town, five other villages, and nearly twenty thousand\\nbushels of corn in ears, had been destroyed. When Harmar\\nreached the Maumee towns .and found no enemy, he thought\\nof pushing forvi^ard to attack the Wea and other Indian set-\\ntlements upon the Wabash, but was prevented by the loss both\\nof pack horses and cavalry horses, which the Indians seem to\\nhave stolen in quantities to suit themselves, in consequence of\\nthe wilful carelessness of the owners, who made the United\\nStates pay first for the use of their nags, then for the nags\\nthemselves. The Wabash plan being dropped, Colonel Trot-\\nter was dispatched with three hundred men to scuur the\\nwoods in search of an enemy, as the tracks of women and\\nchildren had been seen near by and we cannot give a better", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "1790. Destruction of Villages arid other Pi^operty. 367\\nidea of the utter want of discipline in the army, than by some\\nextracts from the evidence of Lieutenant (afterwards Captain)\\nArmstrong this gentleman was with Trotter during the 18th\\nof October, and also with Hardin, who, on the 19th, took the\\ncommand, General Harmar being much dissatisfied with\\nTrotter s ineffective Indian chase of the previous day.*\\nAfter we had proceeded about a mile, says Armstrong, the\\ncavalry gave chase to an Indian, who was mounted, him they\\novertook and killed. Before they returned to the column a\\nsecond appeared, on which the four field officers left their\\ncommands and pursued, leaving the troops near half an hour\\nwithout any directions whatever. The cavalry came across\\nthe second Indian, and, after he had wounded one of their\\nparty, killed him also. When the infantry came up to this\\nplace they immediately fell into confusion, upon which I\\ngained permission to leave them some distance on the road,\\nwhere I formed an ambuscade. After I had been some time at\\nmy station, a fellow on horseback came to me, who had lost\\nthe party in pursuit of the first Indian he was much frighten-\\ned, and said he had been pursued by fifty mounted Indians.\\nOn my telling this story to Colonel Trotter, notwithstanding\\nmy observations to him, he changed his route, and marched in\\nvarious directions until night, when he returned to camp.\\nOn our arrival in camp. General Harmar sent for me, and\\nafter asking me many questions, ordered one subaltern and\\ntwenty militia to join my command. With these I reached the\\nriver St. Joseph about ten at night, and with a guide proceed-\\ned to an Indian town, about two miles distant, where I con-\\ntinued with my party until the morning of the nineteenth.\\nAbout nine o clock I joined the remainder of the detachment\\nunder Colonel Hardin. We marched on the route Colonel\\nTrotter had pursued the day before, and after passing a\\nmorass about five miles distant, we came to where the enemy\\nhad encamped the day before. Here we made a short halt,\\nand the commanding ofiicer disposed of the parties at a dis-\\ntance from each other after a halt of half an hour, we were\\nordered to move on, and Captain Faulkner s company was\\nleft on the ground the Colonel having neglected giving him\\norders to move on. After we had proceeded about three\\nmiles, we fell in with two Indians on foot, who threw off their\\npacks, and the brush being thick, made their escape. I then\\nasked Colonel Hardin where Captain Faulkner was He\\nsaid he was lost, and then sent Major Fontaine with part of\\nthe cavalry in search of him, and moved on with the remain-\\nder of the troops. Some time after, I informed Colonel Har-\\ndin a gun had fired in our front, which might be considered as\\nSee the statements of Major Fergu on and Lieutenant Denny, in American State\\nPaper?, xli. 21, 25; also, Cist s Miscellany, 195, 196.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Ed.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "368 FergusoTi s Account of Harmar s First AcLion. 1790.\\nan alarm gun, and that I saw where a horse had come down\\nthe road, and returned again but the Colonel still moved on,\\ngiving no orders, nor making any arrangements for an attack.\\nSome time after, I discovered the enemy s fires at a distance,\\nand informed the Colonel, who replied, that they would not\\nfight, and rode in front of the advance, until fired on from\\nbehind the fires when he, the Colonel, retreated, and with\\nhim all the militia except nine, who continued with me, and\\nwere instantly killed, with twenty-four of the federal troops\\nseeing my last man fall, and being surrounded by the savages,\\nI threw myself into a thicket, and remained there three hours\\nin day-light during that time I had an opportunity of seeing\\nthe enemy pass and re-pass, and conceived their numbers did\\nnot amount to one hundred men some were mounted, others\\narmed with rifles, and the advance with tomahawks only. I\\nam of opinion that had Colonel Trotter proceeded, on the\\nI8th, agreeably to his orders, having killed the enemy s sen-\\ntinel s, he would have surprised their camp, and with ease de-\\nfeated them; or had Colonel Hardin arranged his troops, or\\nmade any military disposition, on the 19th, that he would\\nhave gained a victory. Our defeat I, therefore, ascribe to\\ntwo causes; the unofficer-like conduct of Colonel Hardin,\\n(who, I believe, was a brave man,) and the cowardly be-\\nhavior of the militia many of them threw down their arms\\nloaded, and I believe that none, except the party under my\\ncommand, fired a gun.*\\nAt this time, probably, the jealousy between the regulars\\nand militia which had been anticipated, and which had\\nthreatened trouble at Fort Washington, began effectually to\\nwork mischief; the regular troops disliked to be commanded\\nby Trotter and Hardin, the arm} officers despised the militia,\\nand the militia hating them, were impatient under the con-\\ntrol of Harmar and his staff. Again, the rivalry between\\nTrotter and Hardin was calculated to make the elements of\\ndiscord and disobedience yet more wide-spread so that all\\ntrue confidence between the officers and men was destroyed,\\nand with it, of necessity, all true strength.\\nBut though the troops had been disap2 ointed and defeated,\\nthe houses and crops had been burned and wasted, and upon\\nthe 21st of October, the arm} commenced its homeward\\nmarch. But Hardin was not easy under his defeat, and the\\nnight of the 21st being favorable, he proposed to Harmar to\\nsend back a detachment to the site of the vilhages just de-\\nstroyed, supposing the savages would have already returned\\nAmerican State Papers, xii. p. 26.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "1790. Jealousy between the Regulars and Militia. 369\\nthither. The General was not very willing to try farther ex-\\nperiments, but Hardin urged him, and at last obtained an\\norder for three hundred and forty militia, of which forty\\nwere mounted, and sixty regular troops the former under\\nHardin himself, the latter under Major Wyllys. How they\\nfared shall be told by Captain Asheton, an actor in the affray.\\nThe detachment marched in three columns, the federal\\ntroops in tlie centre, at the head of which I was posted, with\\nMajor Wyllys and Colonel Hardin in my front; the militia\\nformed the columns to the right and left. From delays, oc-\\ncasioned by the militia s halting, we did not reach the banks\\nof the Omee [Maumee] till some time after sunrise. The\\nspies then discovered the enemy, and reported to Major\\nWyllys, who halted the federal troops, and moved the militia\\non some distance in front, where he gave his orders and plan\\nof attack to the several commanding officers of corps. Those\\norders were not communicated to me. Major Wyllys reserv-\\ned the command of the federal troops to himself. Major\\nHall, with his battalion, M^as directed to take a circuitous\\nroute round the bend of the Omee River, cross the Pickaway\\nFork, (or St. JMary s) which brought him directly in the rear\\nof the enemy, and there wait until the attack should com-\\nmence with Major McMullen s battalion. Major Fontaine s\\ncavalry, and Major Wyllys with the federal troops, who all\\ncrossed the Omee at, and near, the common fording place.\\nAfter the attack commenced, the troops were by no means to\\nseparate, but were to embody, or the battalions to support\\neach other, as circumstances required. From this disposition\\nit appeared evident, that it was the intention of Major Wyllys\\nto surround the enemy, and that if Colonel Hall, who had\\ngained his ground undiscovered, had not wantonly disobeyed\\nhis orders, by firing on a single Indian, the surprise must have\\nbeen complete. The Indians then fled with precipitation, the\\nbattalions of militia pursuing in different directions. Major\\nFontaine made a charge upon a small party of savages he\\nfell the first fire, and his troops dispersed. The federal troops,\\nwho were then left unsupported, became an easy sacrifice to\\nmuch the largest party of Indians that had been seen that\\nday. It was my opinion that the misfortunes of that day\\nwere owing to the separation of troops, and disobedience of\\norders. After the federal troops were defeated, and the firing,\\nin all quarters nearly ceased. Colonel Hall and Major ]Mc-\\nMullen, with their battalions, met in the town, and after dis-\\ncharging, cleaning, and fresh loading their arms, which took\\nup about half an hour, proceeded to join the army unmolest-\\ned. I am convinced that the detachment, if it had been kept\\nembodied, was sufficient to have answered the fullest expecta-\\ntions of the General, and needed no support; but I was in-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "370 Harmar^s Second Action. 1790.\\nformed a battalion under Major Ray was ordered out for that\\npurpose.*\\nWhen Hardin returned to camp after this skirmish, he\\nwished the General either to send another party, or take the\\nwhole army to the battle ground, but Harmar would not favor\\neither plan. lie did not wish, he said, to divide his troops\\nhe had little food for his horses; and he thought the Indians\\nhad received a very good scourging upon the next morn-\\ning, accordingl} the army took up its line of march for Fort\\nWashington, in a regular, soldier-like way. Two men, says\\nIlardia, wished to have another tussle with the Miamis of\\nthe whole army, only two !f Before reaching Fort Washing-\\nton, however, new trouble occurred.\\nAt old Chillicothe, on Little Miami, says Colonel Hardin, a\\nnumber of the militia, contrary to orders, fired off their guns.\\nI endeavored to put a stop to such disorderly behavior, and\\ncommanded that those offenders that could be taken should\\nbe punished agreeably to general orders; and having caught\\na soldier myself in the very act of tiring his gun, ordered a file of\\nmen to take him immediately and carry him to the six poun-\\nder, and for the drummer to tie him up and give him six lashes\\nI was shortly after met by Colonel Trotter and Mnjor McMul-\\nien, and a number of militia soldiers, who in an abrupt man-\\nner asked me by what authority I ordered that soldier whipped\\nJ replied in support of general orders; on which a vej-y warm\\ndispute ensued between Coloael Trotter, Major McMuilen, and\\nmyself. The General being intbrmed of what had happened,\\ncame forward, and gave Colonel Trotter and Major McMuilen\\naver} severe reprimand, ordered the federal troops to ])arade,\\nand the drummer to do his duty, swearing he would risk his\\nliCe in support of his orders: the man received the number of\\nlashes ordered, and several that were confined were set at\\nliberty; numbers of the militia seemed much pleased with\\nwhat was done. This intended mutiny being soon quashed,\\nthe army proceeded in good order to Fort Washington. When\\nthe army arrived at the mouth of Licking, the General in-\\nformed me he had determined to arrest some of the militia\\noflicei s for their bad conduct, and send them home with dis-\\ngrace but I opposed his intention, alleging that it wojld be a\\ndisgrace to the whole militia; that he would perhaps stand in\\nSee American State Papers, xii. 28. Se\u00c2\u00ab account in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i.\\n133; also, McClung d Sketches of Western Adventure, p. 241, and other?. We prefer\\nthat of an e\\\\-c-witness. We have verbally changed A heton s statement, which is given\\nin the tliirJ pers m. See also Hardin s deposition, American State Papers, xii. 34.\\nt See in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellanj i. 105, an account of Ilarmar s Campaign, by one\\npresent.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Indian view of Harmar s Campaign. 371\\nneed of their assistance on some future occasion, audit would\\nsour their minds and cause them to turn out with reluctance\\nand that his discharging them generally with honor, perhaps,\\nwould answer a better purpose: the General readily indulged\\nmy request.*\\nTo this last act, which caused much discontent among the\\nfrontier men to the two defeats of the 19th and 22d of Oc-\\ntober (for such they were;) and to the want of any efficiency\\non the part of Harmar, who, though guilty of no breach of\\nmilitary care or common skill, acted like an old woman, com-\\npared with such men as Clark, and Mad Anthony, must ~v\\nbe ascribed the great unpopularity of this campaign. The\\narmy, as a whole, effected all that the popular expeditions of\\nClark in 1782, and of Scott and Wilkinson in 1791, did: we\\nmean the annihilation of towns and corn, and was by Harmar\\nand St. Clair considered very successful ;t but in reality, in them\\nview of the Indians, it was an utter failure and defeat. Their\\naccount of it was this\\nThere have been two engagements about the Miami towns,\\nbetween the Americans and the Indians, in which it is said,\\nthe former had about five hundred men killed, and that the\\nrest have retreated. The loss was only fifteen or twenty on\\nthe side of the Indians. The Shawanese, Miamies, and Pota-\\nwatomies were, I understand, the principal tribes who were\\nengaged; but I do not learn that any of the nations have re-\\nfused their alliance or assistance, and it is confidently re-\\nported that they are now marching against the frontiers on\\nthe Ohio.J\\nNor was the report of the invasion of the settlements on\\nthe Ohio shore far from the truth, as may be seen from the\\nfollowing letter\\nOn the evening of the 2d [Jan. 91] says Rufus Putnam,\\nwriting to the President, bet^veen sunset and daylight- in,\\nthe Indians surprised a new settlement of our people, at a^,\\nplace on the Muskingum, called the Big Bottom, nearly forty\\nmiles up the river, in which disaster eleven men, one woman,\\nand two children, were killed three men are missing, and\\nfour others made their escape. Thus, sir, the war, which was\\npartial before the campaign of last year, is, in all probability,\\nAmerican State Papers, xii. 35.\\nt This is clear, as we know, from Hi-mar s general orders, upon October 21, when he\\ntook up hi- march for Fort Washington, and from his report to the Secretary of War.\\n(American State Papers, y. 105, 104.)\\nX See Stone, ii. 294.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "372 Letter froin Rufus Putnam. 1791.\\nbecome general. I think there is no reason to suppose that\\n\\\\vc are the only people on whom the savages will wreak\\ntheir vengeance, or that the number of hostile Indians have\\nnot increased since the late expedition. Our situation is truly\\ncritical; the Governor and Secretary both being absent, no\\nassistance from Virginia or Pennsylvania can be had. The\\ngarrison at Fort Harmar, consisting at. this time of little more\\nthan twenty men, can afford no protection to our settlements,\\nand the whole number of men, in all our settlements, capable\\nof bearing xirms, including all civil and military officers, do\\nnot exceed two hundred and eighty-seven, and these, many of\\nthem, badly armed. We are in the utmost danger of being\\nswallowed up, should the enemy push the war with vigor du-\\nring the winter this I believe will fully appear, by taking a\\nshort view of our several settlements, and I hope justify the\\nextraordinary measures we have adopted, for want of a legal\\nauthority in the territory to apply for aid in the business. The\\n-situation of our people is nearly as follows\\nAt Marietta are about eighty houses, in the distance of one\\nmile, with scattering houses about three miles up the Ohio.\\nA set of mills at Duck Creek, four miles distant, and another\\nmill two miles up the Muskingum. Twenty-two miles up\\nthis river is a settlement, consisting of about twenty families;\\nabout two miles from them on Wolf Creek, are five families\\nand a set of mills. Down the Ohio, and opposite the Little\\nKanawha, commences the settlement called Belle Prairie,\\nvi^hich extends down the river, with little interruption, about\\ntwelve miles, and contains between thirty and forty houses.\\nBefore the late disaster, we had several other settlements,\\nwhich are already broken up. I have taken the liberty to en-\\nclose the proceedings of the Ohio company and justices of\\nthe sessions on this occasion, and beg leave, with the greatest\\ndeference, to observe, that, unless Government speedily send\\na body of troops for our protection, we are a ruined people.\\nThe removal of the women and children, etc., will reduce\\nmany of the poorer sort to the greatest straits but if we add\\nto this the destruction of their corn, forage and cattle, by the\\nenemy, which is very probable to ensue, I know of no way\\nthey can be supported; but, if this should not happen, where\\nthese people are to raise bread another year, is not easy to\\nconjecture, and most of them have nothing left to buy with.\\nBut my fears do not stop here; we are a people so far de-\\ntached from all others, in point of situation, that we can hope\\nfor no timely relief, in case of emergency, from any of our\\nneigbors and among the number that compose our present\\nmilitary sti-ength, almost one-half are young men, hiretl into\\nthe country, intending to settle by and by; these, under pre-\\nsent circum.^tances, will probably leave us soon, unless pros-\\npects should brighten and, as to new settlers, we can expect", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "1791. Plan of another Campaign. 373\\nnone in our present situation so that, instead of increasing\\nin strength, we are likely to diminish daily and, if we do\\nnot fall a prey to the savages, we shall be so reduced and dis-\\ncouraged as to give up the settlement, unless Government\\nshall give us timely protection. It has been a mystery with\\nsome, why the troops have been withdrawn from this quarter,\\nand collected at the Miami that settlement is, I believe,\\nwithin three or four days march of a very populous part of\\nKentucky, from whence, in a few days, they might be rein-\\nforced with several thousand men, whereas, we are not with-\\nin two hundred miles of any settlement, that can probably\\nmore than protect themselves.*\\nThe spirit thus manifested by the tribes which had just\\nbeen attacked, and the general feelings along the frontier in\\nrelation to Harmar s expedition, made the United States Gov-\\nernment sensible that their first step in the conduct of back-\\nwoods warfare, had been a failure, and that prompt and\\nstrong measures, calculated either to win, or force a state of\\npeace, must be adopted. f The plan which was resorted to\\nwas a three-fold one\\n1st. To send a messenger to the western Indians with of-\\nfers of peace, to be accompanied by some of the Iroquois\\nchieftains favorable to America.\\n2d. At the same time to organize expeditions in the West,\\nto strike the Wea, Miami and Shawanee towns, in case it\\nshould be clear the peace messenger would fail in his mis-\\nsion and\\n3d. To prepare a grand and overwhelming force with\\nwhich to take possession of the country of the enemies and\\nbuild forts in their midst.\\n[The act for protecting the frontier was signed March 3d,\\n1791, and Governor St. Clair was appointed to the command\\non the 4th. American State Papers, xii. 36.]\\nThe person selected to convey messages of peace was Col.\\nThomas Procter, who received his commission upon the 10th\\nor 11th of March, 1791, and upon the 12th left Philadelphia\\nfor the settlement of Cornplanter, or Captain O Beel or Abeel,\\nthe chief warrior of the Senecas, and the firm friend of Wash-\\nington and the Union. This chief, with others of similar sen-\\n*See American State Papers, v. 121. See a full account of the settlement on Bi Bot-\\ntom, and the attack upon it, by Dr. Hildreth, American Pioneer, ii. 101.\\nSee Knox s Keport, American State Papers, v. 112.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "374 Vicu s of the British in 1791. 1791.\\ntimenis, had been in Philadelphia in the previous December,\\nand had promised to use all their influence to secure peace.*\\nTo them Procter was sent, in the I. ope that they would go\\nwith him westward, and be the means of preventing further\\nbloodshed. In this hope, however, Washington and Knox\\nwere disappointed for, when, with great difficulty, the Amer-\\nican messenger had prevailed upon certain of the Iroquois to\\naccompany him, provided a water passage could be had, the\\nBritish commandant at Niagara would not allow an English\\nvessel to be hired to convey the ambassadors up Lake Erie\\nand as no other could be obtained, the whole enterprise\\nfailed.\\nBut in order to understand the difficulties which Procter met\\nwith, we must look at the views of the British, and of those\\nIndians who remained firm to the British at this period. Af-\\nter Harmar s campaign, the tribes of the north-west sent a dep-\\nutation to Lord Dorchester to learn what aid England would\\ngive them in the contest now fairly opened. What answer\\nprecisely was given by the Governor we do not know, but his\\nwishes seem to have been that peace might be restored and\\npreserved. Colonel Gordon, the British commandant at\\nNiagara, who afterwards stopped Procter, was also an advo-\\ncate of peace; and on the 4th of March wrote to Brant in\\nthese words\\nI hope you will embrace the present opportunity of the\\nmeeting ol the chiefs of the Five Nations in your neighbor-\\nhood, to use your endeavors to heal the wounds between the\\nIndians and Americans. I dare say the States wish to make\\npeace on terms which will secure to the Indians their present\\npossessions in the Miami country, provided the young men\\nare restrained from committing depredations in future. f\\n[It is evident from their whole course of procedure that\\nthe British authorities did their utmost to prevent Anierican\\nsettlements from being made in the North-western Territory.\\nThey wished to have their Indian allies continue in possession.\\nThis was their chief motive for retaining the western posts.].\\nBrant himself, on the 7th of jNIarch, writing to McKee, (the\\nagent among the Miamies,) says\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 110-145. Cornplantcr, like Brant, was a half-breed; his\\nfather s name was O Leel: See a particular account of him in Day s Historical Collec-\\ntions of Pennsylvaaia, 655; also Stone s Life of Red Jacket.\\nfStone, ii. 296, 297, 298.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "1791. Reasons of Indian and British Dissatisfaction. 375\\nI have received two letters from the States, from gentlemen\\nwho have lately been in Philadelphia by which it appears\\nthe Americans secretly wish to accommodate the matter\\nwhich 1 should by all means advise, if it could be efiected\\nupon honorable and liberal terms, and a peace become\\ngeneral.*\\nWith these views prevailing, why did Brant, Gordon and\\nthe other officers of Britain do so little afterwards to preserve\\npacific relations First, it would seem that the Mohawk\\nchieftain was oifended by the favor shown Cornplanter, his\\ndeadly foe,f and by the attempt of the Americans to divide\\nthe Iroquois and in regard to the latter point, at least,\\nthe British sympathized with him. Secondly, it is clear that\\nthe representatives of England, in Canada, were offended,\\nand we think naturally, at the entire disregard shown by the\\nAmerican government of their influence over the savages\\nof the north-west. Those tribes were closely connected\\nwith the British agents, and under their control, and Lord\\nDorchester, Colonel Gordon and Brant looked for an appeal\\nto them as mediators in the quarrel about to burst forth or\\nat any rate, for an acceptance by the Americans of their me-\\ndiation, if asked by the Indians; an acceptance of the kind\\ngiven in 1793, after St. Clair s defeat; and which was not, of\\ncourse, dishonorable or degrading. Thirdly, both the In-\\ndians and English were puzzled and excited by the seeming\\n(though our readers will know, in no degree, actual) want of\\ngood faith on the part of the States; which, at the same\\nmoment almost, commissioned Scott to war upon the Miamies,\\nProcter to treat of peace with them, St. Clair to invade and\\ntake possession of their lands, and Pickering to hold a council\\nwith their brethren for burying the fatal hatchet, and quench-\\ning the destructive brand.\\nFrom the inconsistent proceedings of the Americans\u00e2\u0080\u0094 says\\nColonel Gordon to Brant, upon the 11th of June I am per-\\nfectly at a loss to understand their full intentions. Whilst\\nthey are assembling councils at different quarters with the\\navowed purpose of bringing about a peace, the Six Nations\\nhave received a speech from General St. Clair, dated at Pitts-\\nburgh, 23d April, inviting them to take up the hatchet against\\ntheir brothers, the western nations.\\n\u00c2\u00abSee Stone, ii. 298.\\ntJAmerican State Papers, v. 1G7; stated by General Knox.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "376 BranVs Movements fw 1791. 1791.\\nCan any thing be more inconsistent? or can they possibly\\nbelieve the Indians are to be duped by such shallow artifices?\\nThis, far from being the case the Indians at Buffalo Creek\\nsaw the business in its proper light, and treated the invitation\\nwith the contempt it deserved. It must strike you very\\nforcibly, that in all the proceedings of the different Commis-\\nsioners from the American States, they have cautious!} avoided\\napplying for our interference, as a measure they affect to think\\nperfectly unnecessary: wishing to impress the Indians with the\\nideas of their own consequence, and of the little influence, they\\nwould wiiUngly believe we are possessed of This, my good\\nfriend, is not the way to proceed. Had they, bef jre matters\\nwere pushed to extremity, requested the assistance of the British\\ngovernment to bring about a peace on equitable terms, I am\\nconvinced the measure would have been fully accomplished\\nlong before this time.\\nI would, however, willingly hope they will yet see the pro-\\npriety of adopting this mode of proceeding and that peace,\\nan object so much to be desired, wall at length be perma-\\nnently settled.\\nI am the more sanguine in the attainment of my wishes, by\\nyour being on the spot, and that you will call forth the exer-\\ntion of your influence and abilities on the occasion.*\\nThe Americans also were desirous to enlist Brant as a\\npeace-maker, and Governor Clinton, of New York, was writ-\\nten to by General Knox, in the hope that he might influence\\nthe Mohawk leader but the chieftain was beyond his reach,\\nin the far west, among the tribes who were likely to be fore-\\nmost in the contest; nor could any learn whether he went\\nthither as a peace-maker or promoter of war. Early in May\\nthe United States Government was informed that he had re-\\nvived his plan of a great Indian confederacy; and about the\\n19th of that month Procter, at Buffalo, heard from the West\\nthat Brant was there not to pacify, but to inflame the Miamies\\nand their allies but yet, as the chiefs of the Six Nations re-\\npresented his purpose to be that of a messenger sent to learn\\nthe feelings of the western tribes, and asked Procter again\\nand again to wait his return the impression produced upon\\nthe American Government was that he had nothing in view\\nbut the cessation of hostilities. f\\nBefore Procter, (his mission pi oving in vain,) left Buflalo\\ncreek, which he did upon the 21st of May, measures had been\\nStone, ii, 300.\\nt American State Paper. v. 117 also, 101, ICS, and 181.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "1791. Expedition of Genci ul Scott. 377\\ntaken to secure a council of the Six Nations on the 16th of\\nJune, at the Painted Post, near the junction of the Coshocton\\nand Tioga rivers The purpose of this council was to secure\\nthe neutrality of the Iroquois by presents and fine words; and\\nthe plan appears to have succeeded. Treaty, says Knox,\\nwriting to St. Clair on the 4th of August, closed on the 15th\\n(of July,) and the Indians returned satisfied. Colonel Picker-\\ning did not attempt to persuade any of them to join our army,\\nas he found such a proposal would be very disagreeable to\\nthem.\\nIt had been calculated when Procter left Philadelphia upon\\nthe 12th of March, that he would cither succeed or distinctly\\nfail in his enterprise, in time to reach Fort Washington by\\nthe 5th of May. This expectation, as we have seen, was en-\\ntirely defeated, as he was so delayed that he did not reach\\nBuffalo creek until the 27th of April, and did not make his\\nfirst application for a vessel to cross Lake Erie until May 6lh.\\nBut upon the above calculation, mistaken as it proved, were\\nbased the arrangements of the United States for carrying into\\neffect the second part of the plan for the campaign, the\\ndesultory operations (as they were termed) for annoying the\\nenemy in case Procter failed. These operations were to be\\ncarried out by the backwoodsmen under their own comman-\\nders.\\nThe inhabitants of Kentucky, in December, 1790, after\\nIlarmar s return, had petitioned Congress for permission to\\nfight the Indians in their own way, and upon the 9th of March,\\n1791, orders were issued to Brigadier General Charles Scott,\\nauthorizing him, in conjunction with Harry Innis, John Brown,\\nBenjamin Logan, and Isaac Shelby, to organize an expedition\\nof mounted volunteers against the nations upon the Wabash, S\\nto start upon JMay 10th, unless countermanded. f These or-\\nders in substance were obeyed. The troops were, however,\\ndelayed for news from the north but by the 23d of May, no\\nnews of peace arriving, the detachment took up its line of\\nmarch from the Ohio Colonel John Hardin, who burned to\\nretrieve his fame, acting as a volunteer, without commission,\\nand having the post of commander of the advanced party and\\nAmerican State Papers, t. 181.\\nI American State Papers, v. 129. St. Clair was empowered to postpone the expedition,.\\nand did so. See his Narrative, p. 7.\\n24", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "378 Expedition of Genei-al Scott. 1791.\\ndirector of the guides. On the 1st of June, the towns of the\\nenemy were discovered of the after-movements no fairer\\nview can probably be given than by General Scott himself.\\nHaving noticed the villages,\\nI immediately detached Colonel John Hardin, says he, with\\nsixty mounted infantry, and a troop of light-horse under Cap-\\ntain McCoy, to attack the villages to the left, and moved on\\nbriskly with my main body, in order of battle, towards the\\ntown, the smoke of which was discernible. My guides were\\ndeceived with respect to the situation of the town for, in-\\nstead of .standing at the edge of the plain through Mhich I\\nmarched, I found it on the low ground bordering on the Wa-\\nba.sh on turning the point of woods, one house presented in\\nmy front. Captain Price was ordered to assault that with forty\\nmen. He executed the command with great gallanti and\\nkilled two warriors.\\nWhen I gained the summit of the eminence Avhich over-\\nlooks the villages on the banks of tlie Wabash, I discovered\\nthe enemy in great confusion, endeavoring to make their es-\\ncape over the river in canoes. J instantlj ordered Lieutenant\\nColonel-conmiandant Wilkinson to rush forward with the first\\nbattalion. J he order was executed with promptitude, and\\nthis detachment gained the bank of the river just as the rear\\nof the enemy had embarked and, regardless of a brisk fire\\nkept up from a Kickapoo town on the opposite bank, they,\\nin a few minutes, by a well directed fire from their rilies, de-\\nstroyed all the savages with which live canoes were crowded.\\nTo my great mortification, the Wabash was many feet beyond\\nfording at this place: I therefore detached Col. Wilkinson to a\\nford two miles above, which my guides informed me was more\\npracticable. [Wilkinson moved the first battalion up to the\\nfording place, found the river impassable, and returned to\\nOuiatenon.]\\nThe enemy still kept po.ssession of Kickapoo town I de-\\ntermined to dislodge them and for that purpose ordered\\nCaptain King s and Logsdone s companies to march down the\\nriver below the town, and cross, under the conduct oi Major\\nBarboe. tSeveral of the men swam the river, and otheis pass-\\ned in a small canoe. This movement was unobserved and\\nmy men had taken post on the bank before they were discover-\\ned by the enemy, who immediately abandoned the village.\\nAbout this time word was brought to me that Colonel Hardin\\nwas encumbered witli prisoners, and had discovered a stronger\\nvillage further to my left than those I had observed, which he\\nwas proceeding to attack. 1 inunediatcly detached Captain\\nBrow^n with his coujpany, to support the Colonel but the\\ndistance being six miles, before the Captain arrived the busi-\\nness was done, and Colonel Hardin joined me a little before", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "1791. Expedition of Wdkinsoji. 379\\nsun-set, having killed six warriors, and taken fifty-two\\nprisoners. Captain Bull, the warrior who discovered me in\\nthe morning, had gained the main town, and given the alarm,\\na short time before me but the villages to my left were un-\\ninformed of my approach, and had no retreat.\\nThe next morning I determined to detach my Lieutenant\\nColonel-commandant, with five hundred men, to destroy the 7\\nimportant town of Keth-tip-e-ca-nunk,* eighteen miles from\\nmy camp, on the west side of the Wabash but, on examina-\\ntion, I discovered my men and horses to be so crippled and\\nworn down by a long, laborious march, and the active exer-\\ntions of the preceding day, that three hundred and sixty men\\nonly could be found in a capacity to undertake the enterprise,\\nand they prepared to march on foot. Col. Wilkinson marched\\nwith this detachment at half after five in the evening, and\\nreturned to my camp the next day at one o clock, having\\nmarched thirty-six miles in twelv^e hours, and destroyed the\\nmost important settlement of the enemy in that quarter of the\\nfederal territory.\\nMany of the inhabitants of the village [Ouiatenon] were\\nFrench, and lived in a state of civilization. By the books,\\nletters, and other documents found there, it is evident that\\nplace was in close connection with, and dependent on, Detroit.\\nA large quantity of corn, a variety of household goods, pel-\\ntry, and other articles, were burned with this village, which\\nconsisted of about seventy houses, many of them well fin-\\nished. f\\nAs the expedition under Scott, although successful, had not\\nreached the higher towns upon the Wabash, Governor St.\\nClair thought it best to send another, (the Secretary of War\\nhaving authorized such a step,) against the villages of Eel\\nriver; and Wilkinson was appointed to command. He march-\\ned from near fort Washington, upon the first of August, andi\\non the 7th reached the Wabash, just above the mouth of the\\nriver he was in search of. While reconnoitering, however, in\\nthe hope of surprising the natives, word was brought him that\\nthey were alarmed and flying a general charge was imme-\\ndiately ordered.\\nThe men, says Wilkinson, forcing their way over every ob-\\n.staole, plunged through the river with vast intrepiditv. The\\nenemy was unable to make the smallest resistance. Six war-\\nriors, and (in the hurry and confusion of the charge) two\\n.squaws and a child were killed, thirty-four prisoners were ta-\\nken, and an unfortunate captive released, with the loss of two\\nmen killed and one wounded.\\nThis, in modern orthography, has been cornipted into Tippecanoe. Ed.\\nt American State Paper?, v. 131.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "380 Wilkinsoiis Expedition. 1791.\\nI found this town scattered along Eel river for full three\\nmiles, on an uneven, scrubby oak barren, intersected alter-\\nnately by bogs almost impassable, and impervious thickets of\\nplum, hazel, and blackjacks. Notwithstanding these difficul-\\nties, if I n\\\\ay credit the report of the prisoners, very few who\\nwere in town escaped. Expecting a second expedition, their\\ngoods were generally packed up and buried. Sixty warriors\\nhad crossed the Wabash to watch the paths leading from the\\nOhio. The head chief, with all the prisoners, and a number of\\nfamilies, were out digging a root which they substitute in the\\nplace of the potato and about one hour before my arrival,\\nall the warriors, except eight, had mounted their horses, and\\nrode up the river to a French store to purchase ammunition.\\nThis ammunition had arrived from the Miami village that very\\nday, and the squaws informed me was stored about two miles\\nfrom the town. I detached Major Caldwell in quest of it\\nbut he failed to make any discovery, although he scoured the\\ncountry for seven or eight miles up the river.\\nI encamped in the town that night, and the next morning I\\ncut up the corn, scarcely in the milk, burnt the cabins, mounted\\nthe young warriors, squaws, and children, in the best manner\\nin my power, and leaving two infirm squaws and a child, with\\na short talk, 1 commenced my march for the Kickapoo town in\\nthe prairie.*\\nThe Kickapoo prairie metropolis was not reached the\\nhorses were too sore, and the bogs too deep but as General\\nWilkinson said, lour hundred acres of corn were destroyed,\\nand a Kickapoo town given to the flames for which the\\n.General was duly thanked by his country. Meantime, while\\nProcter was attempting to hurry the slow-moving Iioquois.\\nwho told him it took them a great while to think and Wil-\\nkinson was floundering up to his arm-pits in mud and water,\\namong the morasses oftlic Wabash; the needful preparations\\nwere constantly going forward for the great expedition of St.\\nClair, which, by founding posts throughout the western coun-\\ntry, from the Ohio to Lake Erie, and especially at the head of\\nthe Maumee, was to give the United States a sure means oi\\ncontrol over the savages. At a very early period (1785) the\\nadmirable position of the Miami village at the junction of the\\nSt. Mary and St. Joseph, had struck Washington s sagacious\\nmind, as we know from his correspondence;! and when Har-\\nmar s expedition was undertaken, one purpose of it would,\\ndoubtless, have been the founding of a military post at the\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 134.\\nt Sparks Wasbinglon, is. 109.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "1791. Instructions to St. Clair. 381\\nMiami town, had it been compatible with the public finances.*\\nBut Harmar s defeat having proved the necessity of some\\nstrong check upon the northern savages, it became the main\\npurpose of the effort of 1791, to build a fort at a point desig-\\nnated, which was to be connected by other intermediate sta-\\ntions, with Fort Washington and the Ohio. Of this we have\\nproof in the language of the government after St. Clair s de-\\nfeat: the great object of the late campaign, says General\\nKnox, in his official report, dated December 2G, 1791, was\\nto establish a strong military post at the Miami village\\nand this language is used more than once.f This object, too,\\nwas to be attained, if possible, even at the expense of a con-\\ntest which might be otherwise avoided [for the posts were to\\nbe established, whether the Indians remained hostile or made\\npeace,] but the instructions to St. Clair upon this and other\\npoints, we prefer to give in the clear and condensed lan-\\nguage of Knox himself, omitting such portions only, as have\\nnot a bearing upon the general subject, and treat of details\\nmerely.\\nThe President of the United States having, by and with the\\nadvice and consent of the Senate, appointed you a Major\\nGeneral in the service of the United States, and of conse-\\nquence invested 3 ou with the chief command of the troops\\nto be employed upon the frontiers during the ensuing cam-\\npaign, it is proper that you should be possessed of the views of\\nthe government respecting the objects of your command. I\\nam, therefore, authorized and commanded, by the President of\\nthe United States, to deliver you the follou^ing instructions, in\\norder to serve as the general principles of your conduct.\\nBut, it is only general principles which can be pointed out.\\nIn the execution of the duties of your station, circumstances\\nwhich cannot now be foreseen may arise to render material\\ndeviations necessary. Such circumstani es will require the\\nexercise of your talents. The Government possesses the se-\\ncurity of your character and mature experience, that your\\njudgment will be proper on all occasions. You are well in-\\nformed of the unfavorable impressions which the issue of the\\nlast expedition has made on the public mind, and you are\\nalso aware of the expectations which are formed of the suc-\\ncess of the ensuing campaign.\\nAn Indian war, under any circumstances, is regarded by the\\ngreat mass of the people of the United States as an event\\nwhich ought, if possible, to be avoided. It is considered that\\n*Soe Kaox d letter to St. Clair, September 12, 1790. American State Papers, v. 100.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f Americane Stat Papers, v. 197, 198.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "382 Instructmis io St. Clair. 1791.\\nthe sacrifice of blood and treasure in such a war exceed any\\nadvantages which can possibly be reaped by it. The great\\npolicy, therefore, of the General Government, is to establish\\na just and liberal peace with all the Indian tribes within the\\nlimits and in the vicinity of the territory of the United States.\\nYour intimations to the hostile Indians, immediately after the\\nlate expedition, through the Wyandots and Uelawares; the\\narrangements Mith the Senecas who were lately in this city,\\nthat part of the Six Nations should repair to the said hostile\\nIndians, to influence them to pacific measures; together with\\nthe recent mission of Colonel Procter to them for the same\\npurpose, will strongly evince the desire of the General Gov-\\nernment to prevent the eflusion of blood, and to quiet all dis-\\nturbances. And when you shall arrive upon the frontiers, if\\nany other or farther measures to effect the same object should\\npresent, you will eagerly embrace them, and the reasonable\\nexpenses thereof shall be defrayed by the public. But, if all\\nthe lenient measures taken, or which may be taken, should\\nfail to bring the hostile Indians to a just sense of their situa-\\ntion, it will be necessary that you should use such coercive\\nmeans as you shall possess, for that purpose. You are in-\\nformed that, by an act of Congress, passed the 2d inst.,\\nanother regiment is to be raised, and added to the military es-\\ntablishment, and provision made for raising two thousand\\nlevies, for the term of six months, for the service of the fron-\\ntiers. It is contemplated that the mass of the regulars and\\nlevies may be recruited and rendezvous at Fort Washington,\\nby the 10th of July. In this case, you will have assembled a\\nforce of three thousand effectives at least, besides leaving\\nsmall garrisons on the Ohio, in order to perform your main\\nexpedition, hereinafter mentioned. But, in the mean time, if\\nthe Indians refuse to listen to the messengers of peace sent to\\nthem, it is most probable they will, unless prevented, spread\\nthemselves along the line of frontiers, for the purpose of com-\\nmitting all the depredations in their power. In order to avoid\\nso calamitous an event, Brigadier General Charles Scott, of\\nKentucky, has been authorized by me, on the part of the\\nPresident of the United States, to make an expedition against\\nthe Wea, or Ouiatenon towns, with mounted volunteers, or\\nmilitia from Kentucky, not exceeding the number of seven\\nhundred and fifty, officers included. You will perceive, by\\nthe instructions to Brigadier General Scott, that it is confided\\nto your discretion, whether there should be more than one of\\nthe said expeditions of mounted volunteers or militia. Your\\nnearer view of the objects to be effected, by a second desul-\\ntory expedition, will enable you to form a better judgment\\nthan can at present be formed, at this distance. The pro-\\npriety of a second operation would, in some degree, depi-nd\\non the alacrity and good compossition of the troops of which", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "1791. Instructions to St. Clair. 383\\nthe first may have been formed of its success of the proba-\\nble effects a second similar blow would have upon the Indians,\\nwith respect to its influencing them to peace or, if they\\nshould be still hostilely disposed, of preventing them from\\ndesolating the frontiers by their parties.\\nYou will observe, in the instructions to Brigadier General\\nScott, which are to serve as a basis for the instructions of the\\ncommanders who may succeed him, that all captives are to be\\ntreated with great humanit3\\\\ It will be sound policy to at-\\ntract the Indians by kindness, after demonstrating to them our\\npower to punish them, on all occasions. While you are\\nmaking such use of desultory operations as in your judgment\\nthe occasionjnay require, you will proceed vigorously, in every\\noperation in your power, for the purpose of the main expedi-\\ntion and having assembled your force, and all things being in\\nreadiness, if no decisive indications of peace should have been\\nproduced, either by the messenger, or by the desultory opera-\\ntions, you will commence your march ibr the Miami village,\\nin order to establish a strong and permanent military post at\\nthat place. In your advance, you will establish such posts of\\ncommunication with Fort Washington, on the Ohio, as you\\nmay judge proper. The post at the Miami village is intended\\nfor the purpose of awing and curbing the Indians in that\\nquarter, and as the only preventive of future hostilities. It\\nought, therefore, to be rendered secure against all attempts\\nand insults of the Indians. The garrison which should be sta-\\ntioned there ought not only to be sufficient for the defence of\\nthe place, but always to afford a detachment of five or six*\\nhundred men, either to chastise any of the Wabash, or other\\nhostile Indians, or to secure any convoy of provisions. The\\nestablishment of such a post is considered as an important\\nobject of the campaign, and is to take place in all events. In\\ncase of a previous treaty, the Indians are to be conciliated\\nupon this point, if possible and it is presumed, good argu-\\nments may be offered, to induce their acquiescence. The\\nsituation, nature, and construction of the works you may di-\\nrect, will depend upon your own judgment. Major Ferguson,\\nof the artillery, will be fully capable of the execution. He\\nwill be furnished with three five and a half inch howitzers,\\nthree six pounders, and three three-pounders, all brass, with a\\nsufficient quantity of shot and shells, for the purpose of the\\nexpedition. The appropriation of these pieces will depend\\nupon your orders.\\nHaving commenced your march, upon the main expedition,\\nand the Indians continuing hostile, you will use every possible\\nexertion to make them feel the effects of your superiority\\nand after having arrived at the Miami village, and put your\\nworks in a defensible state, you will seek the enemy with the\\nwhole of your remaining force, and endeavor, by all possible", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "384 Instructions to St. Clair. 1891.\\nmeans, to strike them with great severity. It will be left to\\nyour discretion whether to employ, if attainable, any Indians\\nol the Six jNations, and the Chickasavvs or other southern Na-\\ntions. Most probably the employment of abcut fifty of each,\\nunder the direction of some discreet and able chief, would be\\nadvantageous, but these ought not to be assembled before the\\nline of march is taken up, because they are soon tired and\\nwill not be detained. The force contemplated for the garri-\\nsons of the Miami village, and the communications, has been\\nfrom a thousand to twelve hundred non-commissioned officers\\nand privates. This is mentioned as a general idea, to which\\nyou will adhere, or from which you will deviate, as circum-\\nstances may require. The garrison stationed at the Miami\\nvillage, and its communications, must have in store at least\\nsix months good salted meat, and (lour in proportion.\\nIt is hardly possible, if the Indians continue hostile, that you\\nwill be suffered quietly to establish a post at the Miami vil-\\nlage conllicts, therefore, may be expected and it is to be\\npresumed that disciplined valor will triumph over the undisci-\\nplined Indians. In this event it is probable that the Indians\\nwill sue for peace if this should be the case, the dignity of\\nthe United States will require that the terms should be liberal.\\nIn order to avoid future wars, it might be proper to make the\\nWabash, and thence over to the Miami, and down the same\\nto its mouth at Lake Erie, the boundary, excepting so for as\\nthe same should relate to the Wyandots and Delawares, on\\nthe supposition of their continuing faithful to the treaties.\\nBut, if they should join in the war against the United States,\\nand your army be victorious, the said tribes ought to be re-\\nmoved without the boundary mentioned. You will also judge\\nwhether it would be proper to extend the boundary, from the\\nmouth of the Iliver au Pause of the Wabash, in a due west\\nline to the Mississippi. Few hidians, besides the Ivickapoos,\\nwould be affected by such a line this ought to be tenderly\\nmanaged. The modification of the bound aiy must be confid-\\ned to your discretion, with this single observatioi, that the\\npolicy and interest of the United States dictate their being at\\npeace with the Indians. This is of more value than millions\\nof uncultivated acres, the right to which ma} be conceded by\\nsome, and disputed by others. The establishment of a post\\nat the Miami village will probably be regarded, by the British\\nofficers on the frontiers, as a circumstance of jealousy it may,\\ntherefore, be necessary that you should, at a proper time,\\nmake such intimations as may remove all such dispositions.\\nThis intimation had better follow than precede the possession\\nof the post, unless circumstances dictate otherwise. As it is\\nnot the inclination or interest-of the United States to enter\\ninto a contest with Great Britain, every measure tending to\\nany discushion or altercation must be orevented. The delicate", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "1791. Instructions to St. Clair. 385\\nsituation of aflairs maj therefore, render it improper, at pre-\\nsent, to make any naval arrangement upon Lake Erie. After\\nyou shall have eflected all the injury to the hostile Indians of\\nwhich your force may be capable, and after havinj^ established\\nthe posts and garrisons at the Miami village and its communi-\\ncations, and placing the same under the orders of an oflicer\\nworthy of such high trust, you will return to Fort Washington\\non the Ohio.\\nIt is proper to observe, that certain jealousies ha\\\\e ex sted\\namong the people of the frontiers, relative to a supposed in-\\nterference between their interest, and those of the marine\\nStates; that these jealousies are ill-founded, with respect to\\nthe present Government, is obvious. The United States em-\\nbrace, with equal care, all parts of the Union and, in the\\npresent case, are making expensive arrangements for the pro-\\ntection of the frontiers, and partly in the modes, too, which\\nappear to be highl}^ favored by the Kentucky people.\\nThe high stations you fill, of commander of the troops, and\\nGovernor of the Western Territor}^ will allbrd you fi-equent\\nopportunities to impress the frontier citizens of the entire\\ngood disposition of the General Government towards them in\\nall reasonable things, and you will render acceptable service,\\nby cordially embracing all such opportunities.*\\nUnder these instructions St. Clair proceeded to organize his\\narmy. At the close of April he was in Pittsburgh, toward\\nwhich point troops from all quarters, horses, stores and am-\\nmunition, were going forward. The forces, it was thought,\\nwould be assembled by the last of .Tuly or first of August.\\nBy the middle of July, however, it was clear that the early\\npart of September would be as soon as the expedition could\\nget under way hut the commander was urged to press every\\nthing, and act with the utmost promptness and decision. But\\nthis was more easily urged than accomplished. On the 15th of\\nMay, St. Clair had reached Fort Washington, and at that time,?\\nthe United States troops in the West amounted to hut two\\nhundred and sixty-four non-commissioned oflicers and privates\\nfit for duty [of these seventy-five were at Fort Washington,\\nforty-five at Fort Harmar, sixty-one at Fort Steuben, and\\neighty-three at Fort Knox.] On the 15th of July this number\\nwas more than doubled, however, as the first regiment, con-\\ntaining two hundred and ninety-nine men, on that day reached\\nFort Washington. General Butler, who had been appointed\\nsecond in command, was employed through part of April and\\nMay in obtaining recruits; but when obtained, there was no\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 171.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "386 Si. Clair marches into the Interior. 1791.\\nmoney to pay them, nor to provide stores for them. In the\\nquorter-masters department, meantime, everything went on\\nslowly and badly tents, pack-saddles, kettles, knapsacks, and\\ncartridge boxes were all deficient in quantity and quality.\\nWorse than this, the powder was poor or injured, the arms\\nand accoutrements out of repair, and not even proper tools\\nto mend them.* [Of six hundred and seventy five stand\\nof arms at Fort Washington, (designed by St. Clair for the\\nmilitia) scarcely any were in ordei- and with two travel-\\ning forges furnished by the quarter-master, there were\\nno anvils. See American State Papers, xii. 36, 37.] And\\nas the troops gathered slowly at Fort Washington, after\\nwearisome detentions at Pittsburgh and upon the river,\\na new source of troubles arose, in the habits of intemperance\\nindulged and acquired by the idlers; to withdraw them from\\ntemptation, St. Clair was forced to remove his men, now\\nnumbering two thousand, to Ludlow s station, about six miles\\nfrom the Fort by which, however, he more than doubled his\\ncost of providing ibr the troops.f Here the army continued\\nuntil September 17th, when, being two thousand three hun-\\ndred strong, (including the garrisons of Forts Washington and\\nHamilton) exclusive of militia, it moved forward to a point\\nupon the Great Miami, where Fort Hamilton was built, the\\nfirst in the proposed chain of fortresses. This being completed,\\nthe troops moved on forty-four miles farther, and on the 12th\\nof October commenced Fort JeflTerson, about six miles south\\nof the town of Greenville, Darke county. On the 24th the\\ntoilsome march through the wilderness began again. At\\nthis time the commander-in-chief, whose duties through the\\nsummer had been very severe, was sufiVring from an indispo-\\nsition which was by turns in his stomach, lungs and limbs\\nprovisions were scarce, the roads wet and heavy, the troops\\ngoing with much difiiculty, seven miles a day; the militia\\ndeserting sixty at a time. J Thus toiling along, the army,\\nrapidly lessening by desertion, sickness, and troops sent to\\narrest deserters, on the 3d of November reached a stream\\nrT;welve yards wide, which St. Clair supposed to be the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Proofs of all the.^e facts are found in the American State Papers, vol. v. 26, 37, 42\\n171, 176, 179, ISO.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 [Ed.\\nfAinerican State Papers, xii. 37.\\n+St. Clair s Journal. (American State Paperi, r. 136-7)", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "1791. Defeat of St. Clair. 387\\nSt. Mary of the Maumee, but which was in realit} a branch\\nof the Wabash, just south of the head waters of the stream\\nfor which the commander mistook it. Upon the banks of\\nthis creek, the army, now about fourteen hundred strong, en-\\ncamped in two lines.\\nThe right wing, says St. Clair, in his letter to the Secretary\\nof War, after the battle, composed of Ikitler s, Clark s and\\nPatterson s battalions, commanded by IMajor General Butler,\\nformed the first line and the left wing, consisting of Bedin-\\nger s and Gaither s battalions, and the second regiment, com-\\nmanded by Lieutenant Colonel Darke, formed the second line,\\nwith an interval between them of about seventy yards,\\nwhich was all the ground would allow. The right flank was\\npretty well secm ed by the creek; a steep bank, and Faulk-\\nner s corps, some of the cavalry, and their picquets, covered\\nthe left flank. The militia were thrown over the creek, and\\nadvanced about a quarter of a mile, and encamped in the\\nsame order. There were a few Indians who appeared on\\nthe opposite side of the creek, but fled M ith the utmost pre-\\ncipitation, on the advance of the militia. At this place,\\nwhich I judged to be about fifteen miles from the Miami vil-\\nlage, I determined to throw up a slight work, the plan of\\nwhich was concerted that evening with Major Ferguson,\\nwherein to have deposited the men s knapsacks, and every\\nthing else that was not of absolute necessity, and to have\\nmoved on to attack the enemy as soon as the first regiment was\\ncome up. But they did not permit me to execute either; for,\\non the 4th, about half an hour before sunrise, and when the\\nmen had just been dismissed from parade, (for it was a con-\\nstant practice to have them all under arms a considerable\\ntime before day-light,) an attack was made upon the militia.\\nThose gave way in a very little time and rushed into camp\\nthrough Major Butler s battalion, (which, together with a part\\nof Clark s they threw into considerable disorder, and which,\\nnotwithstanding the exertions of both those oflicers, was\\nnever altogether remedied,) the Indians following close at\\ntheir heels. The fire, however, of the front line checked\\nthem but almost instantly a very heavy attack began upon\\nthat line and in a few minutes it was extended to the second\\nlikewise. The great weight of it was directed against the\\ncentre of each, where the artillery was placed, and from\\nwhich the men were repeatedly driven with great slaughter.\\nFinding no great eflect from our fire, and confusion beginning\\nto spread from the great number of men who were falling in\\nall quarters, it became necessary to try what could be done by\\nthe bayonet. Lieutenant Colonel Darke was accordingly or-\\ndered to make a charge with apart of the second line, and to", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "388 Defeat of St. Clair. 1791.\\nturn the left flank of the enemy. This was executed with\\ngreat spirit. The Indians instantly gave way, and were\\ndriven back three or four hundred yards; but for want of a\\nsufficient number of rillemen to pursue this advantage, they\\nsoon returned, and the troops were obliged to give hack in\\ntheir turn. At this moment they had entered our camp by\\nthe left flank, having pushed back the troops that were posted\\nthere. Another charge was made here by the second regi-\\n)ment, Butler s and Clark s battalions, with equal effect, and\\nit was repeated several times and always with success; but\\nin all of them many men were lost, and particularly the ofii-\\ncers, which, with so raw troops, was a loss altogether irreme-\\ndiable. In that I just spoke of, made by the second regiment\\nand Butler s battalion, iMajor Butler was dangerously wound-\\ned, and every oflicer of the second regiment fell except\\nthree, one of which, Mv. Greaton, was shot through the body.\\nOur artillery being now silenced, and all the officers killed\\nexcept Captain Ford, who was very badly wounded, and more\\nthan half of the army fallen, being cut off from the road, it\\nbecame necessary to attempt the regaining it, and to make a\\nretreat if possible. To this purpose the remains of the army\\nwas formed as well as circumstances would admit, towards\\nthe right of the encam])mcnt, from which, by the way of\\nthe second line, another charge was made upon the enemy,\\nas if with the design to turn their right flank, but in fact, to\\ngain the road. This was eflected, and as soon as it was open,\\nthe militia took along it, followed by the troops; Maj. Clark,\\nwith his battalion, covering the rear.\\nThe retreat, in those circumstances, was, as you may be\\nsure, a very precipitate one. It was, in fact, a flight. The\\ncamp and the artillery were abandoned but that was una-\\nvoidable for not a horse was left alive to have drawn it off\\nhad it otherwise been practicable. But the most disgraceful\\npart of the business is, that the greatest part of the men threw\\naway their arms and accoutrements, even after the pursuit,\\nwhich continued about four miles, had ceased. I found the\\nroad strewed witii them for many miles, but was not able to\\nremedy it for, liaving had all my horses killed, and being\\nmount ed upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, I\\ncould not get forward myself; and the orders I sent forward\\neither to halt the front, or to prevent the men from parting\\nwith their arms, were unattended to. The rout continued\\nquite to Fort Jefferson, twenty-nine miles, which was reached\\na little after sun-setting. The action began about half an\\nhour before sunrise, and the retreat was attempted at half an\\nhour after nine o clock. I have not yet been abb; to get re-\\nturns of the killed and wounded but Major General Butler,\\nLieutenant Colonel OUlham, of the militia. Major Ferguson,\\nMajor ijart, anJ Major Clark, are among the former Colo-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "179 1 Defeat of St. Clair. 389\\nnel Sargent, my Adjutant General, Lieutenant Colonel Darke,\\nLieutenant Colonel Gibson, Major Butler, and the Viscount\\nMalartie, who served me as Aid-de-camp, are among the lat-\\nter; and a great number of captains and subalterns in both.\\n1 have now, sir, finished my melancholy tale a tale that\\nwill be felt sensibly by every one that has sympathy for pri-\\nvate distress, or for public misfortune. 1 have nothing, sir, to\\nlay to the charge of the troops, but their want of discipline,\\nwhich, from the short time they had been in service, it was\\nimpossible they should have acquired, and which rendered it\\nvery difficult, when they were thrown into confusion, to reduce\\nthem again to order, and is one reason why the loss has fallen\\nso heavy on the officers, who did every thing in their power to\\neffect it. Neither were my own exertions wanting but, worn\\ndown with illness, and suffering under a painful disease, un-\\nable either to mount or dismount a horse without assistance,\\nthey were not so great as they otherwise would, and perhaps\\nought to have been. We were overpowered by numbers but\\nit is no more than justice to observe, that, though composed\\nof so many different species of troops, the utmost harmony\\nprevailed through the whole army during the campaign. At\\nFort Jefferson I found the first regiment, which had returned\\nfrom the service they had been sent upon, without either over-\\ntaking the deserters, or meeting the convoy of provisions. I\\nam not certain, sir, whether I ought to consider the absence of\\nthis regiment from the field of action, as fortunate or other-\\nwise. I incline to think it was fortunate for, 1 very much\\ndoubt whether, had it been in the action, the fortune of the\\nday had been turned; and, if it had not, the triumph of the\\nenemy would have been more complete, and the country\\nwould have been destitute of every means of defence. Takii)g\\na view of the situation of our broken troops at Fort Jefferson,\\nand that there was no provisions in the Fort, I called upon the\\nfield officers, viz Lieutenant Colonel Darke, Major Ham-\\ntramck, Major Zeigler, and Major Gaither, together with the\\nAdjutant General, [VVinthrop Sargent,] for their advice what\\nwould be proper further to be done and it was their unani- ^j\\nmous opinion, that the addition of the first regiment, un-\\nbroken as it was, did not put the army on so respectable a\\nfoot as it was in the morning, because a great part of it was now\\nunarmed that it had been found unequal to the enemy, and\\nshould they come on, which was possible, would be- found so\\nagain that the troops could not be thrown into the fort, both\\nbecause it was too small, and that there were no provisions in\\nit; that provisions were known to be on the road, at the dis-\\ntance of one, or at most two marches; that, therefore^ it would\\nbe more proper to move without loss of time, to meet the pro-\\nvisions, when the men might have the sooner an opportunity\\nof some refreshment, and that a proper detachment might be", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "390 Defeat of St. Clair. 1791.\\nsent back with it, to have it safely deposited in the fort. This\\nadvice was accepted, and the army was put in motion at ten\\no clock, and marched all night, and the succeeding day met\\nwith a quantity of Hour. Part of it was distributed immedi-\\nately, part taken back to supply the army on the march to\\nFort Hamilton, and the remainder, about fifty horse loads,\\nsent forward to Fort Jefferson. The next day a drove of\\ncattle was met with for the same place, and 1 have informa-\\ntion that both got in. The wounded, who had been left at\\nthat place, were ordered to be brought to Fort Washington\\nby the return horses.\\nI have said, sir, in a former part of this letter, that we were\\noverpowered by numbers. Of that, however, I have no other\\nevidence but the weight of the fire, which was always a most\\ndeadly one, and generally delivered from the ground few of\\nthe enemy show^i ng themselves afoot, except when they were\\ncharged and that, in a few minutes our whole camp, which\\nextended above three hundred and fifty yards in length, was\\nentirely surrounded and attacked on all quarters. The loss,\\nsir, the public has sustained by the fall of so many officers,\\nparticularly General Butler and Major Ferguson, cannot be\\ntoo much regretted but it is a circumstance that alle-\\nviate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them fell\\nmost gallantly doing their duty. 1 have had very pai-ticular\\nobligations to many of them, as \\\\vell as to the survivors,\\nbut to none more than Colonel Sargent. He has discharged\\nthe various duties of his ofiice with zeal, with exactness, and\\nwith intelligence, and on all occasions afforded me ever) as-\\nsistance in his power, which I have also experienced from my\\nAid-de-camp, Lieutenant Denny, and the Viscount Malartie,\\nwho served with me in the station as a volunteer.*\\n[To this official account of the commander, we add the fol-\\nlowing sketch by Benjamin Van Cleve, who was in the Quar-\\nter-master General s service on the occasion so that he\\nfought as a volunteer. Mr. Van Cleve was a resident of Cin-\\ni ciunati, early in 1790; removed to Dayton in 1797, and during\\nthe principal part of his life, kept a journal or memoranda of\\nthe events that transpired. This sketch vividly poi-trays the\\nconfusion of the battle and flight f]\\nOn the fourth [of November] at daybreak, I began to pre-\\npare for returning, [to Fort Washington] and had got about\\nhalf my luggage on my horse, when the firing commenced.\\nWe were encamped just within the lines, on the right. The\\nattack was made on the Kentucky militia. Almost instanta-\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 137.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f American Pioneer, ii. 148\u00e2\u0080\u0094153.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "1791. Defeat of St Clair. 39 1\\nneously the small remnant of them that escaped broke\\nthrough the Hne near us, and this line gave way. Followed\\nby a tremendous fire from the enemy, they passed me. I\\nthrew my bridle over a stump, from which a tent pole had\\nbeen cut, and followed a short distance, when finding the\\ntroops had halted, I returned and brought my horse a\\nlittle farther. I was now between the fires, and finding the\\ntroops giving way again, was obliged to leave him a second\\ntime. As I quitted him he was shot down, and 1 felt rather\\nglad of it, as I concluded that now I should be at liberty to\\nshare in the engagement. My inexperience prompted me to\\ncalculate on our forces being far superior to any that the sav-\\nages could assemble, and that we should soon have the\\npleasure of driving them. Not more than five minutes had\\nyet elapsed, when a soldier near me had his arm swinging\\nwith a wound. I requested his arms and accoutrements, as\\nhe was unable to use them, promising to return them to him.\\nand commenced firing. The smoke was settled down to\\nabout within three feet of the ground, but I generally put one\\nknee on the ground, and with a rest from behind a tree,\\nwaited the appearance of an Indian s head from behind his\\ncover, or for one to run and change his position. Before I\\nwas convinced of my mistaken calculations, the battle was\\nhalf over, and I had become familiarized to the scene. Hear-\\ning the firing at one time unusually brisk near the rear of the\\nleft wing, I crossed the encampment. Two levy officers were\\njust ordering a charge. I had fired away my ammunition, and\\nsome of the bands of my musket had flown off. I picked up\\nanother, and a cartridge box nearly full, and pushed forward\\nwith about thirty others. The Indians ran to the right, where\\nthere was a small ravine filled with logs. I bent n^y course\\nafter them, and on looking round, I found I was with only\\nseven or eight men, the others having kept straight forward,\\nand halted about thirty yards off. We halted also, and being\\nso near where the savages lay concealed, the second fire from\\nthem, left me standing alone. My cover was a small sugar\\ntree or beech, scarcely large enough to hide me. I fired away\\nall my ammunition lam uncertain whether with any effect or\\nnot. 1 then looked for the party near me, and saw^ them re-\\ntreating and half way back to the lines. 1 followed them,\\nrunning my best, and was soon in. By this time our artillery\\nhad been taken, I do not know whether the first or second\\ntime, and our troops had just retaken it, and were charging\\nthe enemy across the creek in front; and some person told me\\nto look at an Indian running with one of our kegs of pow-\\nder, but I did not see him. There were about thirty of our\\nmen and officers lying scalped around the pieces of artillery.\\nIt appeared that the Indians had not been in a hurry, for\\ntheir hair was all skinned off.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "392 Defeat of St. Clair. 1791.\\nDaniel Bouham, a young man raised by my uncle, and\\nbrought up with me, and whom I regarded as a brother, had\\nby this time received a shot through his hips, and was unable\\nto walk. I procured a horse and got him on. My uncle had\\nreceived a ball near his wi-ist that lodged near his elbow.\\nThe ground was literally covered with dead and dying men,\\nthe commander gave orders to take the way perhaps\\nthey had been given more explicitly. Happening to see\\nmy uncle, he told me that a retreat had been ordered, and\\nthat I must do the best I could, and take care of myself.\\nBonhani insisted that he had a better chance of escaping\\nthan I had, and urged me to look to my own safety alone. 1\\nfound the troops pressing like a drove of bullocks to the\\nright. I saw an officer whom I took to be Lieutenant Mor-\\ngan, an aid to General Butler, with six or eight men, start\\non a run a little to the left of where I was. I immediately\\nran and fell in with them. In a short distance we were so\\nsuddenly among the Indians, who were not apprised of our\\nobject, that they opened to us, and ran to the right and left\\nwithout firing. I think about two hundred of our men passed\\nthrough them before they fired, except a chance shot. When\\nwe had proceeded about two miles, most of those mounted\\nhad passed me. A boy had been thrown or fell oif a horse,\\nand begged my assistance. I ran, pulled him along about two\\nmiles further, until I had become nearly exhausted. Of the\\nlast two horses in the rear, one carried two men, and the\\nother three. I inade an exertion and threw him on behind\\nthe two men. The Indians followed but about half a mile fur-\\nther. The boy was thrown ofl* some time after, but escaped\\nand got in safely. My friend Bonham I did not see on the\\nretreat, but understood he was thrown off about this place,\\nand lay on the left of the trace, where he was found in\\nthe winter and was buried. I took the cramp violently in\\nmy thighs, and could scarcely walk until I got within a\\nhundred yards of the rear, where the Indians were toma-\\nhawking the old and wounded men and I stopped here\\nto tie my pocket handkerchief round a wounded man s knee.\\n1 saw the Indians close in pursuit at this time, and for a mo-\\nment my spirit sunk, and 1 felt in despair for my safety. I\\nconsidered whether I should leave the road, or whether I was\\ncapable of any further exertion. If I left the road, the In-\\ndians were in plain sight and coulJ easily overtake me. I\\nthrew the .shoes off my feet, and the coolness of the ground\\nseemed to revive me. I again began a trot, and recollect\\nthat when a bend in the road offered, and I got before half a\\ndozen persons, 1 thought it would occupy some time for the\\nenemy to massacre them, before my turn would come. By\\nthe time I had got to Stillwater, about eleven miles, I had\\ngained the centre of the flying troops, and, Hke them came to", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "1791. Defeat of St. Clair. 393\\na walk. I fell in with Lieutenant Shaumburg, who, I think,\\nwas the only officer of artillery that got away unhurt, with\\ncorporal Mott, and a woman who was called red-headed\\nNance. The latter two were both crying-. Mott was lament-\\ning the loss of a wife, and Nance that of an infant child.\\nShaumburg was nearly exhausted, and hung on Mott s arm.\\nI carried his fusil and accoutrements, and led Nance; and in\\nthis sociable way we arrived at Fort Jeiferson a little after\\nsunset.\\nThe commander-in-chief had ordered Colonel Darke to\\npress forward to the convoys of provisions, and hurry them on\\nto the army. Major Truman, Captain Sedan and my uncle\\nwere setting forward with him. A number of soldiers, and\\npack-horsemen on foot, and myself among them, joined them.\\nWe came on a few miles, when all, overcome with fatigue,\\nagreed to halt. Darius Curtius Orcutt, a pack-horse master,\\nhad stolen, at Jeflerson, one pocket full of flour and the other\\nfull of beef. One of the men had a kettle, and one Jacob\\nFowler and myself groped about in the dark, until we found\\nsome water, where a ti-ee had been blown out of root. We\\nmade a kettle of soup, of which I got a small portion among\\nthe many. It was then concluded, as there was a bend in the\\nroad a few miles farther on, that the Indians might undertake\\nto intercept us there, and we decamped and travelled about\\nfour or five miles further. I had got a rifle and ammunition\\nat Jeflerson, from a wounded militia-man, an old acquaint-\\nance, to bring in. A sentinel was set, and we lay down and\\nslept, until the governor came up a few hours afterward. I\\nthink I never slept so profoundly. I could hardly get awake,\\nafter I was on my feet. On the day before the defeat, the\\nground was covered with snow. The flats were now filled\\nwith water frozen over, the ice as thick as a knife-blade. I\\nwas worn out with fatigue, with my feet knocked to pieces\\nagainst the roots in the night, and splashing through the ice-\\nwithout shoes. In the morning, we got to a camp of pack-\\nhorsemen, and amongst them I got a doughboy or water-\\ndumpling, and proceeded. We got within seven miles of\\nHamilton on this day, and arrived there soon on the morning\\nof the sixth.\\nThus were all the plans, hopes, and labors of Washington,\\nKnox and St. Clair, in reference to the Indian campaign, in\\none day, overthrown. The savages, again victorious, could\\nneither be expected to make terms or exercise forbearance\\nand along the whole line of the frontier there were but few\\nthat did not feel anxiety, terror, or despair.\\nWe give in illustration the following. Representation from\\nthe inhabitants of the town of Pittsburg, dated, Pittsburg, De-\\n25", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "394 Effect of St. Clair s Defeat. 1790.\\ncember lllh, 1791 Sir: In consequence of the late intelli-\\ngence of the fate of the campaign to the Westward, the\\ninhabitants of the town of Pittsburg have convened, and\\nappointed us a committee for the purpose of addressing your\\nExcellency. The late disaster of the army must greatly eli ect\\nthe safety of this place. There can be no doubt but that the\\nenemy will now come forward, and with more spirit, and\\ngreater numbers, than they ever did before, for success will\\ngive confidence and secure allies.\\nWe seriously apprehend that the Six Nations, heretofore\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2wavering, will now avow themselves at least, their young\\nmen will come to war. Be that as it may, the Indians at\\npresent hostile, are well acquainted with the defenceless\\nsituation of this town. During the late war there was a gar-\\nrison at this place, though, even then, there w^as not such a\\ncombination of the savage nations, nor so much to be dreaded\\nfrom them. At present, we have neither garrison, arms, nor\\nammunition to defend the place. If the enemy should be dis-\\nposed to pursue the blow they have given, which it is morally\\ncertain they \\\\vill, they would, in our situation, find it easy to\\ndestroy us and, should this place be lost, the whole country\\nis open to them, and must be abandoned. (A. Tannehill and\\nothers, to the Governor of Pennsylvania.)\\nMemorial from the inhabitants of the counties of Westmoreland,\\nWashington, Fayette, and Allegheny, to the Governor of Penn-\\nsylvania To his Excellency Thomas iMifllin, Esq., Governor\\nof the State of Pennsylvania: Your Excellency is well aware\\nof the great extent of our frontier and, when you consider\\nthe high degree of spirit which the savages, animated by two\\nsuccessive victories, entertain, you may more easily conceive,\\nthan we can describe, the fears which pervade the breasts of\\nthose men, women and children, who are more immediately\\nsubject to their barbarities and depredations. Had the peo-\\nple a sullicicncy of arms in their hand:?, they might, in some\\nmeasure, defend themselves until the General Government, to\\nwdiose care the common defence is entrusted, should adopt\\nefficient steps for that purpose. At the same time, we beg\\nleave to state to your Excellency, what occurs to us as the\\nmost speedy and effectual mode. When the extent of coun-\\ntry to be protected is taken into view, we conceive that eight\\nhundred effective men will not be deemed more than .suf-\\nficient. They should be active jjartisans, under experienced\\nofficers, and provided with good riffes, to suit the grand object\\nof meeting the enemy upon equal terms; of scouting, and\\nt iving the alarm when needful. Such a body should have\\nencouragement proportioned to the j)rice of common labor in\\nthis country, which averages fifty shillings per month, as the\\npay allowed to the troops of the United States would not be a", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "1790 Effect of St. Clair s Defeat. 395\\nsufficient inducement to able-bodied men, possessing the requi-\\nsite qualifications. We suggest these general ideas from our\\nknowledge of local circumstances, which they who are at a\\ndistance, unacquainted with the actual situation of the wes-\\ntern country, cannot so well perceive. It is not our wish to\\nenter into a minute detail, being convinced that your Excel-\\nlency is not only fully acquainted with, but leelingly alive to,\\nthose impressions, which a state, such as ours, must give rise\\nto nor can we apply to any person more proper than your-\\nself to procure that assistance which it requires.\\nFrom the Representatives of the County of Ohio to the\\nGovernor of Virginia Sir The alarming intelligence lately\\nreceived, of the defeat of the army in the western country,\\nfills our minds with dreadful fears and apprehensions, con-\\ncerning the safety of our fellow-citizens in the country we re-\\npresent, and we confidently hope will be an excuse to your\\nExcellency, whose zeal has been so frequently evinced in be-\\nhalf of the distressed frontier counties, for the request we are\\nnow compelled to make. In the course of last year, upwards\\nof fifty of our people were killed, and a great part of our\\ncountry plundered, notwithstanding the aid afforded by the\\nPennsylvanians, who joined the Virginians in our defence.\\nThe success of the Indians in their late engagement with Gen-\\neral St. Clair, will, no doubt, render them more daring and\\nbold in their future incursions and attacks upon our defence-\\nless inhabitants; those adjoining the county of Harrison, ex-\\ntending a hundred miles covering the county of Monongalia\\nand we conceive that not less than sixty or seventy men will\\nbe sufficient to defend them. Through you, sir, we beg leave\\nto request this assistance. (American State Papers, v, 215.\\n216. 222.)\\n[In Braddock s defeat, of one thousand two hundred men,\\nthere were seven hundred and fourteen killed and wounded.\\nIn St. Clair s defeat, put of fourteen hundred men, eight hun-\\ndred and ninety were killed and wounded. Braddock s\\nofficers were eighty-six in number, of which sixty-three were\\nkilled and wounded. St. Clair had from eighty-six to ninety\\nofficers, of which sixteen were killed and wounded. In its\\neffects, this was like a second Braddock s defeat. How was it\\nin its causes General Knox assigned as the chief reasons of\\nSt. Clair s overthrow first, the deficiency of good troops\\nsecond, the want of appropriate training among those he (St.\\nClair) had third, the lateness of the season.* The committee\\nof the House of Representatives which examined the matter,\\nAmerioaa State Papers, v. 198.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "396 Effect of St. Clair s Defeat. 1791.\\nupon the 8th of May, 1792, reported the causes of the catas-\\ntrophe of the previous November to have been, in their opin-\\nion first, the delay in preparing estimates, c., for the de-\\nfence of the frontiers, and the late passage of the Act (March\\n3d,) for that purpose second, the delay caused by the neglect\\nin the Quartermaster s department third, the lateness of the\\nseason when the expedition was commenced and, fourth, the\\nwant of discipline and experience in the troops. This Com-\\nmittee, also, expressly declared General St. Clair free of all\\nblame in relation to everything, both before and during the\\naction.* Will the causes thus assigned fully explain the de-\\nfeat In answer it may be observed, even by one wholly\\nignorant of military matters, that the late passage of an act\\nof Congress the want of proper measures by the Quarter-\\nmaster, and the lateness of the season, were obviously not\\namong the leading causes of the rout of November 4th,\\n1791 these things might have prevented the accomplishment\\nof the plan for erecting a fort at the Miami village, even had\\nSt. Clan- been victorious on that day, but they did not cause\\nhis defeat. Was it, then, the want of good troops We think\\na re-perusal of the General s letter will show that his troops\\nwere not w^orthless by any means. The action began about\\nhalf an hour before sun-rise, on the fourth of November, and\\nlasted until half-past nine in the morning. This could not\\nhave been the case with undisciplined troops, unless they had\\npossessed, at least, the raw material of soldiers, and had been\\nmen who, well situated, would have done well. However\\nmuch, then, the troops may have been wanting in a proper\\ntraining, it seems clear to us that this alone would not explain\\nthe fortune of the day unless the enemy had been present in\\noverwhelming numbers and such was not probably the case,\\nthe best evidence we have going to show that the Indians\\nwere but about one thousand in number,! ^vhile the Americans\\nwere fourteen hundred. Leaving then the reasons officially\\nassigned, we suggest that, to the reader ignorant of military\\nscience, it seems that two striking causes of the melancholy\\nresult are unnoticed by the Secretary of War and the Com-\\nAmerican State Papers, xii. 33, 39.\\nt American State Papers, xii. 37.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Secretary of War in December, 1791, estimated\\nthe Indians at three thousand, but the Committee of the following May, having his and\\nother eTidence,cut the number down to 104.0.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 American State Pai)ers,T. 19S,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 American\\nStat\u00c2\u00ab Papers, xii, 44.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "1791. Causes of St. Clair s Defeat. 397\\nmittee of Congress, viz. the surprise by the Indians, who\\nwere in no degree expected by the army and the confusion\\nintroduced at the outset by the flying militia. Had the\\nattack been expected, the troops prepared, all chance of con-\\nfusion avoided, and had the very able officers who command-\\ned been obeyed with all the disadvantages of raw troops,\\nthe event might have been, probably would have been, wholly\\ndiff*erent- We are, then, led to ask, how it happened that the\\ntroops were surprised were proper measures taken to guard\\nagainst surprise The militia, as St. Clair says, were a quar-\\nter of a mile in advance of the main army, and beyond the\\ncreek still farther in advance was Captain Slough, who,\\nwith a volunteer party of regulars, went out to reconnoitre\\nand orders had been given Colonel Oldham, who commanded\\nthe militia, to have the woods thoroughly examined by the\\nscouts and patrols, as Indians were known to be hanging\\nabout the outskirts of the army. In all this St. Clair seems to\\nhave done his entire dut} as far as sickness would permit him\\ncould he have seen in person to the essential steps it would\\nhave been better. During the night Captain Slough, who\\nwas a mile beyond the militia, found so large a body of sava-\\nges gathering about him, that he fell back and reported his\\nobservations to General Butler. But the General, for reasons\\nunexplained, made no dispositions in consequence of this in-\\nformation, and did not report it to the Commander-in-chief.\\nColonel Oldham also obeyed his orders, the woods were\\nsearched, and the presence of the enemy detected, but he, too,\\nreported, through Captain Slough, to General Butler, bej ond\\nwhom the information did not go.\\n[There is evidence in the various documents that there was\\na misunderstanding between Generals St. Clair and Butler\\nduring the campaign. The latter was killed in the battle, or\\nthat part of his conduct which is involved in mystery might\\nhave been explained. Various stories have obtained circu-\\nlation about the manner and circumstances of his death.\\nA paper from John Johnson, published in Cist s Miscellany,\\n(ii. 299,) states that he was killed by his own son, a half-breed\\nShawanee chief, which we think is more than improbable.\\nMr. Stone, in his life of Brant, (ii. 310,) says he was badly\\nwounded, and being left on the field, implored Simon Girty to\\nkill him, but he refused, and an Indian put him out of pain;", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "398 Causes of the Defeat of St. Clair. 1791.\\ntaking his scalp and heart as trophies. Mann Butler, Esq.,\\nstates (History of Kentucky, 204,) on what authority we do\\nnot exactly perceive, that an Indian at the sacrifice of his\\nown life, darted into the camp and tomahawked and scalped\\nMajor General Butler while his wounds were dressing, though\\nthe Indian was instantly put to death. Another statgnent\\nin Cist s Miscellany (ii. 31) by J. Matson, is, that he belonged.\\nto a party sent back by General Wilkinson the following win-\\nter to the battle field, where they found, as they thought,\\nButler s body in the thickest of the carnage.\\nIn the Narrative by St. Clair (p. 221) Colonel Semple de-\\nposes, that he saw four soldiers putting General Butler in a\\nblanket after he fell.\\nWhen such conflicting statements exist concerning the cir-\\ncumstances of the death of the distinguished officer who was\\nsecond in command, we cannot expect accuracy in tracing the\\ncauses of the disastrous defeat. General Butler had been an\\nIndian trader at an early day. It appears from the documen-\\ntary testimony, that he did not report to the Commander-in-\\nchief (St. Clair) the information he received from the recon-\\nnoisance of Colonel Oldham and Captain Slough during the\\npreceding night. Oldham, too, appears to have been diligent\\nin making his report, but he also was among the slain. St.\\nClair said, had he received the reports of Colonel Oldham and\\nCaptain Slough, he would have attacked the Indians in the\\nnight. (Narrative, p. 135.)\\nTo all these circumstances we repeat the fact, that General\\nSt. Clair was suffering from severe indisposition, and for\\na portion of the march had to be carried in a litter. And in\\nthe morning of the attack the army was taken by surprise and\\nunprepared. Even under these disadvantages there was a\\ngreat chance of victory for the American army, had the troops\\nnot been unexpectedly attacked and thrown into disorder at\\nthe onset. It could not have been the single fact, (as many\\nhave supposed) that they were militia or volunteers, for in too\\nmany instances have this class of troops from this western\\nvalley, stood their ground in severe and deadly conflicts with\\nIndians, British and Mexicans. Proofs enough of firmness and\\nself government have been given by this class of men, to put\\nan end to the prejudices heretofore existing against volunteer\\ntroops.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "1791. Causes of the Defeat of St. Clair. 399\\nThe following communication from ColonelJohn Armstrong,\\nan experienced warrior with Indians, and the hero of Kittan-\\nning, deserves attention.*\\nIt seems probable, that too much attachment to regular or\\nmilitary rule, or a too great confidence in the artiller}^ (which\\nit seemed formed part of the lines, and had a tendency to ren-\\nder the troops stationary,) must have been the motives, which\\nled to the adopted order of action. I call it adopted, because\\nthe General does not speak of having intended any other,\\nwhereby he presented a large and visible object, perhaps in\\nclose orders too, to an enemy near enough to destroy, but from\\ntheir known modes of action comparatively invisible where-\\nby we may readily infer, that five hundred Indians were fully\\nsufiicient to do us all the injury we have sustained, nor can I\\nconceive them to have been many more. But tragical as the\\nevent has been, we have this consolation, that during the ac-\\ntion our officers and troops discovered great bravery, and that\\nthe loss of a battle is not always the loss of the cause. In\\nvain, however, may we expect success against our presentad-\\nversaries, without taking a few lessons from them, which I\\nthought Americans had learned long ago. The principles of\\ntheir military action are rational, and therefore often success-\\nful. We must, in a degree, take a similar method in order to\\ncounteract them.\\nIf these views are sound, there was no such neglect on the\\npart of St. Clair as on the part of Braddock in his defeat no\\noverwhelming self-confidence, or disregard of sound advice\\nthere was nothing, absolutely nothing, to excuse the abuse and\\npersecution to which he was afterwards subjected; but there\\nwas, 1st, apparent neglect on the part of General Butler and\\nColonel Oldham, leading to a surprise 2d, a mistaken position\\nassigned the militia by St. Clair, in accordance with the max-\\nims of most officers of the day: and, 3d, a needless adher-\\nence to military rules on the part of the Commander-in-chief,\\nwhich made his force a target for the Indians to shoot at.\\nOne circumstance connected with this battle, and one of no\\ninconsiderable interest, has been but lately brought to light,\\nand may even now, perhaps, be doubted; it is the presence\\nof Joseph Brant, Thayendanegea, the great captain of the\\nMohawks. Until this was announced in 1838, by Col. Stone,\\nin his life of that chieftain, the Little Turtle, Mechecunaqua,\\nChief of the Miamies, had been universally regarded as a\\nArmstrong s letter to Washington, December 23d, 1791, in Sparks Washington, x.\\n223.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Note.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "400 Causes of the Defeat of St. Clair. 1791.\\nleader at St. Clair s, as he had been at Harmar s defeat. Mr.\\nStone s information was derived from Brant s family but as\\nthere might have been error in the tradition, as it is very\\nimprobable that he should have been there, and no whisper\\nfrom any source have got abroad in all the time since elapsed,\\nas he had been before and was afterwards a messenger and\\nadvocate of peace,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and as to believe him at St. Clair s defeat,\\nAvould be to believe him guilty of needless disguise and de-\\nception, we cannot but doubt the correctness of the tale told\\nby Mr. Stone. But whoever led the savage forces, led them\\nwith ability and valor, and in no recorded battle did the sons\\nof the forest ever show themselves better warriors.\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nINDIAN WAR CONTINUED.\\nProject of General Knox for further action against the Indians Spies seot among them\\nGeneral Wayne chosen commander Mission of Putnam CorrespnnJence with Gov.\\nSimcoe Council at the Maumee Grand Council at Sandusky Its failure Inter-\\nference of tlie British Marcii of General Wayne The Battle and Conquest of the In-\\ndians The Treaty at Greenville and Peace Concluded Appendix.\\nIt was on the 4th of November that the battle causing the\\ndefeat of St. Clair and his army took place.\\nOn the 8th the remains of the army reached Fort Washing-\\nton on the 9th, St. Clair wrote to the Secretary of War; on\\nthe 12th of December the information was communicated to\\nCongress and on the 26th of December General Knox laid\\nbefore the President two reports, the .second of which contained\\nsuggestions as to future operations. After noticing the policy\\nof the Government toward the native tribes, the futility of all\\nattempts to preserve peace, and the justice of the United\\nStates claim, the Secretary proceeds", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "1791. Plans of General Knox. 401\\nHence it would appear, that the principles of justice as\\nwell as policy, and it may be added, the principles of economy,\\nall combine to dictate, that an adequate military force should\\nbe raised as soon as possible, placed upon the frontiers,\\nand disciplined according to the nature of the service, and in\\norder to meet, with the prospect of success, the greatest pro-\\nbable combination of the Indian enemy.\\nAlthough the precise manner in which the force to be raised\\nbe employed, cannot be pointed out with propriet}^ at this time,\\nas it will depend on the circumstances of the moment, yet it\\nmay not be improper to observe, that upon a review of the\\nmerits of the main object of the late campaign, to wit: the\\nestablishment of a strong military post at the Miami village,\\nwdth the necessary posts of communication, the necessity and\\npropriety thereof remain the same; that this necessity will\\nprobably continue until we shall be possessed of the posts\\nupon Lake Michigan, of Detroit, and Niagara, withheld from\\nus by Great Britain, contrary to treaty. Without remarking\\nupon the principles of this conduct, it may be observed gen-\\nerally, that every arrangement in the power of the United\\nStates, for establishing the tranquility of the frontiers, will be\\ninferior to the possession of said posts. That it is, however,\\nconsidered, that, if the said posts were in our possession, we\\nought also to have a strong post at the Miami village, in or-\\nder to render the protection effectual, and tliat the posts\\nabove mentioned will require garrisons whensoever they shall\\nbe given up.\\nThe subscriber having deliberately contemplated the pres-\\nent state of affairs upon the frontiers, from the south to the\\nnorth, having recurred to the past in order to estimate the\\nprobable future events, finds himself constrained by his pub-\\nlic duty, although with great reluctance, to state, as the re-\\nsult of his judgment, that the public service requires an\\nincrease of the military force, according to the following ar-\\nrangement\\nThat the military establishment of the United States, shall,\\nduring the pleasure of Congress, consist of five thousand one\\nhundred and sixty eight non-commissioned otiicers, privates\\nand musicians.\\nThat the said non-commissioned officers and privates shall\\nbe enlisted to serve three years, unless sooner discharged.\\nThat the said troops be organized as follows\\nOne squadron of cavalry, of four troops, each of\\nseventy-six non-commissioned officers and privates, 304\\nIt should be astipulation in the engagements of these\\nmen, that they should serve on foot whenever the ser-\\nvice requires the measure.\\nOne battalion of artillery, of four companies each, to", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "40S Plans of General Knox. 1791.\\nconsist of seventy-six non-commissioned officers and\\nprivates, 304\\nEach company of artillery to have, as part of its\\ncomposition, ten artificers each, including the pay of\\nartillerists to have ten dollars per month.\\nFive regiments of infantry, one of which to be rifle-\\nmen entirely, each of three battalions each battalion\\nof four companies each company of seventy-six non-\\ncommissioned officers and privates, amounting, for each\\nregiment, to nine hundred and twelve, 4.560\\n5468\\nThat, in addition to the foregoing arrangement, it would be\\nproper that the President of the United States should be au-\\nthorized, besides the employment of militia, to take such\\nmeasures for the defensive protection of the exposed parts of\\nthe frontiers, by calling into service expert woodsmen, as pa-\\ntrols or scouts, upon such terms as he may judge proper.\\nThat he be further authorized, in case he should deem the\\nmeasure expedient, to engage mounted militia for defensive\\noperations, for such time, and on such terms, as he may judge\\nequitable. That he be further authorized, in case he should\\ndeem the measure expedient, to employ a body of Indians\\nbelonging to tribes in alliance with the United States, to act\\nagainst the hostile Indians and that he be authorized to\\nstipulate such terms as he shall judge right.\\nThat it does not seem essential, at this time, that there\\nshould be any special appropriations for the defensive protec-\\ntion, the mounted militia, or the employment of Indians,\\nalthough the actual expenses for those objects may amount to\\nconsiderable sums, because the estimates, beibre mentioned,\\ncomprehend the entire expense, for one year, of the proposed\\nestablishment as complete. But, let the exertions to complete\\nit be ever so great, yet it is probable a deficiency will exist,\\nwhich will of course occasion a less expense. The moneys,\\ntherefore, which may be appropriated to the establishment,\\nand not expended, may be applied to the extra objects above\\nmentioned. If, however, there .should be a deficiency, it may\\nhereafter be provided for. That the nett pay of the private\\nsoldier, at present, free of all deductions, is two dollars per\\nmonth. But, as the experience of the recruiting service, of the\\npresent year, evinces that the inducement is insufiicient, it seems\\nnecessary to raise the pay to three dollars per month, free of all\\ndeductions and the non-commissioned olficers in proportion.\\nThe rille corps will require more. But whether, under pres-\\nent circumstances, even the additional pay, and an extension\\nof bounty to eight dollars, would give such an impulse to the\\nrecruiting service, as to fill the battalions immediately, re-\\nmains to be tried. Nothing has been said upon an increased", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "1791. Plans of General Knox. 403\\npay to the commissioned officers, because a memorial upon\\nthat subject has been presented to Congress. But it cannot\\nbe doubted that a small increase would be highly grateful to\\nthe officers, and probably beneficial to the service. The\\nmounted militia is suggested to be used during the prepara-\\ntion for the main expedition, (and afterwards, if circum-\\nstances should render it indispensable.) The effect of such\\ndesultory operations upon the Indians will, by occupying them\\nfor their own safety, and that of their families, prevent their\\nspreading terror and destruction along the frontiers. These\\nsort of expeditions had that precise effect during the last sea-\\nson, and Kentucky enjoyed more repose, and sustained less\\ninjury, than for any year since the war with Great Britain.\\nThis single effiict, independent of the injury done to the force\\nof the Indians, is worth greatly more than the actual expense\\nof such expeditions. But, while it is acknowledged that\\nmounted militia maybe very proper for sudden enterprises, of\\nshort duration, it is conceived that militia are utterly unsuit-\\nable to carry on and terminate the war in which we are en-\\ngaged, with honor and success. And besides, it would be\\nruinous to the purposes of husbandry, to keep them out long,\\nif it were practicable to accomplish it. Good troops, enlisted\\nfor a considerable period, armed and well disciplined in a\\nsuitable manner, for the nature of the service, will be equal,\\nindividually, to the best militia but, when it is considered to\\nthese qualities are added the obedience, the patience, the\\npromptness, the economy of discipline, and the inestimable\\nvalue of good officers, possessing a proper pride of reputation,\\nthe comparison no longer holds, and disciplined troops attain\\nin the mind, and in actual execution, that ascendancy over\\nthe militia, which is the result of a just comparative view of\\ntheir relative force, and the experience of all nations and\\nages. The expediency of employing the Indians in alliance\\nwith us, against the ho.stile Indians, cannot be doubted. It\\nhas been shown before, how difficult, and even impracticable,\\nit will probably be, to restrain the young men of the friendly\\ntribes from action, and that, if we do not employ them, they\\nwill be employed against us. The justice of engaging them\\nwould depend upon the justice of the war. If the war be\\njust on our part, it will certainly bear the test of examination,\\nto use the same sort of means in our defence, as are used\\nagainst us. The subscriber, therefore, submits it as his opin-\\nion, that it would be proper to employ judiciously, as to time\\nand circumstances, as many of the friendly Indians as may be\\nobtained, not exceeding one thousand in number.*\\nIn the necessity for a competent army all seem to have\\nagreed, but it w^is the wish of Washington that before this\\n*American State Papers, v. 198\u00e2\u0080\u0094199.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "404 Pacific offers to the Iroquois. 1791.\\narmy was organized, every effort should be again made to pre-\\nvent bloodshed. Colonel Pickering, in his meeting of June\\nand July 1791, with the Iroquois at the Painted Post, had,\\namong other things, proposed that certain chiefs should, in\\nthe following January, go to Philadelphia while Congress was\\nin session, and shake hands with their newly adopted father.\\nThe importance of the proposed visit became more evident\\nafter the news of St. Clair s discomfiture, for the fidelity of\\nthe New York Indians even was doubted. On the 20th of\\nDecember, 1791, accordingly, we find Knox writing to the\\nRev. Samuel Kirkland, the Iroquois missionary, pressing\\nthrough him the invitation given by the commissioner, and\\nespecially urging the presence of Brant. To aid the proposed\\npeace-measures, a respectful and kind message was sent to\\nthe Senecas on the 7th of January, 1792; while, to guard\\nagainst surprise, means were adopted to learn the purpose of\\na great council called at Buffalo creek, and also to ascertain\\nthe intentions of the tribes on the Wabash and Miami. This\\nwas done in part through the agency of the Reverend Mr.\\nKirkland, and partly by the mission of Captain Peter Pond\\nand William Stedman, who, on the 9th of January, two days\\nbefore Knox s two plans above referred to, were laid before\\nCongress, received their instructions as secret messengers or\\nspies among the western Indians; from those instructions we\\nquote a few paragraphs:\\nRepair to Niagara and Detroit, without suffering your busi-\\nness to escape you, until the proper time. When at Detroit,\\nassume the character of traders with the Indians a business\\nMr. Pond is well acquainted with. i\\\\Iix with the Miami and\\nWabash Indians. Find their views and intentions, through\\nsuch channels as your discretion shall direct. Learn the\\nopinions of the more distant Indians. Insinuate upon all fa-\\nvorable occasions, the humane disposition of the United States;\\nand, if you can by any means ripen their judgment, so as to\\nbreak forth openly, and declare the readiness of the United\\nSlates to receive, with open arms, the Indians, notwithstand-\\ning all that is passed, do it. If suck declaration should be\\nmade, at the Miami or Wabash, and be well received, you\\nmight persuade some of the most inlluential chiefs to repair to\\nour posts on the Ohio, and so, from post to post, to this\\nplace.\\nP.ut, if you should be so fortunate as to succeed in persuad-\\ning the Chiefs of the Miami, and hostile, and any other neigh-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "1791. Instructions to Pond and Stcdman, 405\\nboring tribes, to repair here, every possible precaution must\\nbe taken by you, and by the commanding officer of the troops,\\nwho is hereby required to afford the necessary escorts, in or-\\nder to guard the Indians from being injured by the whites.\\nWhile among the Indians, or at Niagara, or Detroit, endea-\\nvor to find out the numbers and tribes of the Indians who\\nwere in the attack of General St. Clair, and their loss, killed\\nand wounded what number of prisoners they took and what\\nthey did with them what disposition they made of the can-\\nnon taken, arms, tents, and other plunder what are their in-\\ntentions for the next year; the numbers of the association;\\nhow they are supplied with arms, ammunition, and provis-\\nions.\\nYou will readily perceive, that the information required\\nmust be given me at the earliest period possible. You will,\\ntherefore, let me know, by some means which you must de-\\nvise, your arrival at Niagara, Detroit, and the Miami village\\nand, if possible, from thence, what are your prospects.*\\nPond and his companion, however, could get no farther\\nthan Niagara. While by the northern route this was attem.pt-\\ned, Wilkinson, commanding at Fort Washington, on the 10th\\nof February, was instructed to send word to Maj. Ilamtramck,\\nat Vincennes, that the Government wished to secure the\\nagency of the French colonists and friendly Indians in quell-\\ning the war-spirit. In February also, further friendly messa-\\nges were sent to the Senecas, and an invitation forwarded to\\nBrant from the Secretary of War himself, asking him to ccme\\nto Philadelphia. In March fifty Iroquois chiefs reached the\\ncity of brotherly love, and in the spirit of love transacted\\ntheir business with the American rulers; and during April and\\nMay, Captain Trueman and others were sent from the Ohio to\\nthe hostile tribes, bearing messages of fiiendship. But before\\nwe relate the unhappy issue of Trueman s expedition, we\\nmust notice the steps taken by the Federal Government in\\nreference to military preparations, which were to be looked to\\nin case all else should fail. St. Clair had requested a court\\nof Inquiry to examine the reasons of his deieat, and had ex-\\npressed his wish to surrender his post as commander of the\\nwestern forces so soon as the examination had taken place\\nbut this proposition to retain his commission until alter his\\ntrial, was rendered nugatory by the fiict, that under the exist-\\ning system no court of inquiry could be constituted to adjudge\\nAniirican State Papers, v. 227.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "406 Wayne Selected to the Command. 1792.\\nhis case, and Washington accordingly informed him that it\\nwas neither posf^ible to grant him the trial he desired, nor al-\\nlow him to retain his position. St. Clair having withdrawn,\\nit became a very dilFicult question for the Executive to hit\\nupon a person in all respects suited for such a charge. Gen.\\nMorgan, Gen. Scott, Gen. Wayne, Col. Darke, and General\\nHenry Lee were all thought of and talked of. Of these,\\nWayne was the one selected, although his appointment caused,\\nas Gen. Lee, then Governor of Virginia, wrote Washington,\\nextreme disgust among all orders in the Old Dominion.*\\nBut the President had selected Wayne not hastily nor through\\npartiality or influence, and no idle words afllscted him. In\\nJune, Gen. Wayne moved westward to Pittsburgh, and pro-\\nceeded to organize the army which was to be the ultimate ar-\\ngument of the American with the Indian confederation.\\nThrough the summer of 1792, the preparation of the soldiers\\nwas steadily attended to train and discipline them for the\\nservice they are meant for, said Washington, and do not\\nspare powder and lead, so the men be made marksmen. In\\nDecember, 1792, the forces now recruited and trained, were\\ngathered at a point about twenty-two miles below Pittsburgh,\\non the Ohio, called Legionville the army itself having been\\ndenominated the Legion of the United States, divided into\\nfour sub-legions, and provided with legionary and sub-legion-\\nary officers. JNIeantime, at Fort Washington, Wilkinson had\\nsucceeded St. Clair as commandant, and in January had or-\\ndered an expedition to examine the field of the late disastrous\\nconflict. This body reached the point designated, on February\\n1st, and from the letter of Capt. Buntin to St. Clair, relative\\nto what was found there, we take the following passage if\\nIn my opinion, those unfortunate men who fell in the ene-\\nmy s hands, with life, were used with the greatest torture\\nhaving their limbs torn ofl and the women iiave been treated\\nwith the most indecent cruelty, having stakes as thick as a\\nperson s arm drove through their bodies. The first, I observed\\nwhen burying the dead and the latter was discovered by\\nColonel Sargent and Doctor Brown. VV^e found three whole\\ncarriages the other five were so much damaged that they\\nwere rendered useless. By the General s orders, pits were\\n\u00c2\u00bbSee Amer. State Paperi. v. 22S, 229, 235. Sparks Washington, x, 240, 2tt, Note.\\nt Sparks Washington, x. 248, 257. American Pioneer, i. 293. American State Papers,\\nxii. 40.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "1792. Speech to Indians sent hy Trucman. 407\\ndug in different places, and all the dead bodies that were ex-\\nposed to view, or could be conveniently found (the snow being\\nvery deep) were buried. During this time, there was sundry\\nparties detached, some for our safety, and others in examining\\nthe course of the creek and some distance in advance of the\\nground occupied by the militia, they found a large camp, not\\nless than three quarters of a mile long, which was supposed\\nto be that of the Indians the night before the action. We re-\\nmained on the Held that night, and next morning fixed geared\\nhorses to the carriages and moved for Fort Jefferson.\\nAs there is little reason to believe that the enemy have car-\\nried off the cannon, it is the received opinion that they are\\neither buried or thrown into the creek, and I think the latter\\nthe most probable but as it was frozen over with a thick ice,\\nand that covered with a deep snow, it was impossible to make\\na search with any prospect of success. In a former part of\\nthis letter, I have mentioned the camp occupied by the enemy\\nthe night before the action had Colonel Oldham been able to\\nhave complied with your orders on that evening, things at this\\nday might have worn a different aspect.\\nWhile Wayne s army were gathering and target-shooting,\\nthe peace measures of the United States were pressed with\\nequal perseverance. In the first place, the Iroquois, through\\ntheir chiefs who came to Philadelphia, were led to act as\\npeace-makers: in addition to them, on the 3d of April, Col.\\nTrueman received his instructions to repair to the Miami vil-\\nlage with friendly messages, oflering all reasonable terms\\nBrothers The President of the United States entertains\\nthe opinion, that the war which exists is founded in error and\\nmistake on your parts. That you believe the United States\\nwant to deprive you of your lands, and drive you out of the\\ncountry. Be assured this is not so on the contrary, that we\\nshould be greatly gratified with the opportunity of imparting\\nto you all the blessings of civilized life of teaching you to\\ncultivate the earth, and raise corn to raise oxen, sheep, and\\nother domestic animals to build comfortable houses, and to\\neducate your children, so as ever to dwell upon the land.\\nBrothers The President of the United States requests you\\nto take this subject into your serious consideration, and to re-\\nflect how abundantly more it will be for your interest to be at\\npeace with the United States, and to receive all the benefit\\nthereof, than to continue a war, which, however flattering it\\nmay be to you for a moment, must, in the end, prove ruinous.\\nThis desire of peace has not arisen in consequence of the\\nlate defeat of the troops under Major General St. Clair\\nDillon, i. 308. See also Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 30.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "408 Instructions to Rufus Putnam. 1792.\\nbecause, in the beginning of the last year, a similar message\\nwas sent you by Colonel IVoctcr, but who was prevented from\\nreaching you by some insurmountable ditiiculties. All the\\nSenccas, at BuUalo Creek, can witness for the truth of this as-\\nsertion, as he iield, during the month nf April last, long con-\\nferences with them, to devise the means of getting to you in\\nsafety.\\nWar, at all times, is a dreadful evil to those who are en-\\ngaged therein, and more particularly so where a few people\\nengage to act against so great numbers as the people of the\\nUnited States.\\nBrothers Do not sufter the advantages you have gained\\nto mislead your judgment, and to influence you to continue\\nthe war but reflect upon the destructive consequences which\\nmust attend such a measure.\\nThe President of the United States is highly desirous of\\nseeing a number of your principal chiefs, and convincing you,\\nin person, how much he wishes to avoid. the evils of war for\\nyour sake, and the sake of humanity.\\nConsult, therefore, upon the great object of peace call in\\nyour parties, and enjoin a cessation of all other depredations\\nand as many of the principal chiefs as shall choose, repair to\\nPhiladelphia, the scat of tbe General Government, and there\\nmake a peace, founded upon the principles of justice and\\nhumanity. Remember that no additional lands will be re-\\nquired of you, or any other trilje, to those that have been\\nceded by former treaties, particularly by the trilies who had a\\nright to make the treaty of Muskingum in the year 17S9.\\nBut, if any of your tribes can prove that you have a fair\\nright to any lands, comprehended by the said treaty, and have\\nnot been compensated therefor, you shall receive full satisfac-\\ntion upon that head.\\nj he chiefs you send shall be safely escorted to this city\\nand shall be well fed and provided witli all things for their\\njourney and the faith of the United States is hereby pledged\\nto you for the true and liberal performance of everything\\nherein contnined and suggested: and all this is confirmed, in\\nyour manner, by the great white belt, hereunto attached.*\\nTo assist farther in attaining the desired objects, Captain\\nIleudrick, chief of the Stockbridge Indians, on the 8th of\\nMay, was dispatched to urge the views of Washington at the\\napproaching council of the north-western confederacy and\\non the 22.1 of the same month, instructions were also issued\\nto General Rufus Putnam, to go in company with the Mora-\\nvian missionary, John lleckewelder, into the Indian country,\\nand strive to secure peace and a permanent treaty. f Some\\nAmerican State rnpcrs v. 230. t American State Papers, v. 233.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "1792. Instructions to Rufus Putnam. 409\\nparts of those orders are deserving of perpetuation in every\\nform, and, therefore, we extract them\\nThe chiefi of the Five Nations of Indians, who were so\\nlong in this city, lately, were astonished at the moderation of\\nour claim of land, it being very different from what they had\\nbeen taught, by designing people, to believe.\\nIt would seem that the Indians have been misled with re-\\nspect to our claims, by a certain map, published in Connecti-\\ncut, wherein are laid out ten new States, agreeably to a re-\\nport of a Committee of Congress.\\nThe United States are desirous, in any treaty which shall\\nbe formed in future, to avoid all causes of war, relative to\\nboundaries, by fixing the same in such a manner as not to\\nbe mistaken by the meanest capacity. As the basis, there-\\nfore, of your negotiation, you will, in the strongest and most\\nexplicit terms, renounce, on the part of the United States, all\\nclaim to any Indian land which shall not have been ceded\\nby fair treaties, made with the Indian nations.\\nYou may say that we conceive the treaty of Fort Harmar\\nto have been formed by the tribes having a just right to make\\nthe same, and that it was done with their lull understanding\\nand free consent.\\nThat if, however, the said tribes should judge the compen-\\nsation to have been inadequate to the object, or that any\\nother tribes have a just claim, in both cases they shall receive\\na liberal allowance, on their finally settling all disputes upon\\nthe subject.\\n.As the United States never made any treaties with the\\nWabash Indians, although the said Indians have been repeat-\\nedly invited thereto, their claims to the lands east and south\\nof the said Wabash have not been defined.\\nThis circumstance will be a subject of your inquiry with\\nthe assembled Indian tribes and you may assure the parties\\nconcerne 1, that an equitable boundary shall be arranged with\\nthem.\\nYou will make it clearly understood, that we want not a\\nfoot of their land, and that it is theirs, and theirs only that\\nthey have the right to sell, and the right to refuse to sell, and\\nthe United States will guarantee to them the said just right.\\nThat it is not only the sincere desire of the United States\\nto be ;it peace with all the neighboring Indian tribes, but to\\nprotect them in their just rights, against lawless, violent white\\npeople. If such should commit any injury on the person or\\nproperties of a. peaceable Indian, they will be regarded\\nequally as the enemies of the General Government, as the In-\\ndians, and will be punished accordingly.\\nYour first great object, upon meeting the Indians, will be to\\n26", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "410 Instructions to Rufus Putnam. 1792\\nconvince them that the United States require none of their\\nlands.\\nThe second, that we shall guaranty all that remain, and\\ntake the Indians under our protection.\\nThirdly they must agree to the truce, and immediately to\\ncall in all their war parlies. It will be in vain to be negotia-\\nting with them while they shall be murdering the frontier\\ncitizens.\\nHaving happily effected a truce, founded on the above as-\\nsurances, it will then be your primary endeavor to obtain\\nfrom each of the hostile and neighboring tribes two of the\\nmost respectable chiefs, to repair to the seat of the Govern-\\nment, and there conclude a treaty with the President of the\\nUnited States, in which all causes of difference should be\\nburied forever.\\nYou will give the chiefs every a,ssurance of personal pro-\\ntection, while on their journey to Philadelphia, and, should\\nthey insist upon it, hostages of officers for the safe return of\\nthe chiefs, and, in case of their compliance, you will take\\nevery precaution by the troops for the protection of the said\\nchiefs, which the nature of the case may require.\\nBut if, after having used your utmost exertions, the chiefs\\nshould decline the journey to Philadelj)hia, then you will\\nagree vv-ith them on a plan for a general treaty.*\\nWe have mentioned the invitation given in February by\\nthe Secretary of War to Brant to visit Philadelphia: Some\\nof his English friends urged the MohaxA k by no means to\\ncomply with the request, but he had the independence to think\\nand act for himself, and on the 20lh of June appeared at\\nthe then Federal capital. He remained there ten or twelve\\ndays, and was treated by all with marked attention great\\npains were taken to make him understand the posture of\\naffairs and the wishes of the United States; and, in tlie\\nhope that he would prove a powerful pacificator, on the 27th\\nof .June a letter was addressed to him by General Knox, lay-\\ning before him the wishes of the Coverment, and making him\\nanother messenger of peace. The fact that five independent\\nembassies, asking peace were sent to the inimical tribes and\\nthe tone of the papers from which we have extracted so fully,\\nwill demonstrate, we think, the wish of the United States to\\ndo the aborigines entire justice. But the victories they had\\ngained, and the favorable whispers of the British agents,\\nclosed the ears of the red men and all propositions for peace\\nAmerican Bute Papers, v. 234. 230.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "1792. Result of Putnam s Mission. 411\\nwere rejected in one form or another. Freeman, who left\\nFort Washington, April 7th Trueman, who left it May 22d\\nfor the Maumee. and Colonel Hardin, who on the same day\\nstarted for Sandusky, were all murdered; Trueman, it would\\nseem, however, not by a body of Indians, but by a man and\\nboy whom he met in hunting.* Brant, from sickness or cau-\\ntion, did not attend the western council, as had been expected.\\nHendricks gave his message into the hands of Colonel McKee,\\nand kept away from the gathering of the nations and of the\\nfour individual messengers, Trueman, Brant, Hendricks, and\\nPutnam, Putnam alone reached his goal. That gentleman\\nleft Marietta, upon the 26th of June, and on the 2d of July\\nwas at Fort Washington here he heard of Indian hostilities\\nat Fort Jefferson, and of the probability of Trueman s murder.\\nHe found also that it would be in vain to ask the chiefs, under\\nany circumstances, to go to Philadelphia, and that it was ex-\\ntremely doubtful if they could be prevailed on to Ausit even\\nFort Washington. Under these circumstances, conceiving it\\ndesirable that some step should be taken at once, he deter-\\nmined to proceed to Fort Knox, (Post St. Vincent,) and there\\nmeet such of the Wabash leaders as could be got together, in\\nthe hope that they might at least be detached from the gen-\\neral league. This determination he carried into eflcct on the\\n17th of August, when, with several Indian prisoners to be re-\\nstored to their friends, and presents for them beside, he left\\nCincinnati, and reached Vincennes in due time. Upon the\\n27th of September he formed a treaty with the Eel river tribe,\\nthe Weas, Illinois, Potawatomies,Musquitoes, Wabash Kicka-\\npoos, Piankeshaws, Kaskaskias, and Peorias. This treaty,\\nhowever, was never ratified by the Senate, and proved prac-\\ntically of little or no use, although sixteen chiefs of the Wa-\\nbash tribe were prevailed on to go to Philadelphia. f\\n[The council hold at the mouth of the Auglaize, through\\nthe efforts of the Six JXations, did not produce the intended\\nresult. This council was one of the largest ever held by In-\\ndians. Besides the New York, Western, and Canadian In-\\ndians, there were present twenty-seven other nations some\\nfrom a great distance from the north-west.] On the 16th of\\nMay s deposition. Brant s letters, (American State Papers, v. 244. 245;) also McKee s\\naccount sent Brant, (Stone s Brant, ii. 333.)\\nt Stone, ii. 334. American State Papers, v. 238, 239, 240 319. 322. 338.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "412 Major Adair Attacked. 1793.\\nNovember the emissaries of the Iroquois gave an account of\\ntheir doings to the agent for the United States and others, at\\nBuffalo Creek, and the mode in which the information w^as com-\\nmunicated is so peculiar that we should transcribe the speech\\nentire if our limits would permit.\\nBy this council, it appeared, everything was referred to\\nanother council, to be held in the spring, but with the clear\\nintimation that the Ohio must be the boundary of the Ameri-\\ncan lands, and that the treaties of Fort Mcintosh and Fort\\nHarmar, must be regarded as null. Soon after this council\\nbroke up, on the 6th of jVovember, Major Adair, commander\\nof the mounted Kentucky infantry, was attacked by a body of\\nsavages in the neighborhood of St. Clair, twenty miles north\\nof Fort Hamilton. The attack was sudden and violent, and\\nwith difficulty repelled. The officer in chiarge of the station,\\ntook no part in the conflict, as he had been strictly ordered by\\nGeneral Wilkinson to act only on the defensive, but Adair s\\nmen received ammunition from the fortress, and returned\\nthither with their wounded. This action, however, together\\nwith other evidences of continued hostilities, did not prevent\\nthe United States from taking measures to meet the hostile\\ntribes at the rapids of the Miami (Maumee) when the leaves\\nwere fully out. For this purpose the President, at first,\\nselected Charles Carroll and Charles Thompson, but as they\\ndeclined the nomination, Benjamin Lincoln, Beverly Ran-\\ndolph, and Timothy Pickering were, on the first of ]\\\\Iarch,\\n1793, appointed to attend the proposed meeting, which it was\\nconcluded should be held at Sandusky. On the 26th of\\nApril, the Commissioners received their instructions on the\\n27th General Lincoln left Philadelphia for Niagara, by the\\nway of New York and on the 30th the other two started by\\nthe route through Pennsylvania, which led up the vallies of\\nthe Schuylkill, Susquehanna Lycoming and Coshocton, and\\nacross to Genesee. These, traveling more rapidly, for Lin-\\ncoln, had the stores and baggage, reached Niagara on the\\n17th of May, and were at once invited by Lieutenant-General\\nSimcoe to take up their residence at his seat, Navy Hall with\\nthis invitation they complied and remained there until the\\n28th of June. The cause of this delay was the belief express-\\ned by McKee and others, that the Indians would not be ready\\nto meet the Commissioners before the last of June, as private", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "1793. Letter to Governor Simcoe. 413\\ncouncils had first to be held among the various tribes.* While\\nresting in his Majesty s dominion, the ambassadors were no-\\nwise idle, and among other interesting documents, on the 7th\\nof June, presented the following note to Governor Simcoe\\nThe commissioners of the United States, for making peace\\nwith the western Indians, beg leave to suggest to Governor\\nSimcoe that the very high importance of the negotiation\\ncommitted to their management, makes them desirous of using\\nevery proper means that may contribute to its success. That\\nthey have observed, with pleasure, the disposition manifested\\nby the Governor to afford every requisite assistance in the pre-\\nparatory arrangements for holding the treaty with the hostile\\nIndians. But, all the facilities thus afforded, and all the ex-\\npenses incurred by the British government, on this occasion,\\nwill, perhaps, be fruitless, unless some means are used to\\ncounteract the deep-rooted prejudices, and unfounded reports\\namong the Indian tribes for, the acts of a few bad men,\\ndwelling airong them, or having a familiar intercourse with\\nthem, b} cherishing those prejudices, or raising and spreading\\nthose reports, may be sufficient to defeat every attempt to ac-\\ncomplish a peace. As an instance of such unfounded reports,\\nthe commissioners have noticed the declaration of a Mohawk,\\nfrom Grand River, that Governor Simcoe advised tkc Indians to\\nmake peace, but not to give up any of their lands. The commis-\\n.sioners further observe, that if any transactions at former\\ntreaties were exceptionable, the principles of the present\\ntreaty are calculated to remove the causes of complaint for\\nthe views of government are perfectly fair. And, although it\\nis impossible to retrace all the steps then taken, the United\\nStates are disposed to recede, as far as shall be indispensable,\\nand the existing state of things will admit and, for the lands\\nretained, to make ample compensation. The views of the\\nUnited States being thus fair and liberal, the commissioners\\nwish to embrace every means to make them appear so to the\\nIndians, against any contrary suggestions. Among these\\nmeans, the commissioners consider the presence of some gen-\\ntlemen of the army to be of consequence for, although the\\nIndians naturally look up to their superintendents as their\\npatrons, yet the presence of some officers of^ie army will\\nprobably induce them to negotiate with greater Confidence on\\nthe terms of peace. Independently of these considerations,\\nthe commissioners, for their own sakes, request the pleasure of\\ntheir company. The commissioners, feeling the greatest\\nsolicitude to accomplish the object of their mission, will be\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 343, where the Journal of the Commissioners is given\\nalso, Massachusetts Historical Collections, third serie?, vol. v. 190 196, wliere General\\nLincoln s Journal is given, together with a drawing of the conference at Niagara, July 7th,\\nmade by Colonel Pilkington, of the British army: this is also given in Stone s Brant, ii.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "414 Govei nor Simcoc s Reply. 1793.\\nhappy to receive from tlie Governor every information relat-\\ning to it, which his situation enables him to communicate.\\nHe must be aware that the sales and settlements of the lands\\nover the Ohio, founded on the treaties of Forts Mcintosh and\\nHarmar, render it impossible now to make that river the\\nboundary. The expression of his opinion, on this point in\\nparticular, will give them great satisfaction.*\\nTo this note the following answer was sent\\nT^ilolonel Simcoe, commanding the King s forces in Upper\\nCanada, has the honor, in answer to the paper delivered to him\\nthis morning by the Commissioners of the U. States for mak-\\ning peace with the western Indians, to state to those gentlemen,\\nthat he is duly impressed with the serious importance of the\\nnegotiation committed to their charge, and shall be happy to\\ncontribute by every proper means that may tend to its suc-\\ncess. He is much obliged to them for the polite manner in\\nwhich they have expressed their sense of his readiness to af-\\nford them such facilities as may have been in his power, to\\nassist in the preparatory arrangements for holding the treaty.\\nHe is perfectly aware that unfounded reports and deep-rooted\\nprejudices have arisen among the Indian tribes: but whether\\nfrom the acts of a few bad men living among them, he cannot\\npretend to say. But, he must observe, upon the instance given\\nby the Commissioners, of one of those unfounded reports,\\nthat a Mohawk from the Grand river should say, that Gov. Sim-\\ncoe advised the Indians to make peace, but not to give up\\ntheir lands, it i.s of that nature that cannot be true; the In-\\ndians, as yet, not having applied for his advice on the subject\\nand it being a point, of all others, on which they are the least\\nlikely to consult the British officers commanding in Upper\\nCanada. Colonel Simcoe considers himself perfectly justified\\nin admitting, on the requisition of the Commissioners, some\\nofiicers to attend the treaty; and, therefore, in addition, to the\\ngentlemen appointed to control the delivery of the British\\nprovisions, \u00c2\u00abkc., he will desire Captain Bunbury, of the fifth\\nregiment, and Lieutenant Givens, who has some knowledge\\nof one of the Indian languages, to accompany the Commis-\\nsioners. Colonel Simcoe can give the Commissioners no fur-\\nther information than what is afforded by the speeches of the\\nconfederate nations, of which General Hull has authentic\\ncopies. But, as it has been, ever since the conquest of Cana-\\nda, the principle of the British Government to unite the Ameri-\\ncan Indians, that, all petty jealousies being extinguished, the\\nreal wishes of the several tribes may be fully expressed, and\\nin consequence of all the treaties made with them, may have\\nthe most complete ratification and universal concurrence, so,\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 347.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Brant meets the Commissioners. 415\\nhe feels it proper to state to tlic Commissioners, that a jeal-\\nousy of a contrary conduct in the agents of the United States,\\nappears to him to have been deeply impressed upon the minds\\nof the confederacy.*\\nOn the day before this correspondence, the six Quakers,\\nwho, both by their own request, and that of the Indians, had\\naccompanied the deputation, together with Ileckewelder and\\nothers, sailed for Detroit to learn how matters stood; and on\\nthe 26th of the month the Commissioners themselves, receiv-\\ning no news from Sandusky, prepared to embark for the mouth\\nof Detroit river. On the 15th of July, while still detained by\\nhead wands, Colonel Butler,t Brant and some fifty natives, ar-\\nrived from the Maumee, and two days after, in the presence of\\nthe Governor, Brant thus addressed the Americans:\\nBrothers We have met to-day our brothers, the Bostonians\\nand English we are glad to have the meeting, and think it is\\nby the appointment of the Great Spirit. Brothers of the Uni-\\nted States We told you the other day, at Fort Erie, that, at\\nanother time, we would inform you why we had not assembled\\nat the time and place appointed for holding the treaty with\\nyou. We now inform you that it is because there is so much\\nof the appearance of w-ar in that quarter. Brothers: We\\nhave given the reason for our not meeting you; and now we\\nrequest an explanation of those warlike appearances. Broth-\\ners: The people you see here are sent to represent the Indian\\nnations who own the lands north of the Ohio, as their com-\\nmon property, and who are all of one mind one heart. Bro-\\nthers We have come to speak to you for tw^o reasons one,\\nbecause your warriors being in our neighborhood, have pre-\\nvented our meeting at the appointed place the other, to know^\\nif you are properly authorized to run and establish a new boun-\\ndary line between the lands of the U. States, and the Indian\\nnations. We are still desirous of meeting you at the appointed\\nplace. Brothers We wish you to deliberate well on this busi-\\nness. We liave spoken our sentiments in sincerity, consider-\\ning ourselves in the presence of the Great Spirit, from whom,\\nin time of danger, we expect assistance. J\\nOn the following day the Commissioners replied\\nBrothers: You have mentioned two objects of your coming\\nto meet us at this place. One, to obtain an explanation of\\nthe war-like appearances on the part of the United States on\\nthe north-western side of the Ohio the other, to learn wheth-\\nAmerican State Paper?, v. 347.\\nf The commaBdcr of the Tories at Wyoming, afterwards Indian Agent.\\nX Americaa State Papers, v. 34.4.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "416 Answer to Captain BranVs Speech. 1793.\\ner we have authority to run and establish a new boundary line\\nbetween your lands and ours. Brothers: On the first point\\nwe cannot but express our extreme regret, that any reports of\\nwarlike appearances, on the part of the United States, should\\nhave delayed our meeting at Sandusky. The nature of the\\ncase irresistil)ly forbids all apprehensions of hostile incursions\\ninto the Indian country north of the Ohio, during the treaty\\nat Sandusky. Brothers We are deputed by the Great Chief\\nand the Great Council of the United States to treat with you\\nof peace; and is it possible that the same Great Chief and his\\nGreat Council could order their warriors to make fresh war,\\nw hile we were sitting round the same fire with you, in order\\nto makepeace? Is it possible that our Great Chief and his\\nCouncil could act so deceitfully towards us, their Commis-\\nsioners, as well as towards you? Brothers: \\\\Ye think it not pos-\\nsible but we will quit arguments and come to facts. Brothers:\\nWe assure you, that our Great Chief, Genral Washington, has\\nstrictly forbidden all hostilities against you, until the event of\\nthe proposed treaty at Sandusky shall be known. Here is the\\nproclamation of his head warrior, Gen. Wayne, to that eflcct.\\nBut, brothers, our Great Chief is so sincere in his professions\\nfor peace, and so desirous of preventing every thing which could\\nobstruct the treaty and prolong tlie war, that, besides giving the\\nabove orders to his head warrior, he has informed the Govern-\\nors of the several States adjoining the Ohio, of the treat) propos-\\ned to be held at Sandusky, and desired them to unite their power\\nwith his to prevent any hostile attempts against the Indians\\nnorth of the Ohio, until the result of the treaty is made known.\\nThose Governors have accordingly issued their orders, strictly\\nforbidding all such hostilities. The proclamations of the Gov-\\nernors of Pennsylvania and Virginia we have here in our\\nhands. Brothers If, after all these precautions of our Great\\nChief, any hostilities should be committed north of the Ohio,\\nthey must proceed from a few disorderly people, whom no\\nconsiderations of justice or public good can restrain. But we\\nhope and believe that none such can be found.\\nBrothers After these explanations, we hope you will pos-\\nsess your minds in peace, relying on the good faith of the\\nUnited States that no injury is to be apprehended by you dur-\\ning the treaty. Brothers We now come to the second point\\nwhether we are properly authorized to run and establish a new\\nboundary line between your lands and ours. Brothers: we an-\\nswer explicitly that we have that authority. Where this line\\nshould run, will be the great subject of discussion at the treaty\\nbetween you and us and w^e sincerely hope and expect that\\nit may then be fixed to the satisfaction of both parties. Doubt-\\nless some concessions must be made on both sides. In all dis-\\nputes and quarrels, both parties usually take some wrong\\nsteps so that it is only by mutual concessions that a true", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "1793. Tribes present at the Maumce Council. 417\\nreconciliation can be effected. Brothers: We wish you to\\nunderstand us clearly on this head; for we mean that all our\\nproceedings should be made with candor. We therefore re-\\npeat and say explicitly that some concession will be necessary\\non your part, as well as on ours, in order to establish a just\\nand permanent peace. Brothers After this great point of\\nthe boundary shall be fully considered at the treaty, we shall\\nknow what concessions and stipulations it will be proper to\\nmake on the part of the United States and we trust they will\\nbe such as the world will pronounce reasonable and just.\\nBrothers; You told us that you represent the nations of Iiulians\\nwho own the lands north of the Ohio, and w .ose Chiefs are\\nnow assembled at the Rapids ot the Maumee. Brothers: It\\nwould be a satisfaction to us to be informed of the names of\\nthose nations, and of the numbers of the Chiefs of each so as-\\nfsembled. Brothers We once more turn our eyes to your rep-\\nresentation of warlike appearances in your country to give\\nyou complete satisfaction on this point, we now assure you as\\nsoon as our council at this place is ended, we will send a mes-\\nsenger on horseback to the Cireat Chief of the United States,\\nto desire him to renew and strongly repeat his orders to his\\nhead warrior, not only to abstain from all hostilities against\\nyou but to remain quietly at his posts until the event of the\\ntreaty shall be known.*\\nTo the inquiry made by the Agents of the United States as\\nto tribes, Brant said,\\nYesterday you expressed a wish to be informed of the names\\nof the nations, and numbers of Chiefs assembled at the Mau-\\nmee; but, as they were daily coming in, we cannot give you\\nexact information. You will see for yourselves in a few days.\\nWhen we left it the following nations were there, to wit Five\\nNations, Wyandots, Shawanese, Delawares, JMunsees, Mia-\\nmies, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatamies. Nantikokies, Min-\\ngoes, Cherokees, the principal men of these were there.\\nThe jealousy of the Indians as to the hostile movements\\nwas owing to the fact, that Wayne was at this time gathering\\nhorses and cattle, and cutting roads in the heart of the con-\\ntested country, beyond Fort Jefferson, within three days jour-\\nney of the Indian head quarters. f\\nHis Legion had passed the winter of 1792-3 at Legion-\\nville, and there remained until the last of April, 1793, when it\\nwas taken down the river to Cincinnati, where it encamped\\nnear Fort Washington, and there it continued until October,\\nAmerican State Paper?, v. 3-19.\\nt American State Papers, v. 350. 351.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "418 Meeting of the Council at Sandusky. 1793.\\nengaged merely in drilling and preparations, the Commander-\\nin-Chief having been directed by the Executive to issue a\\nproclamation, forbidding all hostile movements north of the\\nOhio until the northern Commissioners were heard from.\\nThis proclamation was issued, and the country remained tran-\\nquil, although, as we have said, preparations were made for\\naction in case it should finally become needful.\\nGeneral Wayne, after encountering many obstacles, was\\nperfecting the discipline of his soldiers at llobson s choice.\\n[This place was in the vicinit} of Cincinnati, and so called,\\nbecause, from extreme high water, the Legion was prevented\\nfrom landing elsewhere.] Hei-e he made efforts to get forward\\nmounted volunteers from Kentucky, who, after the experience\\nof 1790 and 1791, could not be had, so strong was their repug-\\nnance to serve with regulars the Commissioners had crossed\\nLake Erie, and on the 21st of July took up their quarters at\\nthe house of the famous or infamous Captain Matthew\\nElliott, at the mouth of the Detroit river.* On the day of\\ntheir arrival, they wrote to Colonel McKee, asking him to\\nhasten the proposed meeting at Sandusk} which he promised\\nto do. On the 29th of July, twenty Indians arrived from the\\nRapids to see the Commissioners and on the three following\\ndays the white and red men met in Council Simon Girty\\nacting as interpreter. It seemed the confederacj- were not\\nsatisfied with the meeting between Brant and the Commis-\\nsioners at Niagara, and now wished to know distinctly, and\\nmerely, if the United States would or would not make the\\nOhio the boundary. To this inquirj the Commissioners re-\\nplied, (July 31,) in writing, setting forth the American claims,\\nthe grounds of them, and the impossibility of making the Ohio\\nthe line of settlement. The answers to this communication,\\none of which was delivered orally on the spot, and the other\\non the 16lh of August, in writing, are so characteristic and\\nable, that on this account, as well as because they were the\\nuhlmdta of the Indians in this negotiation, we give entire.\\nBrothers We are all brothers you see here now. Brothers\\nIt is now three years since you desired to speak with us. We\\nheard you yesterday, and understood you well perfectly well.\\nWe have a few words to say to you. Brothers You mentioned\\nthe treaties of Fort Stanwix, Beaver Creek,t and otiier places.\\nAmerican Stnte P.npcr3, v. 312. ?,b9i. 3G0.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 American Pioneer, i. 293.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler. 221.\\nt Fort Mclutosh.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "1793. Speech of the Chief of the Wyandots in Council. 419\\nThose treaties were not complete. There were but a few\\nchiefs who treated with you. You have not bought our\\nlands. They belong to us. You tried to draw off some of as.\\nBrothers: Many years ago, we all know that the Ohio was\\nmade the boundary. It was settled by Sir William Johnston.\\nThis side is ours. We look upon it as our property. Brothers\\nYou mentioned General Washington. He and you know you\\nhave your houses and your people on our land. You say you\\ncannot move them off: and we cannot give up our land.\\nBrothers: We are sorry we cannot come to an agreement.\\nThe line has been fixed long ago. Brothers We don t say\\nmuch. There has been much mischief on both sides. We\\ncame here upon peace, and thought you did the same. We\\nshall talk to our head warriors. You may return Vvdience you\\ncame, and tell Washington.\\nThe council here breaking up, Captain Elliott went to the\\nShawanese chief Ka-kia-pilathy, and told him that the last\\npart of the speech was wrong. The chief came back and\\nsaid it was wrong. Girty said that he had interpreted truly\\nwhat the Wyandot chief spoke. An explanation took place\\nand Girty added as follows: Brothers: Instead of going\\nhome, we wish you to remain here for an answer from us.\\nWe have your speech in our breasts, and shall consult our\\nhead warriors.\\nThe head warriors having been consulted, the final message\\ncame in these words\\nTo the Commissioners of the United States. Brothers\\nWe have received your speech, dated the 31st of last month,\\nand it has been interpreted to all the different nations. We\\nhave been long in sending you an answer, because of the\\ngreat importance of the subject. But we now answer it fully\\nhaving given it all the consideration in our power.\\nBrothers You tell us that, after you had made peace\\nwith the King, Our father, about ten years ago, it remained\\nto make peace between the United States and the Indian na-\\ntions, who had taken part with the King. For this purpose\\nCommissioners were appointed, who sent messages to all\\nthose Indian nations, inviting them to come and make peace\\nand, after reciting the periods at which you say treaties were\\nheld, at Fort Stanwix, Fort Mcintosh and Miami, all which\\ntreaties, according to your own acknowledgment, were for the\\nsole purpose of making peace, you then say, Brothers, the\\nCommissioners who conducted these treaties, in behalf of the\\nUnited States, sent the papers containing them to the general\\nAm:rican State Papers, v. 319.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "420 Final action of the General Council. 1703,\\ncouncil of the States, who, supposing them satisfactory to the\\nnations treated with, proceeded to dispose of the lands there-\\nby ceded.\\nBrothers: This is telling us plainly, what we always un-\\nderstood to be the case, and it agrees with the declarations of\\nthose few who attended those treaties, viz: That they went to\\nyour Commissioners to make peace but, thYough fear, wore\\nobliged to sign any paper that was laid before them and it\\nhas since appeared that deeds of cession were signed by\\nthem, instead of treaties of peace.\\nBrothers: You then say, after some time it appears that\\na number of people in j our nations were dissatisfied with the\\ntreaties of Fort Mcintosh and Miami, therefore, the council\\nof the United States appointed Governor St. Clair their Com-\\nmissioner, with full power, for the purpose of removing all\\ncauses of controversy, relating to trade, and settling bounda-\\nries, between the Indian nations in the northern department,\\nand the United States. He accordingly sent messages, invit-\\ning all the nations concerned to meet him at a council fire he\\nkindled at the Falls of the Muskingum. AYhile he was waiting\\nfor them, some mischief happened at that place, and the fire\\nwas put out so he kindled a council fire at Fort Harmar,\\nwhere near six: hundred Indians, of different nations, attend-\\ned. The Six Nations then renewed and confirmed the treaty\\nof Fort Stanwix and the Wyandots and Delawares renewed\\nand confirmed the treaty of Fort Mcintosh some Ottawas,\\nChippewas, Pottawatamies, and Sacs, were also parties to\\nthe treaty of Fort Harmar. Now, brothers, these are your\\nwords and it is necessary for us to make a short reply to\\nthem.\\nBrothers A general council of all the Indian confederacy\\nwas held, as you well know, in the fall of the year 1788, at\\nthis place and that general council was invited by your Com-\\nmissioner, Governor St. Clair, to meet him for the purpose of\\nholding a treaty, with regard to the lands mentioned by you\\nto have been ceded by the treaties of Fort Stanwix and Fort\\nMcintosh.\\nBrothers We are in possession of the speeches and let-\\nters which passed on that occasion, between those deputed by\\nthe confederated Indians, and Governor St. Clair, the Com-\\nmissioner of the United States. These papers prove that\\nyour said Commissioner, in the beginning of the year 1789,\\nand after having been informed by the general council of the\\npreceding fall,tliat no bargain or sale of any part of these In-\\ndian lands would be considered as valid or binding unless\\nagreed to by a general council, nevertheless, persisted in col-\\nlecting together a few chiefs of two or three nations only, and\\nwitli them held a treaty for the cession of an immense coun-\\ntry, in which they were no more interested, than as a branch", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "1793. Proceedings of the General Co2incil. 421\\nof the general confederacy, and who were in no manner au-\\nthorized to make any grant or concession whatever.\\nBrothers How then was it possible for you to expect to\\nenjoy peace, and quieth to hold these lands, when your Com-\\nmissioner was informed, long before he had the treaty of Fort\\nHarmar, that the consent of a general council was absolutely\\nnecessary to convey any part of these lands to tlie United\\nStates. The part of these lands which the United States now\\nwish us to relinquish, and which you say are settled, have\\nbeen sold by the United States since that time.\\nBrothers You say the United States wish to have con-\\nfirmed all the lands ceded to them by the treaty of Fort liar-\\nmar, and also a small tract at the rapids of the Ohio, claimed\\nby General Clark, for the use of himself and his warriors.\\nAnd, in consideration thereof, the United States would give\\nsuch a large sum of money or goods, as was never given, at\\nany one time, for any quantit}^ of Indian lands, since the\\nwhite people first set their feet on this island. And, because\\nthese lands did every year furnish you with skins and furs,\\nwith which you bought clothing and other necessaries, the\\nUnited States will now furnish the like constant supplies.\\nAnd, therefore, besides the great sum to be delivered at once,\\nthey will every year deliver you a large quantit} of such goods\\nas are best fitted to the wants of yourselves, your women, and\\nchildren.\\nBrothers: Money to us, is of no value and to most of us\\nunknown; and, as no consideration whatever cau induce us\\nto sell the lands on which we get sustenance for our uomeii\\nand children, we hope we may be allowed to point out a mode\\nby which your settlers may be easily removed, and peace\\nthereby obtained.\\nBrothers: We know that those settlers are poor, or they\\nw^ould never have ventured to live in a countiy which has\\nbeen in continual trouble ever since they crossed the Ohio.\\nDivide, therefore, this large sum of money, which you have\\nofiered to us, among these people. Give to each, also, a pro-\\nportion of what you say you would give to us, annually, over\\nand above this very large sum of money and, as we are per-\\nsuaded, they would most readily accept of it in lieu of the\\nland you sold them. If you add, also, the grcjit sums you\\nmust expend in raising and paying armies, with a view to\\nforce us to yield you our country, you will certainly have\\nmore than sufiicient for the purpose of repaying these settlers\\nfor all their labor and their improvements.\\nBrothers: You have talked to us about concessions. It\\nappears strange that you should expect any from us who have\\nonly been defending our just rights against your invasions.\\nWe want peace. Restore to us our country, and we shall be\\nenemies no longer.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "422 Proceedings of the General Council. 1793.\\nBrothers You make one concession to us by offering us\\nyour money; and another by having agreed to do us justice,\\nafter having long and injuriously withheld it; we mean in\\nthe acknowledgment you now have made, that the King of\\nEngland never did, nor never had a right to give you our\\ncountry, by the treaty of peace. And you want to make this\\nact of common justice a great part of your concessions and\\nseem to expect that, because you have at last acknowledged\\nour independence, we should for such a favor, surrender to you\\nour country.\\nBrothers You have talked, also, a great deal about pre-\\nemption, and your exclusive right to purchase Indian lands,\\nas ceded to you by the king, at the treaty of peace.\\nBrothers: We never made any agreement with the king,\\nnor with any other nation, that we would give to either the\\nexclusive right of purchasing our lands; and we declare to\\nyou, that we consider ourselves free to make any bargain or\\ncession of lands, whenever and to whomsoever we please. If\\nthe white people, as you say, made a treaty that none of them\\nbut the king should purchase of us, and that he has given that\\nright to the United States, it is an affair which concerns you\\nand him, and not us; we have never parted with such a\\npower.\\nBrothers: At our general council, held at the Glaize last\\nfall, we agreed to meet commissioners from the United States,\\nfor the purpose of restoring peace, provided they consented to\\nacknowledge and confirm our boundary line to be the Ohio,\\nand we determined not to meet you, until you gave us satis-\\nfaction on that point; that is the reason we have never met.\\nWe desire you to consider, brothers, that our only demand\\nis the peaceable possession of a small part of our once great\\ncountry. Look back and review the lands from whence we\\nhave been driven to this spot. We can retreat no farther;\\nbecause the country behind hardly affords food for its inhabi-\\ntants and we have, therefore, resolved to leave our bones in\\nthis small space to which we are now confined.\\nBrothers We shall be persuaded that you mean to do us\\njustice, if you agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary\\nline between us. If you will not consent thereto, our meeting\\nwill be altogether unnecessary. This is the great point which\\nwe hoped would have been explained before you left your\\nhomes, as our message, last fall, was principally directed to\\nobtain that information.\\nDone in general council, at the foot of the Maumee Rapids,\\nthe I3lh day of August, 1793.\\nNations.\\nWyandots, Miamies, Mohicans,\\nSeven Nations, of Canada, Ottawas, Connoys,", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "1793. Reasons which kept the Indians at War. 4^3\\nPotawatomies, Messasagoes, Delawares,\\nSenecas of the Glaize, Chippewas, Nantakokies,\\nShawanese, Munsees, Creeks,\\nCherokees.*\\nThis, of necessity, closed the attempts of the United States\\nto make peace some few further efforts were made to secure\\nthe Iroquois to the cause of America, but they ended in no-\\nthing and from the month of August, the preparations for a\\ndecision by arms of the questions pending between the white\\nand red men went forward constantly.\\nBut it is natural to ask what causes led the north-western\\nsavages thus to stake their very existence upon the contest,\\nwhen terms so liberal were offered by their opponents. We\\nanswer first, their previous success did much and secondly,\\nthey hoped for the aid of Britain, and at length of Spain also,\\non their side.\\nFor several years, said Brant, we were engaged in getting\\na confederacy formed, and the unanimity occasioned by these\\nendeavors among our western brethren, enabled them to de-\\nfeat two American armies. The war continued without our\\nbrothers, the English, giving any assistance, except a little\\nammunition; and they seeming to desire that a peace might\\nbe concluded, we tried to bring it about at a time that the\\nUnited States desired it very much, so that they sent commis-\\nsioners from among their first people, to endeavor to make\\npeace with the hostile Indians. We assembled also for that\\npurpose at the Miami river in the summer of 1793, intending\\nto act as mediators in bringing about an honorable peace and\\nif that could not be obtained, we resolved to join our western\\nbrethren in trying the fortune of war. But to our surprise,\\nwhen upon the point of entering upon a treaty with the com-\\nmissioners, we found that it was opposed by those acting\\nunder the British government, and hopes of farther assistance\\nwere given to our western brethren, to encourage them to\\ninsist on the Ohio iis a boundary between them and the United\\nStates. t\\nThrough Elliott, McKee and Butler, this confidence in Eng-\\nlish aid was thus excited among the savages, before their final\\nrefusal of the generous terms offered by Washington and\\nsoon after, the higher functionaries endorsed the representa-\\n*American State Papers, v. 356.\\ntStone, ii. 353.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "424 Lo7-d Dorchester s Speech. 1793.\\ntions of their subordinates. In Fel)ruary, 1794, Lord Dor-\\nchester, addressing tlie deputies from the council of 1793,\\nsaid\\nChildren:^! was in expectation of hearing from the people\\nof the United States what was required by them; 1 hoped that\\n1 should have been able to bring you together, and make you\\nfriends.\\nChildren: I have waited long, and listened with great at-\\ntention, but have not heard one word from them.\\nChildren: I llattered myself with the hope that the line\\nproposed in the year eighty-three, to separate us from the\\nUnited States, i^;/\u00c2\u00bbc/i vias imvicd uitdij broken by themselves as\\nsoon as the peace was signed, would have been mended, or a\\nnew one drawn, in an amicable manner. Here, also, J have\\nbeen disappointed.\\nChildren Since my return, I find no appearance of a line\\nremains; and from the manner in which the people of the\\nUnited States rush on, and act, and talk on this side and\\nfrom what 1 learn of their conduct toward the sea, I shall not\\nbe surprised if we are at war with them in the course of the\\npresent year; and if so, a line must then be drav/n by the\\nwarriors.\\nChildren: You talk of scllingyour lands to the State of\\nNew York. 1 have told you that there is no line between\\nthem and us. 1 shall acknowledge no lands to be theirs which\\nhave been encroached on by them since the year 17S3. They\\nthen broke the peace, as they kept it not on their part, it doth\\nnot bind on ours.\\nChildren They then destroyed their right of pre-emption.\\nTherefore, all their approaches towards us since that time,\\nand all the purchases made by them, I consider as an infringe-\\nment on the King s rights. And when a line is drawn be-\\ntween us, be it in peace or war, they must lose all their im-\\nprovements and houses on our side of it. Those people must\\nall be gone A ho do not obtain leave to become the King s\\nsubjects. What belongs to the Indians wilL of course, be\\nsecured and confirmed to them.\\nChildren: What farther can I say to you? Y ou are wit-\\nnesses that on our parts we have acted in the most peaceable\\nmanner, and borne the language and conduct of the people\\nof the United States with patience. But I believe our pa-\\ntience is almost exhausted.*\\nThe autliCDtlcity of of this cpeooh has been qucstioneJ; it was doubtcJ at the time\\neven. George Clinton of New York sent the proof of its genuinecss to George Washington.\\nMarch 20tli, 1794, and b.)th he and the Prc-iJent thonglit it autlientic. Judge Jlar^hall\\n(Life of Washington, v. u. ^5) states it as not authtntic, and Sparks (Washington Papers, x.\\n394, Do c) seems to agree with him; but Mr. Stone found among Erant s papers a ccrti-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "1790-95. British and Spanis/i. aid hoped fur. 425\\nAnd when, during the summer of 1794, there was a contest\\nbetween the United States and the Six Nations, relative to\\nthe erection of a fort by the former at Presqu ile (Erie) on\\nLake Erie, Brant, in writing to the British authorities, on the\\n19th of July, says\\nIn regard to the Presqu ile business, should we not get an\\nanswer at the time limited, it is our business to push those\\nfellows hard, and therefore it is my intention to form my camp\\nat Pointe Appineau; and I would esteem it a favor if his Ex-\\ncellency the Lieutenant Governor would lend me four or five\\nbatteaux. Should it so turn out, and should those fellows not\\ngo off, and O Bail continue in the same opinion, an expedition\\nagainst those Ycinkees must of consequence take place.\\nHis Excellency has been so good as to furnish us with a\\nhundred weight of powder, and ball in proportion, which is\\nnow at Fort Erie but in the event of an attack upon Le\\nBoEuf people, 1 could wish, if consistent, that his Excellency\\nwould order a like quantity in addition to be at Fort Erie, in\\norder to be in readiness likewise I would hope for a little\\nassistance in provision.\\nBut the conduct of England, in sending, as she did. Govern-\\nor Simcoe in the month of April, 1794, to the rapids of the\\nMaumee, there, within the acknowledged territories of the\\nUnited States, to erect a fort, was the strongest assurance that\\ncould have been given to the north-western tribes, that she\\nwould espouse their quarrel. In May *of 1794, a messenger\\nfrom the Mississippi provinces of Spain also appeared in the\\nnorth-w^est, offering assistance. f\\nChildren (he said) you see me on my feet, grasping the\\ntomahawk to strike them. We will strike together. I do not\\ndesire you to go before me, in the front, but to follow me.\\nChildren I present you with a war-pipe, which has been\\nsent in all our names to the Musquakies, and all those nations\\nwho live towards the setting sun, to get upon their feet and\\ntake hold of our tomahawk and as soon as they smoked it,\\nthey sent it back with a promise to get immediately on their\\nfeet, and join us, and strike this enemy.\\nChildren You hear what these distant nations have said\\nto us, so that we have nothing farther to do but put our de-\\nsigns into immediate execution, and to forward this pipe to\\nfied MS. copy, from which the above extracts are taken, (Stone s Brant, ii. 3fi8, note); and\\nMr. Hammonl, the British Minister, in May, 1794, acknowledged it to bo o-enuine.\\n(American State Papers, i. 462. See also v. 480.)\\nt American State Papers, v. 503 to 524, and 484, 487. Stone s Brant, ii. 380.\\n27", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "426 Causes of the action of England. 1793.\\nthe three warlike nations who have so long been struggling\\nlor their country, and who now sit at the Glaize. Tell them\\nto smoke this pipe, and forward it to all the lake Indians and\\ntheir northern brethren. Then nothing will be wanting to\\ncomplete our general union from the rising to the setting of\\nthe sun, and all nations will be ready to add strength to the\\nblow we are going to make.*\\nThe explanation of the conduct above related on the part\\nof England, is not difficult. In March, 1793, Great Britain\\nand Russia had united for the purpose of cutting oiF all the\\ncommerce of revolutionary France, in the hope thereby of\\nconquering her. In June, the court of St. James, in accord-\\nance with this agreement, issued orders\\nTo stop and detain all vessels loaded wholly or in part with\\ncorn,Jlour, or meal, bound to any port of France, or any port\\noccupied by the armies of France, and to send them to such\\nports as should be most convenient, in order that such corn,\\nmeal, or flour might be purchased on behalf of his majesty s\\ngovernment, and the ships to be released after such purchase,\\nand after a due allowance for freight or that the masters of\\nsuch ships, on giving due security, to be approved by the court\\nof admiralty, be permitted to dispose of their cargoes of corn,\\nmeal, flour, in the ports of any country in amity with his\\nmajesty. t\\nAgainst this proceeding the United States protested, while\\nEngland justified the measure as a very mild application of\\ninternational law. On both sides great irritation prevailed,\\nand during this period it was that the various acts of Govern-\\nor Simcoe and others took place.\\nAs for Spain, she had long been fearful and jealous of the\\nwestern colonists; she had done all in her power to sow dis-\\nsensions between the Americans and the southern Indians,\\nand now hoped to cripple her Anglo-Saxon antagonist by\\nmovements at the north.\\nBut the Americans were in nowise disposed to yield even\\nto this Hydra, as General Wayne called it, of Indian, Brit-\\nish, and Spanish enmity. On the 16th of August, 1793, the\\nfinal messages took place between the American commis-\\nsioners and the Indians, at the mouth of Detroit river on the\\n17th, the commissioners left Captain Elliott s; on the 23cl,\\nMS. among the Brant Papers. Stooe, ii. 375.\\nt Pitkin s U. S., ii. 396.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "1793. Wayne s Prospects and Efforts. 427\\nreached Fort Erie, near Niagara; upon the same day they\\nsent three letters to General Wayne, by three distinct chan-\\nnels, advising him of the issue of the negotiations.* Wayne,\\nencamped at his Hobson s choice, and contending with the\\nunwillingness of Kentuckians to volunteer in connection with\\nregular troops, with fever, influenza and desertion, was\\nstruggling hard to bring his army to such form and consist-\\nency as would enable him to meet the enemy with confidence.\\nOn the 5th of October, he writes that he cannot hope to have,\\ndeducting the sick and those left in garrison, more than 2,600\\nregular troops, 360 mounted volunteers, and 36 guides and\\nspies, to go with him beyond Fort Jefferson but he adds\\nThis is not a pleasant picture, but something must be done\\nimmediately, to save the frontiers from impending savage\\nfury.\\nI will, therefore, advance to-morrow with the force I have,\\nin order to gain a strong position about six miles in front of\\nFort Jefferson, so as to keep the enemy in check (by exciting\\na jealousy and apprehension for the safety of their own wa-\\nmen and children) until some favorable circumstance or op-\\nportunity may present to strike with effect.\\nThe present apparent tranquility on the frontiers, and at\\nthe head of the line, is a convincing proof to me, that the\\nenemy are collected or collecting in force, to oppose the legion,\\neither on its march, or in some unfavorable position for the\\ncavalry to act in. Disappoint them in this favorite plan or\\nmanoeuvre, they may probably be tempted to attack our lines.\\nIn this case 1 trust they will not have much reason to triumph\\nfrom the encounter.\\nThey cannot continue long embodied for want of provision\\nand at their breaking up they will most certainly make some\\ndesperate effort upon some quarter or other should the\\nmounted volunteers advance in force, we might yet compel\\nthose haughty savages to sue for peace, before the next open-\\ning of the leaves. Be that as it may, I pray you not to permit\\npresent appearances to cause too much anxiety either in the\\nmind of the President, or yourself, on account of this army.\\nKnowing the critical situation of our infant nation, and feeling\\nfor the honor and reputation of Government, (which I will\\nsupport with my latest breath) you may rest assured that I\\nwill not commit the legion unnecessarily and unless more\\npowerfully supported than I at present have reason to expect,\\nI will content myself by taking a strong position in advance of\\n*American State Papers, r. 304, 30S, 325, 357, 360.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "Wayne builds Fort Greenville. 1793.\\nJefferson, and by exerting every power, endeavor to protect\\nthe frontiers, and to secure the posts and army during the\\nwinter, or until I am honored with your further orders.\\nOn the 7th the legion left Cincinnati, and upon the 13th,\\nwithout any accident, encamped upon the strong position\\nabove referred to.f Here, upon the 24th of October, he was\\njoined by one thousand mounted Kentucky volunteers under\\nGen. Scott, to whom he had written pressing requests to\\nhasten forward with all the men he could muster. This re-\\nquest Scott hastened to comply with, and the Governor upon\\nthe 28th of September, had ordered, in addition, a draft of\\nmilitia. The Kentucky troops, however, were soon dismissed\\nagain, until spring; but their march had not been in vain, for\\nthey had seen enough of Wayne s army to give them confi-\\ndence in it and in him; and upon their return home, spread\\nthat confidence abroad, so that the full number of volunteers,\\nwas easily procured in the spring. J\\nOne attack had been made upon the troops previous to the\\n23d of October, and only one a body of two commissioned\\nand ninety non-commissioned officers and soldiers, conveying\\ntwenty wagons of supplies, was assaulted on the 17th, seven\\nmiles beyond Fort St. Clair, and Lieutenant Lowry and Ensign\\nBoyd, with thirteen others, were killed. Although so little\\nopposition had thus far been encountered, however, Wayne\\ndetermined to stay where he was, for the winter, and having\\n70,000 rations on hand in October, with the prospect of 120,-\\n000 more, while the Indians were sure to be short of pro-\\nvisions, he proceeded to fortify his position which he named\\nFort Greenville, and which was situated upon the spot now\\noccupied by the town of that name.\u00c2\u00a7 This being done on the\\n23d or 24th of December, a detachment was sent forward to\\ntake possession of the field of St. Clair s defeat. They arrived\\nupon the spot upon Christmas day. Six hundred skulls,\\nsays one present, were gathered up and buried; when we\\nwent to lay down in our tents at night, we had to scrape the\\nAmerican State Papers, t. 360.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0fSee in American Pioneer, ii. 290, plate and account of Wayne s mede of encamp\\nment. Also in Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, ii. 5 a journal of the inarch.\\nJMarahall, ii. 83, 84.\\n2 American State Papers, v. 361.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "1794. Indians rely on the British. 429\\nbones together and carry them out, to make our beds. Here\\nwas built Fort Recovery, which was properly garrisoned, and\\nplaced under the charge of Captain Alexander Gibson. Dur-\\ning the early months of 1794, Wayne was steadily engaged\\nin preparing everything for a sure blow when the time came,\\nand by means of Captain Gibson and his various spies, kept\\nhimself informed of the plans and movements of the savages.\\nAll his information showed the faith in British assistance\\nwhich still animated the doomed race of red men thus, two\\nPottawatomies, taken by Captain Gibson, June 5th, in reply to\\nvarious questions, answered as follows\\nQ. When did your nation receive the invitation from the\\nBritish to join them, and go to war with the Americans\\nA. On the first of the last moon; the message was sent\\nby three chiefs, a Delaware, a Shawanee, and a Miami.\\nQ What was the message brought by those Indians\\nchiefs, and what number of British troops were at Roche\\nde Bout, (foot of rapids of the Maumee,) on the 1st of May\\nA. That the British sent them to invite the Pottawatomies\\nto go to war against the United States that they, the British,\\nwere then at Roche de Bout, on their way to war against the\\nAmericans that the number of British troops then there were\\nabout four hundred, with two pieces of artillery, exclusive of\\nthe Detroit militia, and had made a fortification round Colonel\\nMcKee s house and stores at that place, in which they had de-\\nposited all their stores of ammunition, arms, clothing and pro-\\nvision with which they promised to supply all the hostile Indi-\\nans in abundance, provided they would join and go with them\\nto war.\\nQ.. What tribes of Indians, and what were their numbers,\\nat Roche de Bout on the 1st of May?\\nA. The Chippewas, Wyandots, Shawanese, Tawas, Dela-\\nwares and Miamies. There were then collected about one\\nthousand warriors, and were daily coming in and collecting\\nfrom all those nations.\\nQ. What number of warriors do you suppose actually col-\\nlected at that place at this time, and what number of British\\ntroops and militia have promised to join the Indians to fight\\nthis army\\nA. By the latest and best information, and from our own\\nknowledge of the number of warriors belonging to those nations,\\nthere cannot be less than two thousand warriors now assem-\\n*American Pioneer, i. 294. Letter of George Will. Dillon s Indiana, i. 360 American\\nState Papers, 1. 458. gives Wayne s statement.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "430 Evidence of British Intentions. 1794.\\nbled and were the Pottawatomies to join, agreeably to invi-\\ntation, the whole would amount to upwards of three thousand\\nhostile Indians. But w^e do not think that more than fifty of\\nthe Pottawatomies will go to war.\\nThe British troops and militia that will join the Indians to\\ngo to w^ar against tiie Americans, will amount to fifteen hun-\\ndred, agreeably to the promise of Gov. Simcoe.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Q. At what time and at what place do the British and In-\\ndians mean to advance against this army\\nA. About the last of this moon, or the beginning of the\\nnext, they intend to attack the legion of this place. Governor\\nSimcoe, the great man who lives at or near Niagara, sent for\\nthe Pottawatomies, and promised them arms, ammunition,\\nprovisions, and clothing, and every thing they wanted, on con-\\ndition that they would join him, and go to war against the\\nAmericans; and that he would command the whole.\\nHe sent us the ^ame message last vi inter and again, on the\\nfirst of the last moon, from Roche de Bout; he also said he\\nwas much obliged to us for our past services and that he\\nw^ould now help us to fight, and render us all the services in\\nhis power, against the Americans.\\nAll the speeches that we have received from him, were as\\nred as blood; all the wampum and feathers were painted red\\nthe M ar pipes and hatchets were red, and even the tobacco\\nwas painted red.\\nWe received four diflerent invitations from Governor Sim-\\ncoe, inviting the Pottawatomies to join in the war the last\\n^vas on the first of last moon, when he promised to join us\\nwith 1500 of his warriors, as before mentioned. But we wished\\nfor peace; except a few of our foolish young men.\\nExamined, and carefully reduced to writing, at Greenville,\\nthis 7th of June, 1794.*\\nA couple of Shawanese warriors, captured June 22d, were\\nless sanguine as to their white allies, but still say that which\\nproves the dependence of Indian action upon English pro-\\nmises. As their evidence gives some data relative to the In-\\ndian forces, as well as the temper of the western tribes, we\\nextract nearly the whole of it.\\nThey say that they lefl Grand Glaize five moons since, i. e.\\nabout the time that the Indians sent in [i. c to Wayne the\\nprovisions could not be accepted] a flag, with propositions of\\npeace.\\nThat they belonged to a party of twenty, who have been\\nhunting all this spring on tiie waters of the Wabash, nearly\\nAmerican State Popers, v. 4S3.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "1794. Forces of the Indians. 431\\nopposite the mouth of the Kentucky river, and were on their\\nreturn when taken. That, on their way in, they met with a\\nparty consisting of four Indians, i. e. three Delawares and one\\nPottawatomie, who were then on their way to the Big-bone\\nLick, to steal horses that this party inforn^ed them that all\\nthe Indians on White river were sent for to come immediately\\nto Grand Glaize, where the warriors of several nations were\\nnow assembled that the chiefs are yet in council, and would\\nnot let their warriors go out that they could not depend upon\\nthe British for effectual support that they were always set-\\nting the Indians on like dogs after game, pressing them to go\\nto war, and kill the Americans, but did not help them that\\nunless the British would turn out and help them, they were\\ndetermined to make peace that they would not be any longer\\namused by promises only.\\nThat the Shawanese have 389 warriors at, and in the vi-\\ncinity of Grand Glaize and generally can, and do, bring into\\naction, about 300. Their great men, or sachems, are the Black\\nWolf, and Kakia-pi-la-thy, or Tame Hawk their principal\\nwarriors are Blue Jacket, and Captain Johnny that the Dela-\\nwares have in and about Grand Glaize, 480 warriors; that\\nthey actually had four hundred in the action against St. Clair\\nthat the Miamies are at present but about one hundred war-\\nriors, who live near Grand Glaize, several of them having re-\\nmoved towards Post Vincennes, and by the Mississippi that\\nthe Wyandots never send into action more than about one\\nhundred and fifty warriors they live along the lake, towards\\nSandusky; they don t know the number of the Pottawato-\\nmies, nor the number of the other Indians or nations that\\nwould actually join in war, should they determine to continue\\nit; that the Chippewas would be the most numerous, and were\\ngenerally on their way to the council but that war or peace\\ndepended on the conduct of the British if they would help\\nthem, it would probably be war, but if they would not, it\\nwould be peace that the Indians would no longer be set on\\nlike dogs, by themselves, unless the British would help them\\nto fight that the British were at the foot of the rapids, and\\nhad fortified at Roche de Bout that there were a great num-\\nber of British soldiers at that place; that they told the Indians\\nthey were now come to help them to fight and if the Indians\\nwould generally turn out and join them, they would advance", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "432 Fort Recovery Attacked. 1794.\\nand fight the American army that Blue Jacket had been sent\\nby the British to the Chippevvas, and northern Indians, a con-\\nsiderable time since, to invate them, and bring them to Roche\\nde Bout, there to join the British and other hostile Indians, in\\norder to go to war.*\\nAnd the conduct of the savages proved these tales not to be\\nfables on the 30th of June, Fort Recovery, the advanced\\nAmerican post, was assaulted by the Little Turtle, at the\\nhead of one thousand to one thousand five hundred warriors\\nand although repelled, the assailants rallied and returned to\\nthe charge, and kept up the attack through the whole of that\\nday, and a part of the following. Nor was this assailing force\\nentirely composed of natives; General Wayne, in his de-\\nspatch, says, his spies report a great number of white men\\nwdth the Indians and again they insist\\nThere were a considerable number of armed white men in\\nthe rear, who they frequently heard talking in our language,\\nand encouraging the savages to persevere in the assault that\\ntheir faces were generally blacked, except three British\\nofficers, who were dressed in scarlet, and appeared to be men\\nof great distinction, from being surrounded by a large body of\\nwhite men and Indians, who were very attentive to them.\\nThese kept a distance in the rear of those that were engaged.\\nAnother strong corroborating fact, says General Wayne,\\nthat there were British, or British militia, in the assault, is,\\nthat a number of ounce balls and buck shot were lodged in\\nthe block- houses and stockades of the fort. Somt^ were de-\\nlivered at so great a distance as not to penetrate, and were\\npicked up at the foot of the stockades.\\nIt would also appear that the British and savages expected\\nto find the artillery that were lost on the 4th of November,\\n1791, and hid by the Indians in the beds of old fallen timber, or\\nlogs, which they turned over and laid the cannon in, and then\\nturned the logs back into their former berth. It was in this\\nartful manner that we generall} found them deposited. The\\nhostile Indians turned over a great number of logs, during the\\nassault, in search of those cannon, and other plunder, which\\nthey had probably hid in this manner, after the action of the\\nfourth of November, 1791.\\nI, therefore, have reason to believe that the British and In-\\ndians depended much upon this artillery to assist in the reduc-\\ntion of that post fortunately, they served in its defence. f\\nOn the 26th of July, Scott, with some sixteen hundred\\nAmericaQ Stato Papers, v. 489.\\nt American State Papers, v. 488.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "1794. Wayne s last offer nf Peace. 433\\nmounted men from Kentucky, joined Wayne at Greenville,*\\nand on the 28th the legion moved Ibrward.f On the 8th of\\nAugust, the army was near the junction of Auglaize and Mau-\\nmee, at Grand Glaize, and proceeded at once to build Fort\\nDefiance, where the rivers meet.J The Indians had hastilj-\\nabandoned their towns upon hearing of the approach of the\\narmy from a runaway member of the Quartermaster s corps,\\nwho was afterwards taken at Pittsburgh. It had been Wayne s\\nplan to reach the head-quarters of the savages. Grand Glaize,\\nundiscovered and in order to do this, he had caused two roads\\nto be cut, one towards the foot of the rapids, (Roche de Bout,)\\nthe other to the junction of the St. Mary and St. Joseph, while\\nhe pressed forward between the two and this stratagem, he\\nthinks would have been successful but for the deserter referred\\nto.\u00c2\u00a7 While engaged upon Fort Defiance, the American com-\\nmander received full and accurate accounts of the Indians,\\nand the aid they would receive from the volunteers of Detroit\\nand elsewhere; he learned the nature of the ground, and the\\ncircumstances favorable and unfavorable; and upon the whole,\\nconsidering the spirit of his troops, ofiicers and men, regulars\\nand volunteers, he determined to march forward and settle\\nmatters at once. But yet, true to the last, to the spirit of com-\\npromise and peace, so forcibly taught by Washington, on the\\n13th of August he sent Christopher Miller, who had been nat-\\nuralized among the Shawanese, and had been taken prisoner\\non the 11th, by Wayne s spies, as a special messenger, ofiering\\nterms of friendship in these words\\nTo the Delawares, Shawanese, Mlamies, and Wyandnts, and to\\neach and every of them, and to all other nations of Indians,\\nnorth-ivest of the Ohio, whom it may concern\\nI, Anthony Wayne, Major General and Commander-in-\\nchief of the federal army now at Grand Glaize, and commis-\\nsioner plenipotentiary of the United States of America, for\\nsettling the terms upon M^hich a permanent and lasting peace\\nshall be made with each and every of the hostile tribes, or\\nnations of Indians north-west of the Ohio, and of the said\\nUnited States, actuated by the purest principles of humanit}\\nand urged by pity for the errors into which bad and designing\\nMarshall, ii. 136.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j American Pioneer, i. 315, Daily Journal of Wayne s army.\\nSee American Pioneer, ii. 3S7, for plan and account of Fort Defiance.\\nI Wayne s letter of August 11th. (American State Papers, v. 490.)", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "434 }Vayne Marches doirn the Mauvice. 1794.\\nmen have led you, from the head of my army, now in pos-\\nsession of your abandoned villages and settlements, do here-\\nby once more extend the friendly hand of peace towards you,\\nand invite each and every of the hostile tribe of Indians to\\nappoint deputies to meet me and my army, without delay,\\nbetween this place and Roche de Bout, in order to settle the\\npreliminaries of a lasting peace, which may eventually and\\nsoon restore to you, the Delawares, Miamies, Shawanese, and\\nall other tribes and nations lately settled at this place, and on\\nthe margins of the Miami and Auglaize rivers, your late\\ngrounds and possessions, and to preserve you and your dis-\\ntres.sed and hapless women and children from danger and\\nfamine, during the present fall and ensuing winter.\\nThe arm of the United States is strong and j)Owerful, but\\nthey love mercy and kindness more than war and desolation.\\nAnd, to remove any doubts or apprehensions of danger to\\nthe persons of the deputies whom you may appoint to^meet\\nthis arm} I hereby pledge my sacred honor for their safety\\nand return, and send Christopher Miller, an adopted Shawa-\\nnee, and aShavvanee warrior, whom 1 took prisoner two days\\nago, as a Hag, who will advance in their front to meet me.\\nj\\\\ir. Miller was taken prisoner by a party of my warriors,\\nsix moons since, and can testify to you the kindness which I\\nhave shown to your people, my prisoners, that is, five war-\\nriors and two women, who are now all safe and well at\\nGreenville.\\nBut, should this invitation be disregarded, and my flag, Mr.\\nMiller, be detained, or injured. I will immediately order all\\nthose prisoners to be put to death, without distinction, and\\nsome of them are known to belong to the first families of\\nyour nation.\\nBrothers Be no longer deceived or led astray by the false\\npromises and language of the bad white men at the foot of\\nthe Rapids they have neither power nor inclination to pro-\\ntect you. No longer shut your eyes to your true interest and\\nhappiness, nor your ears to this overture of peace. But, in\\npity to your innocent women and children, come and prevent\\nthe further effusion of your blood let them experience the\\nkindness and friendship of the United States of America, and\\nthe invaluable blessings of peace and tranquility.*^\\nANTHONY WAYNE.\\nGrand Glaizc, August 13th, 1794.\\nUnwilling to waste time, the troops moved forward on the\\n15th, and on the 16th met Miller returning, with the message,\\nthat if the Americans would wait ten days at Grand Glaize,\\nAmerican Stato Paper?, v. 490.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "1794. Wayne s Battle. 435\\nthey (the Indians) would decide for peace or war;* which\\nWayne replied to only by marching straight on. On the 18th,\\nthe legion had advanced forty-one miles from Grand Glaize,\\nand being near the long-looked for foe, began to throw up\\nsome light works called Fort Deposite, wherein to place the j\\nheavy baggage during the expected battle. On that day,\\nfive of Wayne s spies, among whom was JMay, the man who\\nhad been sent after Trueman and had pretended to desert to\\nthe Indians, rode into the very camp of the enemy in at-\\ntempting to retreat again, May s horse fell and he was ta-\\nken. The next day, the day before the battle, he was tied to\\na tree and shot at as a target. f During the IBth, the army\\nstill labored on their works on the 20th, at seven or eight\\no clock, all baggage having been left behind, the white forces\\nmoved down the north bank of the Maumee\\nThe legion on the right, its flank covered by the Maumee\\none brigade of mounted volunteers on the left, under Briga-\\ndier General Todd, and the other in the rear under Brigadier\\nGeneral Barbee. A select battalion of mounted volunteers\\nmoved in front of the Legion, commanded by Major Price,\\nwho was directed to keep sufficiently advanced, so as to give\\ntimely notice for the troops to form in case of action, it\\nbeing yet undetermined whether the Indians would decide\\nfor peace or war.\\nAfter advancing about five miles, Major Price s corps re-\\nceived so severe a fire from the enemy, who were secreted\\nin the woods and high grass, as to compel them to retreat.\\nThe legion was immediately formed in two lines, principally\\nin a close thick wood, which extended for miles on our left,\\nand for a very considerable distance in front the ground being\\ncovered with old fallen timber, probably occasioned by a tor-\\nnado, which rendered it impracticable for the cavalry to act\\nwith effect, and afforded the enemy the most favorable covert\\nfor their mode of warfare. The savages were formed in three\\nlines, within supporting distance of each other, and ex-\\ntending for near two miles at right angles with the river. I\\nsoon discovered, from the weight of the fire and extent of\\ntheir lines, that the enemy were in full force in front, in pos-\\nsession of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn our\\nleft flank. I therefore gave orders for the second Hne to ad-\\nvance and support the first and directed Major General\\nScott to gain and turn the right flank of the savages, with the\\nwhole of the mounted volunteers, by a circuitous route at\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 317.\\nfAmerican Pioneer, i. 52, 318. American State Papi.r3, v. 243.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "436 IVai/nc s Battle. 1794.\\nthe same time I ordered the front line to advance and charge\\nwith trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their coverts at\\nthe point of the bayonet, and when up to deliver a close and\\nwell-directed lire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge,\\nso as not to give them time to load again.\\nI also ordered Captain Campbell, who commanded the le-\\ngionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the\\nriver, and which afforded a favorable field for that corps to\\nact in. All these orders were obeyed with spirit and prompti-\\ntude but such was the impetuosity of the charge by the first\\nline of infantry, that the Indians and Canadian militia and\\nvolunteers, were drove from all their coverts in so short a\\ntime, that although every possible exertion was used by the\\nofficers of the second line of the legion, and by Generals\\nScott, Todd, and Barbee, of the mounted volunteers, to gain\\ntheir proper positions, but part of each could get up in sea-\\nson to participate in the action the enemy being drove in\\nthe course of one hour, more than two miles, through the thick\\nwoods already mentioned, by less than one half their number.\\nFrom every account the enemy amounted to two thousand\\ncombatants. The troops actually engaged against them were\\nshort of nine hundred. This horde of savages, with their al-\\nlies, abandoned themselves to flight, and dispersed with terror\\nand dismay, leaving our victorious army in full and quiet\\npossession of the field of battle, which terminated under the\\ninfluence of the guns of the British garrison, as you will ob-\\nserve by the enclosed correspondence between ]Major Camp-\\n])ell, the commandant, and myself, upon the occasion.\\nThe bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the\\narmy, from the Generals down to the Ensigns, merit my high-\\nest approbation. There were, however, some whose rank\\nand situation placed their conduct in a very conspicuous\\npoint of view, and which I observed with pleasure, and the\\nmost lively gratitude. Among whom, 1 must beg leave to\\nmention Brigadier General Wilkinson, and Colonel llam-\\ntranick, the commandants of the right and left wings of the\\nlegion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To those I\\nmust add the names of my faithful and gallant aids-de-camp,\\nCaptains De iiutt and T. Lewis, and Lieutenant Harrison,\\nwho, with the Adjutant General, jMaJor Mills, rendered the\\nmost essential service by communicating my orders in every\\ndirection, and by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops\\nto press for victory.\\nEnclosed is a particular return of the killed and wounded.\\nThe loss of the enemy was more than that of the Federal\\narmy. The woods were strewed for a considerable distance\\nw ith the dead bodies of Indians, and their white auxiliaries,\\nthe latter armed with British nuiskets and bayonets.\\nWe remained three davs and nijihts on the banks of the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "1794. Wayne s Battle. 437\\nMaumee, in front of the field of battle, during which time\\nall the houses and cornfields were consumed and destroyed\\nfor a considerable distance both above and below Fort Miami,\\nas well as within pistol shot of the garrison, who were com-\\npelled to remain tacit spectators to this general devastation\\nand conflagration, among which were the houses, stores and\\nproperty of Col. McKee, the British Indian agent, and princi-\\npal stimulator of the war now existing between the United\\n{States and the savages.\\nThe army returned to this place (Fort Defiance) on the\\n27th, by easy marches, laying waste the villages and corn-\\nfields for about fifty miles on each side of the Maumee.\\nThere remains yet a great number of villages and a great\\nquantity of corn, to be consumed or destroyed, upon the Au-\\nglaize and the Maumee above this place, which will be effected\\nin the course of a few days.*\\nThe loss of the Americans in this action was thirty-three\\nkilled and one hundred wounded, including twenty-one offi-\\ncers, of whom, however, but five were killed.\\nThe army remained at Fort Defiance, busily engaged in X\\nstrengthening the works, until September 14th, when it\\nmarched for the Miami villages at the junction of the St. Jo-\\nseph and the St. Mary, to build the fortress called Fort Wayne,\\nwhich, when completed on the 22d of October, was named by\\nColonel Hamtramck, who was placed in command. During\\nthis time the troops suffered much from sickness, and also from\\nwant of flour and salt; the latter article sold on the 24th of\\nSeptember, for six dollars a pint.* On the 28th of October\\nthe Legion began its return march to Greenville, the volun-\\nteers, who had become dissatisfied and troublesome, having\\nbeen dispatched to that post for dismissal on the 12th of that\\nmonth. During this time, (on the 11th or 13th) a brother of\\nthe Canadian taken in the action of August 20th, came to\\nGeneral Wayne with three Americans whom he had bought\\nfrom the Indians, to exchange for his captive relation the\\nexchange was agreed to, and the messenger induced to make\\nthe following statement\\nGovernor Simcoe, Colonel M Kee, and Captain Brant, ar-\\nrived at Fort Miami, at the foot of the Rapids, on the 30th\\nultimo, (September;) Brant had with him one hundred Indians,\\nJNIohawks and Messasagoes.\\n^American State Papers, v. 491.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See the English account of the battle in Weld s Tra-\\nvels, ii. 211.\\nt American Pioneer, 1. 354.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "438 Conduct of the British after the Battle. 1794.\\nGovernor Simcoe sent for the chiefs of the different hostile\\nIndians, and invited them to meet him at the mouth of De-\\ntroit river, eighteen miles below Detroit, to hold a treaty\\nSimcoe, Colonel jMcKee, and Captain Brant, together with\\nBlue Jacket, Backongeles, the Little Turtle, Captain Johnny,\\nand other chiefs of the Delavvares, Miamies, Shawanese, Ta-\\nwas, and Pottawatomies, set out accordingly, for the place\\nassigned for the treaty, about the 1st instant the Indians are\\nwell and regularly supplied with provisions from the British\\nmagazines, at a place called Swan Creek, near Lake Erie.\\nPreviously to the arrival of Governor Simcoe, Blue Jack-\\net, the Shawanese chiefs, two of the principal chief of the Ta-\\nwas, and the principal chiefs of the Pottawatomies, had\\nagreed to accompan} him, the said Mith a flag to this\\nplace.\\nBlue Jacket informed him, after the arrival of Simcoe, he\\nwould not now go with him, until after the intended\\ntreaty but that his wishes, at present, were for peace; that\\nhe did not know what propositions Governor Simcoe had to\\nmake them, but that he and all the chiefs would go and hear;\\nand, in the interim, desired him, the said to inquire of\\nC4eneral Wayne in what manner the chiefs should come to\\nhim, and whether they would be safe, in case they should de-\\ntermine on the measure, after the treaty with Simcoe, and\\nafter the said should return to Detroit had it not\\nbeen for the arrival of Governor Simcoe, Colonel AIcKee, and\\nCaptain Brant, with his Indians, he is confident the chiefs,\\nalready mentioned, would have accompanied him to this\\nplace, at this time, as before related.*\\nThis communication was further confirmed by statements\\nfrom the Wyandots, some of whom were in the American in-\\nterest. f Indeed it appeared afterwards that on the 10th of\\nOctober the Indians met the British at the Big Rock, and\\nwere advised that their griefs would be laid before the King\\nand in connection with this, as General Wayne learned from\\nthe friendly Wyandots,\\nGovernor Simcoe insisted, that the Indians should not listen\\nto any terms of peace from the Americans, but to propose a\\ntruce, or suspension of hostilities, until the spring, when a\\ngrand council and assemblage of all the warriors and tribes\\nof Indians should take place, for the purpose of compelling\\nthe Americans to cross to the east side of the Ohio and in\\nthe interim, advised every nation to sign a deed or convcy-\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 520.\\nt American State Papers, v. 518, 527.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "1794. Conduct of the British after the Battle. 439\\nance of all their lands, on the west side of the Ohio, to the\\nKing, in trust for the Indians, so as to give the British a pre-\\ntext or color for assisting them, in case the Americans refused\\nto abandon all their posts and possessions on the west side of\\nthat river and which the Indians should warn them to do,\\nimmediately after they, the Indians, were assembled in force\\nin the spring, and to call upon the British to guaranty the\\nlands thus ceded in trust, and to make a general attack upon\\nthe frontiers at the same time that the British would be pre-\\npared to attack the Americans, also, in every quarter, and\\nwould compel them to cross the Ohio, and to give up the lapds\\nto the Indians.\\nCaptain Brant also told them, to keep a good heart, and be\\nstrong; to do as their father advised that he would return home,\\nfor the present, with his warriors, and come again early in the\\nspring, with an additional number, so as to have the whole\\nsummer before them, to fight, kill, and pursue the Americans,\\nwho could not possibly stand against the force and numbers\\nthat would be opposed to them that he had been always\\nsuccessful, and would insure them victory. But that he would\\nnot attack the Americans at this time, as it would only put\\nthem upon their guard, and bring them upon the Indians in\\nthis quarter, during the winter therefore he advised them to\\namuse the Americans with a prospect of peace, until they\\nshould collect in force to fall upon them early in the spring,\\nand when least expected.\\nThat, agreeably to this plan or advice, the real hostile tribes\\nwill be sending flags frequently during the winter, with pro-\\npositions of peace, but this is all fraud and art, to put the\\nAmericans off their guard.\\nThe British made large presents to the Indians at the late\\ncouncil, and continued to furnish them with provision from\\nColonel McKee s new stores, near the mouth of the Miamies\\nof Lake Erie, where all the Indians are hutted or in tents,\\nwhose towns and property were destroyed last summer, and\\nwho will sign away their lands, and do exactly what the British\\nrequest them this was the general prevailing opinion at the\\nbreaking up of the council since which period, the message\\nand propositions of the 5th November, addressed to the differ-\\nent tribes of Indians proposing the treaty of the 9th of Janu-\\nary, 1789, held at the mouth of Muskingum, as a preliminary\\nupon which a permanent peace should be est iblished, has\\nbeen communicated to them upon which, a considerable num-\\nber of the chiefs of several of the tribes assembled again, and\\nwere determined to come forward to treat, say about the first of\\nthis moon. But Colonel McKee was informed of it, and\\nadvised them against the measure, and to be faithful to their\\nfather, as they had promised. He then made them additional", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "440 The Indians seek Peace. 1794-\\npresents, far beyond any thing that they had ever heretofore\\nreceived, which inclined a majority to adhere to Governor\\nSimcoe s propositions, and they returned home accordingly.\\nThat, notwithstanding this, the chiefs and nations are much\\ndivided, some for peace, and some for war; the Wyandots of\\nSandusky are for peace those near Detroit for war the Dela-\\nwares are equally divided, so are the Miamies, but are de-\\npendent upon the British for provision the Shawanese and\\nTawas are for war; the Pottawatomies and Chippewas are\\ngone home, sore from the late action.\\nThat such of the chiefs and warriors as are inclined for\\npeace, will call a council, and endeavor to bring it about,\\nupon the terms proposed, as they wish to hold their lands un-\\nder the Americans, and not under the British, whose title they\\ndo not like.*\\nNews also came from the West that the Indians were cross-\\ning the Mississippi in New York, on the 11th of November,\\nPickering made a new treaty with the Iroquois; while in the\\nnorth fewer and fewer of the savages lurked about Forts De-\\nfiance and Wayne. Nor was it long before the wish of the\\nnatives to make peace became still more apparent; on the\\n28th and 29th of December, the Chiefs of the Chippewas,\\nOttovvas, Sacs, Pottawatomies, and Miamies, came with peace\\nmessages to Col. Hamtramck,t at Fort Wayne, and on the\\n24th of Januar} 1795, at Greenville, entered, together with\\nthe Delawarcs, Wyandots, and Shawanese, into preliminary\\narticles with the Commander-in-chief. The truth was, the\\nred men had been entirely disappointed in the conduct of\\ntheir white allies after the action of the 20th of August as\\nBrant said, a fort had been built in their country under pre-\\ntence of giving refuge in case of necessity, but when that\\ntime came, the gates were shut against them as enemies. J\\nDuring the winter, Wayne having utterly laid waste their fer-\\ntile fields, the poor savages were wholly dependent on the\\nEnglish who did not half supply them; their cattle and dogs\\ndied, and they were themselves nearly starved. Under these\\ncircumstances, losing faith in the English, and at last impress-\\ned with a respect for American power fifter the carnage ex-\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 548, 550, 559, 566, 667.\\nt See his letters to Wayne. American Pioneer, ii. 389 to 392.\\nX Stone s Brant, ii. 390. Several Mohawks wore probably engaged in the battle of\\nAugust 20th, and Brant would have been with them but for sickness.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 [Stone ii. 390^\\nnote.]", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "1794. The Indians Seek Peace. 441\\nperienced at the hands of the Black Snake, the various tribes,\\nb}^ degrees, made up their minds to ask for peace during the\\nwinter and spring they exchanged prisoners, and made ready\\nto meet Gen. Wayne at Greenville, in June, for the purpose of\\nforming a definite treaty, as it had been agreed should be\\ndone by the preliminaries of January 24th. One scene among\\nthe many of that time seems deserving of a transfer to our\\npages; it is from the narrative of John Briekell, who had been\\na captive for four years among the Delawares, and adopted\\ninto the family of Whingwy Pooshies, or Big Cat, a noted war-\\nrior of that tribe.*\\nOn the breaking up of spring, Briekell says, we all went up\\nto Fort Defiance, and, on arriving on the shore opposite, we\\nsaluted the fort with around of ritles, and they shot a cannon\\nthirteen times. We then encamped on the spot. On the same\\nday, Whingwy Pooshies told me I must go over to the fort.\\nThe children hung round me crying, and asked me if I was\\ngoing to leave them I told them I did not know. When M ^e\\ngot over to the fort, and were seated with the oflicers, Whing-\\nwy Pooshies told me to stand up, which I did; he then rose\\nand addressed me in about these words: My son, there are\\nmen the same color with yourself. There may be some of\\nyour kin there, or your kin may be a great way oft from you.\\nYou have lived along time with us. I call on you to say if I\\nhave not been a father to you If I have not used you as a\\nfather would use a son 1 said, You have used me as well\\nas a father could use a son. He said, I am glad you say so.\\nYou have lived long with me you have hunted for me but\\nour treaty says you must be free. If you choose to go with\\nthe people of your own color, I have no right to say a word\\nbut if you choose to stay with me, your people have no right\\nto speak. Now reflect on it, and take your choice, and tell us\\nas soon as you make up your mind.\\nI was silent a few minutes, in which time it seemed as if I\\nalmost thought of every thing. I thought of the children I\\nhad just left crying; I thought of the Indians I was attached\\nto, and I thought of my people which I remembered; and this\\nlatter thought predominated, and 1 said, I will go with my\\nkin. The old man then said, I have raised you 1 have\\nlearned you to hunt. You are a good hunter you have been\\nbetter to me than my own sons. I am now getting old, and I\\ncannot hunt. I thought you would be a support to my age.\\nI leaned on you as a staff. Now it is broken\u00e2\u0080\u0094 you are going\\nBrickell s Xarrative. American Pioneer, i. 53. Stone s Brant, ii. 389. American\\nState Paper?, T. 520. IleckcweUler s Narrative, 4.05. American Pioneer, i. 54. Speech- o\u00c2\u00a3\\nBucliongehelas. American State Paper.=, v. 582.\\n28", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "442 Narrative of John Brickell. 1795.\\nto leave me and I have no right to say a word, but I am ruin-\\ned. lie then sank back in tears to his seat. I heartily joined\\nhim in his tears parted with him, and have never seen nor\\nheard of him since.*\\nDuring the month of June, the representatives of the north-\\nwestern tribes began to gather at Greenville, and on the 16th\\nof that month, Wayne met in council, the Delawarcs, Otto-\\nwas, Pottawatomies, and Eel river Indians and the confer-\\nences, which lasted till August lOth, commenced. On the 21st\\nof June, Buckongehelas arrived; on the 23d, the Little Turtle\\nand other Miamies; on the I3th of July, Tarke and other\\nWyandot Chiefs reached the appointed spot and upon the\\n18th, Blue Jacket with thirteen Shawanese, and Masass\\nwith twenty Chippewas. Most of these, as it appeared by their\\nstatements, had been tampered with by McKee, Brant and\\nother English Agents,t even after they had agreed to the pre-\\nliminaries of January 24th, and while ]\\\\Ir. Jay s treaty was\\nstill under discussion. J They had, however, all determined\\nto make a permanent peace Mith the Thirteen Fires, and al-\\nthough some difficulty as to the ownership of the lands to be\\nceded, at one time seemed likely to arise, the good sense of\\nWayne and of the Chiefs prevented it, and upon the 30th of\\nJcily the treaty was agreed to which was to bury the hatchet\\nforever. Between that day and the 3d of August it was en-\\ngrossed, and having been signed by the various nations upon\\nthe day last named, on the 7th was finally acted upon, and the\\npresents from the United States distributed forthwith. While\\nthe Council was in session, some mischief had been done in\\nVirginia by a band of Shawanese, but on the 9th of Septem-\\nber these also came to Greenville, gave up their prisoners, and\\n.asked for forgiveness.\\nThe basis of the treaty of Greenville was the previous one\\nmade at Fort Harmar, and its leading provisions were as fol-\\nlows:\\nArt. 1. Hostilities were to cease.\\nArt. 2. All prisoners were to be restored.\\nSee American Pioneer, i. 54.\\nfSce speeches of Blue Jacket and Massass. [American Stale Papers, v. i6S,] and of\\nAgooshaway, an Ottawa. [American State Papers, v. 5G6.]\\nJ Jay reached England June 15, 1794 hia treaty was concluded Nov. 19th; it was re-\\nceived by the President March 7, 1795; was submitted to the Senate June S; was agreed\\nto by them on the 24th of that month; and ratified by the President Aug. 14th.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "1795. Treaty of Greenville. 443\\nArt. 3. The general boundary lines between the lands of\\nthe United States and the lands of the said Indian tribes, shall\\nbegin at the mouth of Cuyahoga river, and run thence up the\\nsame to the portage between that and the Tuscarawas branch\\nof the Muskingum thence down that branch to the crossing\\nplace above Fort Lawrence; thence westwardly, to a fork of\\nthat branch of the Great Miami river, running into the Ohio,\\nat or near which fork stood Loramie s store, and where com-\\nmences the portage between the Miami of the Ohio and St.\\nMary s river, which is a branch of the Miami which runs into\\nLake Erie; thence a westerly course, to Fort Recovery, which\\nstands on a branch of the Wabash thence southwesterly, in\\na direct line to the Ohio, so as to intersect that ri-^er opposite\\nthe mouth of Kentucky or Cuttawa river. And in considera-\\ntion of the peace now established of the goods formerly re-\\nceived from the United States of those now to be delivered\\nand of the yearly delivery of goods now stipulated to be made\\nhereafter; and to indemnify the United States for the injuries\\nand expenses they have sustained during the war; the said\\nIndian tribes do hereby cede and relinquish, forever, all their\\nclaims to the lands lying eastwardly and southwardly of the\\ngeneral boundary line now described and these lands, or any\\npart of them, shall never hereafter be made a cause or pre-\\ntence, on the part of the said tribes, or any of them, of war or\\ninjury to the United States, or any other people thereof.\\nAnd for the same consideration, and as an evidence of the\\nreturning friendship of the said Indian tribes, of their confi-\\ndence in the United States, and desire to provide for their ac-\\ncommodation, and for that convenient intercourse which will\\nbe beneficial to both parties, the said Indian tribes do also\\ncede to the United States the following pieces of land, to wit\\n1. One piece of land six miles square, at or near Laromie s\\nstore, before mentioned. 2. One piece, two miles square, at\\nthe head of the navigable water or landing, on the St. Mary s\\nriver, near Girty s town. 3. One piece, six miles square, at\\nthe head of the navigable waters of the Auglaize river. 4.\\nOne piece, six miles square, at the confluence of the Auglaize\\nand Miami river, where Fort Defiance now stands. 5. One\\npiece, six miles square, at or near the confluence of the rivers\\nSt. Marys and St. Joseph s, where Fort Wayne now stands, or\\nnear it. 6. One piece, two miles square, on the Wabash river,\\nat the end of the portage from the Miami of the lake, and\\nabout eight miles westward from Fort Wayne. 7. One piece,\\nsix miles square, at the Ouatanon, or old Wea towns, on the\\nWabash river. 8. One piece, twelve miles square, at the\\nBritish fort on the Miami of the lake, at the foot of the rapids.\\n9. One piece, six miles square, at the mouth of the said river,\\nwhere it empties into the lake. 10. One piece, six miles\\nsquare, upon Sandusky lake, where a fort formerly stood. H.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "444 Trcatu of Greenville. 1795.\\nOne piece, two miles square, at the lower rapids of Sandusky\\nriver. 12. The post of Detroit, and all the lands to the north,\\nthe west, and the south of it, of which the Indian title has been\\nextinguished by gifts or grants to the French or English gov-\\nernments and so much more land to be annexed to the Dis-\\ntrict of Detroit, as shall be comprehended between the river\\nllosine on the south, and lake St. Clair on the north, and a\\nline, the general course whereof shall be six miles distant\\nfrom the west end of lake Erie and Detroit river. 13. The\\npost of Michillimackinac, and all the land on the Island on\\nwhich that post stands, and the main land adjacent, of which\\nthe Indian title has been extinguished by gifts or grants to the\\nFrench or English governments; and a piece of land on the\\nMain to the north of the Island, to measure six miles, on lake\\nHuron, or the Strait between lakes Huron and Michigan, and\\nto extend three miles back from the water on the lake or\\nStrait; and also, the Island de Bois Blanc, being an extra and\\nvoluntary gift of the Chippewa nation. 14. One piece of\\nland, six miles square, at the mouth of Chicago river, empty-\\ning into the south-west end of lake Michigan, where a fort\\nformerly stood. 15. One piece, twelve miles square, at or\\nnear the mouth of the Illinois river, emptying into the jMissis-\\nsippi. 16. One piece, six miles square, at the old Peorias fort\\nand village, near the south end of the Illinois lake, on said\\nIllinois river. And whenever the United States shall think\\nproper to survey and mark the boundaries of the lands hereby\\nceded to them, they shall give timely notice thereof to the said\\ntribes of Indians, that they may appoint some of their wise\\nchiefs to attend and see that the lines are run according to the\\nterms of this treaty.\\nAnd the said Indian tribes wall allow to the people of the\\nUnited States, a free passage, by land and by water, as one\\nand the other shall be found convenient, through their country,\\nalong the chain of posts herein before mentioned; that is to\\nsay: from the commencement of the portage aforesaid, at or\\nnear Loramie s store, thence, along said portage, to the St.\\nMary s, and down the same to Fort Wayne, and then down\\nthe Miami to Lake Erie; again, from the commencement of the\\nportage, at or near Loramie s store, along the portage, from\\nthence to the river Auglaize, nnd down the same to its junc-\\ntion with the Miami at Fort Defiance; again, from the com-\\nmencement of the portage aforesaid, to Sandu.sky river, and\\ndown the same to Sandusky ])ay, and Lake Erie, ami from\\nSandusky to the post which shall be taken at or near the foot\\nof the rapids of the Miami of the lake; and from thence to\\nDetroit. Again, from the mouth of Chicago, to the commence-\\nment of the portage between that river and the Illinois, and\\ndown the Illinois river to the Mississippi; also, from Fort\\nWayne, along the portage aforeeaid, which leads to the Wa-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "1795. Treaty of Greenville. 445\\nbash, and then down the Wabash to the Ohio. And the said\\nIndian tribes will also allow to the people of the United\\nStates, the free use of the harbors and mouths of rivers, along\\nthe lakes adjoining the Indian lands, for sheltering vessels and\\nboats, and liberty to land their cargoes when necessary for their\\nsafety.\\nArt. 4. In consideration of the peace now established, and\\nof the cessions and relinquishments of lands, made in the pre-\\nceding article, by the said tribes of Indians, and to manifest\\nthe liberality of the United States, as the great means of ren-\\ndering this peace strong and perpetual, the United States re-\\nlinquish their claims to all other Indian lands, northward of\\nthe river Ohio, eastward of the Mississippi, and westward and\\nsouthward of the Great Lakes, and the waters uniting them,\\naccording to the boundary line agreed on by the United States\\nand the King of Great Britain, in the treaty of peace made\\nbetween them in the year 1783. But from this relinquishment\\nby the United States, the following tracts of land are explicitly\\nexcepted. 1st. The tract of one hundred and fifty thousand\\nacres, near the rapids of the river Ohio, which has been as-\\nsigned to General Clark, for the use of himself and his war-\\nriors. 2d. The post at St. Vincennes, on the river Wabash,\\nand the lands adjacent, of which the Indian title has been, ex-\\ntinguished. 3d. The lands at all other places, in possession of\\nthe French people, and other white settlers among them, of\\nwhich the Indian title has been extinguished, as mentioned in\\nthe 3d article; and 4th. The post of Fort Massac, towards the\\nmouth of the Ohio. To which several parcels of land, so ex-\\ncepted, the said tribes relinquish all the title and claim, which\\nthey or any of them may have.\\nAnd, for the same considerations, and with the same views\\nas above mentioned, the United States now deliver to the said\\nIndian tribes, a quantity of goods to the value of twenty thou-\\nsand dollars, the receipt whereof they do hereby acknowledge;\\nand henceforward, every year, for ever, the United States will\\ndeliver, at some convenient place, northward of the river Ohio,\\nlike useful goods, suited to the circumstances of the Indians,\\nof the value of nine thousand five hundred dollars; reckoning\\nthat value at the first cost of the goods in the city or place in\\nthe United States, where they shall be procured. The tribes\\nto which those goods are to be annually delivered, and the pro-\\nportions in which they are to be delivered, are the following:\\n1st. To the Wyandots. the amount of one thousand dollars.\\n2d. To the Delawares, the amount of one thousand dollars.\\n3d. To the Shawanese, the amount of one thousand dollars.\\n4th. To the Miamies, the amount of one thousand dollars.\\n5th. To the Ottawas, the amount of one thousand dollars.\\n6th. To the Chippewas, the amount of one thousand dollars.\\n7th. To the Pottawatimas, the amount of one thousand dollars.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "446 Treaty of Greenville. 1795.\\n8th. And to the Kickapoo, Wea, Eel river, Piankeshaw, and\\nKaskaskia tribes, the amount of five hundred dollars each.\\nProvided, that if either of the said tribes shall hereafter, at\\nan annual delivery of their share of the goods aforesaid, de-\\nsire that a part of their annuity should be furnished in domes-\\ntic animals, implements of husbandry, and other utensils, con-\\nvenient for them, and in compensation to useful artificei s who\\nmay reside with or near them, and be employed for their bene-\\nfit, the same shall, at the subsequent annual deliveries, be fur-\\nnished accordingly.\\nArt. 5. To prevent any misunderstanding, about the In-\\ndian lands relinquished by the United States, in the fourth ar-\\nticle, it is now explicitly declared, that the meaning of that\\nrelinquishment is this: the Indian tribes who have a right to\\nthese lands, are quietly to enjoy them, hunting, planting, and\\ndwelling thereon, so long as they please, without any molesta-\\ntion from the United States; but when those tribes, or any of\\nthem, shall be disposed to sell their lands, or any part of them,\\nthey are to be sold only to the United States; and until such\\nsale, the United States will protect all the said Indian tribes,\\nin the quiet enjoyment of their lands, against all citizens of\\nthe United vStates, and against all other white persons who in-\\ntrude upon the same. And the said Indian tribes again ac-\\nknowledge themselves to be under the protection of the said\\nUnited States, and no other power whatever.^\\nArt. 6th. The Indians or United States may remove and\\npunish intruders on Indian lands.\\nArt. 7th. Indians may hunt within ceded lands.\\nArt. 8th. Trade shall be opened in substance, as by provi-\\nsions in treaty of Fort Ilarmar.\\nArt. 9th. All injuries shall be referred to law; not privately\\navenged and all hostile plans known to either, shall be re-\\nvealed to the other party.\\nArt. 10th. All previous treaties annulled.\\nThis great and abiding peace document, was signed b} the\\nvarious nations named in the 4th article, and dated August\\nthe 3d, 1795. It was laid before the Senate, December 9th,\\nand ratified December 22d. So closed the old Indian wars of\\nthe West.f\\nSee Land Laws, p. 154.\\nt See the treaty and minutes of the council, American State Papers, v. 562 to 5S3. The\\ntreaty alone, Land Laws 154 to 159.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIII.\\n[The following documents are of sufficient importance to\\nrequire insertion, and yet they are not exactly suited to the\\nbody of this work. Instead of a cumbrous note running\\nthrough several pages, we place them in the form of an Ap-\\npendix\\n[numder I.\\nMiami (Maumee) River, August 21, 1794.\\nSir An Army of the United States of America, said to\\nbe under your command, having taken post on the banks\\nof the Miami, (Maumee) for upwards of the last twenty-\\nfour hours, almost within the reach of the guns of this\\nfort, being a post belonging to his Majesty the King of\\nGreat Britain, occupied by His Majesty s troops, and which I\\nhave the honor to command, it becomes my duty to inform my-\\nself, as speedily as possible, in what light I am to view your\\nmaking such near approaches to this garrison. I have no\\nhesitation, on my part, to say, that I know of no war existing\\nbetween Great Britain and America.\\nI have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most\\nobedient and very humble servant,\\nWILLIAM CAMPBELL, Major 24th Reg.,\\nCommanding a British post on the banks of the Miami.\\nTo Major General Wayne, c.\\n[number II.]\\nCamp on the Bank of the Miami, (Maumee,)\\nAugust 21, 1794.\\nSir I have received your letter of this date, requiring\\nfrom me the motives which have moved the army under my\\ncommand to the position they at present occupy, far within\\nthe acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States of Ameri-\\nca. Without questioning the authority or the propriety, sir,\\nof your interrogatory, I think I may, without breach of deco-\\nrum, observe to you, that were you entitled to an answer, the\\nmost full and satisfactory one was announced to you from the\\nmuzzles of my small arms, yesterday morning, in the action\\nagainst the horde of savages in the vicinity of your post,", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "448 Appendix. 1794.\\nwhich terminated gloriously to the American arms but, had\\nit continued until the Indians, c. were driven under the in-\\nfluence of the post and guns you mention, they would not\\nhave much impeded the progress of the victorious army under\\nmy command, as no such post was established at the com-\\nmencement of the present war between the Indians and the\\nUnited States.\\nI have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most\\nobedient and very humble servant,\\nANTHONY WAYNE, Major General,\\nAnd Commander-in-chief of the Federal Army.\\nTo Major William Campbell, c.\\n[number III.]\\nFort Miami, August 22d, 1794.\\nSir Although your letter of yesterday s date fully authori-\\nzes me to any act of hostility against the arm} of the United\\nStates in this neighborhood, under your command, yet still\\nanxious to prevent that dreadful decision which, perhaps, is\\nnot intended to be appealed to by either of our countries, I\\nhave forborne, for these two days past, to resent those insults\\nyou have offered to the British iiag Hying at this fort, by ap-\\nproaching within pistol shot of my works, not only singly,\\nbut in numbers, with arms in their hands. Neither is it my\\nwish to wage war with individuals but, should you, after\\nthis, continue to approach my post in the threatening manner\\nyou are at this moment doing, my indispensable duty to my\\nking and countr}^ and the honor of my profession, will oblige\\nme to have recourse to those measures, which thousands of\\neither nation may hereafter have cause to regret, and which I\\nsolemnl} appeal to God, I have used my utmost endeavors to\\narrest.\\nI have the honor to be, sir, with much respect, your most\\nobedient and very humble servant,\\nWILLIAM CAMPBELL, Major 24th Regiment,\\nCommanding at Fort ^liami.\\nMajor General Wayne, c.\\n[number IV.\\nCamp, Banks of the Miami, 22d August, 1794.\\nSir In your letter of the 21st instant, you declare, I have\\nno hesitation, on my part, to say, that I know of no war ex-\\nisting between Great Britain and America. I, on my part,\\ndeclare the same, and that the only cause I have to entertain", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "1794. Appendix. 449\\na contrary idea at present, is the hostile act you are now in\\ncommission of, i. e. by recently taking post far within the well\\nknown and acknowledged limits of the United States, and\\nerecting a fortification in the heart of the settlements of the\\nIndian tribes now at war with the United States. This, sir,\\nappears to be an act of the highest aggression, and destructive\\nto the peace and interest of the Union. Hence it becomes\\nmy duty to desire, and I do hereby desire and demand, in the\\nname of the President of the United States, that you imme-\\ndiately desist from any further act of hostility or aggression,\\nby forbearing to fortify, and by withdrawing the troops, artil-\\nlery, and stores, under your orders and direction, forthwith,\\nand removing to the nearest post occupied by his Britannic\\nMajesty s troops at the peace of 1783, and which you will be\\npermitted to do unmolested, by the troops under my command.\\nI am, with very great respect, sir, your most obedient and\\nvery humble servant, ANTHONY WAYNE.\\nMajor William Campbell, c.\\n[number v.]\\nFort Miami, 22d August, 1794.\\nSir: I have this moment to acknowledge the receipt of your\\nletter of this date in ansv^er to which I have only to say,\\nthat, being placed here in command of a British post, and\\nacting in a military capacity only, I cannot enter into any\\ndiscussion either on the right or impropriety of my occupying\\nmy present position. Those are matters that I conceive will\\nbe best left to the ambassadors of our diOerent nations.\\nHaving said this much, permit me to inform you that I cer-\\ntainly will not abandon this post, at the summons of any pow-\\ner whatever, until I receive orders for that purpose from those\\nI have the honor to serve under, or the fortune of war should\\noblige me. I must still adhere, sir, to the purport of my\\nletter this morning, to desire that your army, or indiv-iduals\\nbelonging to it, will not approach within reach of my cannon,\\nwithout expecting the consequences attending it.\\nAlthough I have said, in the former part of my letter, that\\nmy situation here is totally military, yet, let me add, sir, that\\nI am much deceived, if His Majesty, the King of Great Bri-\\ntain, had not a post on this river, at and prior to the period\\nyou mention.\\nI have the honor to be, sir, with the greatest respect, your\\nmost obedient and very humble servant,\\nWILLIAM CAMPBELL, Major 24th Regiment,\\nCommanding at Foi t JMiami.\\nTo Major General Wayne, c.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "450 Appendix. 1794.\\nN U M B E R V I.\\nKilled and Wounded.\\nThe Legion had twenty-six killed, five of them officers,\\neighty-seven wounded, thirteen of them officers the Ken-\\ntucky volunteers had seven killed, all privates, and thirteen\\nwounded, three of whom were officers; of the wounded\\neleven died: making in all dead and wounded, one liundred\\nand thirty-three. American State Papers, v. 492.\\nAn eye-witness (American Pioneer, i. 319) thinks there\\nwere near five hundi ed Canadians in the battle. A Shawa-\\nnese prisoner taken August 11, testifies thus _\\nQuestion. What number of warriors are at McKee s, and\\nwhat nations do they belong to?\\nAnswer. There are six hundred who abandoned this place\\non the approach of the Army.\\nShawanese, about 200, but not more.\\nDelawares, _ _ 300\\nMiamies, 100\\nWarriors of all other tribes, 100\\nTotal, 700\\nQ. What number are expected to assemble, in addition to\\nthose now at the foot of the Rapids\\nA. In all, about four hundred men, viz.\\nWy an dots, 300\\nTavvas, 240\\nTotal, 540\\nQ. What number of white men are to join and when\\nA, Mr. or Captain Elliot set out for Detroit six days since,\\nand was to be back yesterday, with all the militia, and an ad-\\nditional number of regular troops, uhich, with those already\\nthere, would amount to one thousand men. This is the gene-\\nral conversation among the Indians, and Captain Elliot pro-\\nmised to bring that number. Colonel McKee s son went with\\nElliot, as also the man who deserted from the army on its\\nmarch.\\nOne of the Canadians taken in the battle gives the follow-\\ning estimates\\nThat the Delawares have about five hundred men, inclu-\\nding those who live on both rivers, the White river, and Bean\\ncreek.\\nThat the Miamies are about two hundred warriors, part of\\nthem live on the St. Joseph s, eight leagues from this place\\nthat the men were all in the action, but the women are yet at\\nthat place, or Piquet s village; that a road leads from this", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "1794. Appendix. 461\\nplace directly to it that the number of warriors belonging to\\nthat place, when altogether, amounts to about forty.\\nThat the Shawanese have about three hundred warriors\\nthat the Tawas, on this river, are two hundred and fifty\\nthat the Wyandots are about three hundred.\\nThat those Indians were generally in the action on the 20th\\ninstant, except some hunting parties. That a reinforcement\\nof regular troops, and two hundred militia, arrived at Fort\\nMiami a few days before the army appeared, that the regular\\ntroops in the fort amounted to two hundred and fifty, exclu-\\nsive of the militia.\\nThat about seventy of the militia, including Captain Cald-\\nwell s corps, were in the action. That Colonel McKee, Cap-\\ntain Elliot, and Simon Girty, were in the field, but at a respect-\\nful distance and near the river.\\nThat the Indians have wished for peace for some time,\\nbut that Colonel McKee always dissuaded them from it,\\nand stimulated them to continue the war.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -[American State\\nPapers, v. 494.]\\nIn a letter of August 14th, Wayne says, The margins of\\nthese beautiful rivers, the Miamies of the Lake and Au Glaize,\\nappear like one continued village for a number of miles both\\nabove and below this place, (Grand Glaize nor have I\\never before beheld such immense fields of corn in any part\\nof America from Canada to Florida. [American State Pa-\\npers, v. 490.]", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIV.\\nPOLITICAL EVENTS.\\nKentucky admitted into the Union\u00e2\u0080\u0094 French influence defeated Spanish influ-\\nence from New Orleans A project to dismember the Union Political parties\\nformed Federal and Anti Federal views\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Whisky insurrection\u00e2\u0080\u0094 SottK-ments\\nin Ohio Jay s treaty.\\nDuring the six years through which the Indian wars of the\\nWest continued, many events took place of local importance,\\nto which we must now^ refer. And foremost, stands the admis-\\nsion of Kentucky into the Union. In 1789, she had requested\\ncertain changes in the law authorizing separation, which had\\nbeen passed by Virginia, and these changes were made; it be-\\ning requested, however, at the same time, that a ninth Ken-\\ntucky convention should meet, in July, 1790, to express the\\nsentiments of the people of the western district, and to take\\nother needful s*eps. Upon the 26th of July, accordingly, the\\nConvention came together; the terms of Virginia were agreed\\nto June 1, 1792, was fixed as the date of independence and\\nmeasures adopted to procure the agreement of the federal leg-\\nislature. It was also resolved, that in December, 1791, per-\\nsons should be chosen to serve seven months, who, on the first\\nMonday in April, 1792, should meet at Danville, to form a\\nconstitution for the coming state, and determine what laws\\nshould be in force. In December, 1790, the President of the\\nUnited States presented the subject of the admission of Ken-\\ntacky to Congress, and upon the 4th of February, 1791, that\\naction was taken, which terminated the long frustrated efforts\\nof the land of Boone, Clark, and Logan, to obtain self-govern-\\nment. In the following December, the elections took place,\\nfor persons to frame a constitution, and in April, 1792, the in-\\nstrument which was to lie at the basis of Kentucky law, was\\nprepared, mainly, it would seem, by George Nicholas, of Mer-\\ncer county.* As this charter, however, was changed in some\\nimportant features, a few years after, we shall not at this time,\\nenter into any discussion of its merits and defects.\\nMarshall s Kjntucky, i. 360, -ili.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Sparks Wa. hington, xii. 13, .32.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butlcr a Ken-\\ntucky, 196.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "1790-95 Movements of Genet. 453\\nA second subject to be noticed, is the attempt of the agents\\nof the French minister in the United States, to enlist the citi-\\nzens of Kentucky ^^in an attack upon the dominions of Spain,\\nin the southwest. We cannot, and need not, do more than\\nrefer to the state of feeling prevalent in America, in relation\\nto France, from 1792 to 1795. On the 2lst of January, 1793,\\nthe French had taken the life of their monarch, and upon the\\n18th of May, M. Genet was presented to Washington, as the\\nrepresentative of the new republic of France. This man\\nbrought with him ojicn instructions, in which the United States\\nwere spoken of as naturally neutral, in the contest between\\nFrance and united Holland, Spain and England; and secret\\ninstructions, the purpose of which was to induce the govern-\\nment, and if that could not be done, the People, of the Ameri-\\ncan republic, to make common cause with the founders of the\\ndynasty of the guillotine. In pursuance of this plan. Genet\\nbegan a system of operations, the tendency of which was, to\\ninvolve the People of the United States in a war with the ene-\\nmies of Franc?, without any regard to the views of the fede-\\nral government and knowing very well the old bitterness of\\nthe frontier-men, in relation to the navigation of the Missis-\\nsippi, he formed the plan of embodying a band of troops be-\\nyond the AUeghanies, for the conquest of Louisiana. Early\\nin November, in 1793, four persons were sent westward to\\nraise troops and issue commissions, in the name of the French\\nrepublic. They moved openly and boldly, secure in the strong\\ndemocratic feelings of the inhabitants of the region drained\\nby the great river which Spain controlled and so far succeed-\\ned, as to persuade even the political founder of Kentucky,\\nGeorge Rogers Clark, to become a Major General in the armies\\nof France, and Commander-in-chief of the revolutionary for-\\nces on the Mississippi.* Nor did the French emissaries much\\nmistake the temper of the people of the West, as will be evi-\\ndent from the following extracts the first of which, is from an\\naddress to the inhabitants of the United States west of the\\nAlleghany and Appalachian mountains, dated December 13,\\n1793; the other, from a remonstrance to the President and\\nPitkin s United States, ii. 359, SfiO.^Qanet s pamphlet and correspondence with Mr.\\nJefferson, published in Philadelphia, 1793. American State Paper?, i. 454 to 460.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Mar-\\nshall s Kentucliy, ii- 99 to 100, 103.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler s Kentucky, 224 to 234, and 524 to 531. Se-\\ncond edition.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "464 Address of the Democratic Society 1790-95.\\nCongress of the United States of America, which is without\\ndate, bat was prepared about the same time as the first paper.\\nDecember 13, 1793.\\nFcIIoiv- Citizens The Democratic Society of Kentucky hav-\\ning had under consideration, the measures necessary to obtain\\nthe exercise of your rights to the free navigation of the Mis-\\nsissippi, have determined to address you upon that important\\ntopic. In so doing, they think that they only use the undoubt-\\ned right of citizens to consult for their common welfare. This\\nmeasure is not dictated by party or faction it is the conse-\\nquence of unavoidable necessity. It has become so, from the\\nneglect shown by the General Government, to obtain for those\\nof the citizens of the United States who are interested therein\\nthe navigation of that river.\\nExperience, fellow-citizens, has shown us that the General\\nGovernment is unwilling that we should obtain the navigation\\nof the river Mississippi. A local policy appears to have\\nan undue weight in the councils of the Union. It seems to\\nbe the object of that policy to prevent the population of this\\ncountry, which would draw from the eastern States their in-\\ndustrious citizens. This conclusion inevitably follows from a\\nconsideration of the measures taken to prevent the purchase\\nand settlement of the lands bordering on the Mississippi.\\nAmong those measures, the unconstitutional interference\\nwhich rescinded sales, by one of the States, to private indi-\\nviduals, makes a striking object. And perhaps the fear of a\\nsuccessful rivalship, in every article of their exports, may have\\nits weight. But, if they are not unwilling to do us justice, they\\nare at least regardless of our rights and welfare. We have\\nfound prayers and supplications of no avail, and should we\\ncontinue to load the table of Congress with memorials, from\\na part only of the western country, it is too probable that\\nthey would meet with a fate similar to those which have been\\nformcrl}^ presented. Let us, then, all unite our endeavors in\\nthe common cause. Let all join in a firm and manly remon-\\nstrance to the President and Congress of the United States,\\nstating our just and undoubted right to the navigation of the\\nMississippi, remonstrating against the conduct of government\\nwith regard to that right, which must have been occasioned by\\nlocal policy or neglect, and demanding of them speedy and ef-\\nfectual exertions for its attainment. We cannot doubt that you\\nwill cordially and unanimously join in this measure. It can\\nhardly be necessary to remind you that considerable quantities\\nof beef, pork, (lour, hemp, tobacco, c., the produce of tliis coun-\\ntry, remain on hand for want of purchasers, or are sold at in-\\nadequate prices. Much greater quantities might be raised if\\nthe inhabitants were encouraged by the certain sale which\\nt!ie free navigation of the Mississippi would afford. An addi-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Address of the Deinocratic Society. 456\\ntional increase of those articles, and a greater variety of pro-\\nduce and manufactures, would be supplied, by means of the\\nencouragement, which the attainment of that great object\\nwould give to emigration. But it is not only your own rights\\nwhich you are to regard remember that your posterity have\\na claim to your exertions to obtain and secure that right.\\nLet not your memory be stigmatised with a neglect of duty.\\nLet not history record that the inhabitants of this beautiful\\ncountry lost a most invaluable right, and half the benefits\\nbestowed upon it by a bountiful Providence, through your neg-\\nlect and supineness. The present crisis is favorable. Spain\\nis engaged in a war w^hich requires all her forces. If the\\npresent golden opportunity be suffered to pass without advan-\\ntage, and she shall have concluded a peace with France, we\\nmust then contend against her undivided strength.\\nBut what may be the event of the proposed application is\\nstill uncertain. We ought, therefore, to be still upon our\\nguard, and watchful to seize the first favorable opportunity to\\ngain our object. In order to this, our union should be as per-\\nfect and lasting as possible. We propose that societies should\\nbe formed, in convenient districts, in every part of the\\nwestern country, who shall preserve a correspondence upon\\nthis and every other subject of a general concern. By\\nmeans of these societies we shall be enabled speedily to know\\nwhat may be the result of our endeavors, to consult upon\\nsuch further measures as may be necessary to preserve union,\\nand, finally, by these means, to secure success.\\nRemember that it is a common cause which ought to unite\\nus; that cause is indubitably just, that ourselves and posterity\\nare interested, that the crisis is favorable, and that it is only\\nby union that the object can be achieved. The obstacles are\\ngreat, and so ought to be our efforts. Adverse fortune may\\nattend us, but it shall never dispirit us. We may for a while\\nexhaust our wealth and strength, but until the all important\\nobject is procured, we pledge ourselves to you, and let us all\\npledge ourselves to each other, that our perseverance and\\nour friendship will be inexhaustible.\\nJOHN BRECKENRIDGE, Chairman.\\nTest: Thomas Todd, ni^.u^\\nrr Tj i UieiKS.\\n1 HOMAS JdODLEV,\\nTo the President and Congress of the United States of America.\\nThe remonstrance of the subscribers, citizens of the Common-\\nwealth of Kentucky, showeth\\nThat your remonstrants, and the other inhabitants of the\\nUnited States, west of the Alleghany and Apalachian moun-\\ntains, are entitled, by nature and stipulation, to the free and", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "456 Genet s Plans Defeated. 1790-95.\\nundisturbed navigation of the river Mississippi and that,\\nfrom the year 17S3 to this day, they have been prevented uni-\\nformly, by the Spanish king, from exercising that right. Your\\nremonstrants have observed, with concern, that the General\\nGovernment, whose duty it was to have preserved that right,\\nhave used no eflectual measures for its attainment that even\\ntheir tardy and inefi ectual negotiations have been veiled with\\nthe most mysterious secrecy that that secrecy is a violation\\nof the political rights of the citizens, as it declares that the\\npeople are unfit to be entrusted with important facts relative\\nto their rights, and that their servants may retain Irom them\\nthe knowledge of those facts. Eight years are surely sulli-\\ncient for the discussion of the most doubtful and disputable\\nclaim. The right to the navigatioh of the Mississippi admits\\nneither of doubt nor dispute. Your remonstrants, therefore,\\nconceive that the negotiations on that subject have been un-\\nnecessarily lengthy, and they expect that it be demanded\\ncategorically of the Spanish king whether he will acknow-\\nledge the right of the citizens of the United States to the free\\nand uninterrupted navigation of the river Mississippi, and\\ncause all obstructions, interruption, and hindrance to the ex-\\nercise of that right, in future, to be withdrawn and avoided\\nthat immediate answer be required, and that such answer be\\nthe final period of all negotiations upon the subject.\\nYour remonstrants further represent, that the encroachment\\nof the Spaniards upon the territory of the United States, is\\na striking and melancholy proof of the situation to which our\\ncountry will be reduced, if a tame policy should still continue\\nto direct our councils.\\nYour remonstrants join their voice to that of their fellow-\\ncitizens in the Atlantic States, calling for satisfaction for the\\ninjuries and insults oli ered to America; and they expect such\\nsatisfaction shall extend to every injury and insult done or\\nofiered to any part of America, by Great Britain and Spain;\\nand as the detention of the posts, and the interruption to the\\nnavigation of the xMississippi, are injuries and insults of the\\ngreatest atrocity, and of the longest duration, they require\\nthe most particular attention to those subjects.*\\nBut the government had taken measures to prevent tlie pro-\\nposed movements from being carried into effect. The Gov-\\nernor of Kentucky, Isaac Shelby; Governor St. Clair, and\\nGeneral Wayne, were all written to: and, by the preparation\\nof troops, the renewal of Fort Massac, f the dissemination of\\njust views among the people, an I the request made of the\\nFrench government that Genet should be recalled, the plans\\nAmerican State rapcrs. xx. 929, 9r.O.\\nt Sec American Pioneer, ii. 220. See on the whole subject, Marshall, ii. 9C to 122.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "1790-95. GencCs Plans Defeated. 457\\nof that mischief-maker and his agents were effectually de-\\nfeated the rulers of France disowned his acts he was\\nordered back to Europe and in May, 1794, his western emis-\\nsary was forced to write to the Democratic Society of Lexing-\\nton in these words\\nTo the Democratic Society of Lexington\\nCitizens Events, unforeseen, the effects of causes which it\\nis unnecessary here to develop, have stopped the march of\\ntwo thousand brave Kentuckians, who, strong in their courage,\\nin the justice of their rights, their cause, the general assent of\\ntheir fellow-citizens, and convinced of the brotherly disposi-\\ntion of the Louisianians, waited only for their orders to go,\\nby the strength of their arms, take from the Spaniards the\\ndespotic usurpers of the empire of the Mississippi, ensure to\\ntheir country the navigation of it, break the chains of the\\nAmericans, and their brethren the French, hoist up the flag of\\nliberty in the name of the French republic, and lay the foun-\\ndation of the prosperity and happiness of two nations situated\\nso, and destined by nature to be one, the most happy in the\\nuniverse.\\nAccept, citizens, the farewell, not the last, of a brother who\\nis determined to sacrifice every thing in his power for the\\nliberty of his country, and the prosperity of the generous in-\\nhabitants of Kentucky.\\nSainton la patrie, AUGUSTE LACHAISE.*\\nThis letter was followed by a meeting in Lexington, which\\ndenounced Washington and all who supported him, especially\\nJay. It also proposed a convention for the indefinite purpose\\nof deliberating on the steps expedient to secure the just rights\\nof the people the proposition produced no result. [See\\nButler s Kentucky, 234.] Up to April, 1794, there were pre-\\nparations still going on; John S. Gano of Cincinnati, on the\\n8th or 9i;h of that month, passed through Lexington: he found\\nthe Genet plan generally liked, cannon casting, ammunition\\nsubscribed, and heard of boats building at the Falls. It had\\nbeen previously dropped for a time from want of funds.\\nNotwithstanding Genet s defeat, M. Adet, the minister of\\nFrance in 1796, appears to have sent emissaries into the West\\nin the spring of that year, to renew the process of exciting dis-\\naffection to the Union. They were General Collot and M.\\nWarin. Information of the plan having been communicated\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 931.\\n29", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "458 Charges against Wilkinson. 1790-95.\\nto the Executive, an agent was sent after the Frenchmen to\\nAvatch them, and counteract their purposes. This person\\nsaw Collot at Pittsburgh, and learned his plans; he was\\nto visit Kentucky, Fort Washington, the South-west, Vin-\\ncennes, Kaskaskia and St. Louis; he carried strong letters to\\nWilkinson, and relied especially on Sebastian. The govern-\\nment appears to have brought the whole plot to naught, in\\nsilence. [Evidence of these facts is to be found in the letter\\nof the agent employed; in the memoranda of Oliver Wolcott,\\nsecretary of the treasury; and in the Memoirs of the Admin-\\nistrations of Washington and John Adams, by George Gibbs,\\npublished in New York in 1846, vol. i. 350 to 356.]\\nA third topic relative to Kentucky, which we now have to\\nnotice as connected with the period we are treating of, is\\nthe Spanish intrigue with Wilkinson, Sebastian, Innis, and\\nNicholas.\\nIn 1787, General Wilkinson had made his last trip to New\\nOrleans; in February, 1788, he returned to Kentucky, and the\\nfollowing year again visited the south, with which he con-\\ntinued to hold regular intercourse until 1791, when he\\nbegan to take part in the Indian wars of the north-west.\\nDuring this period, his operations were to appearance, meuely\\ncommercial, and the utmost reach of his plans, the formation\\nof a kind of mercantile treaty with the Spanish provinces,\\nby which the navigation of the Mississippi might be secured\\nas a privilege, if not a right. We cannot enter into an ex-\\namination of the mass of evidence brought forward in later\\ntimes, (from 1807 to 1811,) to sustain the charge brought\\nagainst Wilkinson of having received a pension from the\\nSpanish Government, in return for which he was to play the\\ntraitor to his country and effect a disunion of the States. In\\n1809, he was brought before a court of inquiry, and entirely\\nacquitted of the charge and again, in 1811, he was tried be-\\nfore a court martial, and every particle of evidence that\\ncould be found by his most inveterate enemies, without regard\\nto legal ^ormalitie^\u00c2\u00bb, which the accused dispensed with, was\\ngathered, to overwhelm him but he w^as declared innocent\\nby tiie court of every charge preferred against him. Nor does\\nour own examination of the evidence lead us to doubt the\\ncorrectness of the decision in his favor the chief witnesses;\\nwho criminated him were of the worst character, and most", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0462.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Sebastian s Intrigues. 459\\nvindictive tempers, and not a circumstance was fairly, clearly\\nproved that could not be explained by the avowed mercantile\\nrelations which he succeeded in establishing with the Spanish\\ngovernors at New Orleans. Those governors may, very prob-\\nably, have hoped to see his business connections turn into po-\\nlitical ones, but there is no cause to think they ever did so.*\\nAmong the plans of the Spanish officials in Louisiana, was\\none of encouraging emigration thither from the United States,\\nand this had been fully disclosed to Wilkinson, who furnished\\na list of probable emigrants, and interested himself generally\\nin the matter.f Among the persons recommended by him to\\nGov. Miro, was Benjamin Sebastian, a lawyer of Kentucky,\\nand in September, 1789, the Governor wrote to Sebastian,\\nrelative to the proposed measure. J In that letter, the wish of\\nSpain to establish friendly relations with the Ohio settlers was\\nnamed, and an offer of certain commercial privileges held out.\\nThe communication thus opened with Sebastian, was proba-\\nbly continued and when the Baron de Carondelet succeeded\\nGen. Miro, he wrote to him in July, 1795, the following\\nletter:\\nNew Orleans, July 16, 1795.\\nSir The confidence reposed in you by my predecessor,\\nBrigadier General Miro, and your former correspondence with\\nhim, have induced me to make a communication to you high-\\nly intercbting to the country in which you live, and to Louis-\\niana.\\nIlis iMajesty, being willing to open the navigation of the\\nMississippi to the people of the western country, and being\\nalso desirous to establish certain regulations, reciprocally\\nbeneficial to the commerce of both countries, has ordered me\\nDepositions of George Mather and William Wickofi, jr., in Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii.\\n103, 104. Deposiiion of A. Ellicott, Amtrican State Papers, xsi. 89 (12th interrogation.)\\nThe evidence in rtlation to Wilkinson, is in American State Papers, xx. 704 to 713, 936\\nto 939 sxi. 79 to 127 in report of the committee of the Uoui-e of Representatives, Wash-\\nington, ISll in Proofs of the corruption of General James Wilkinson, by Daniel Clark.\\nSee also append i.\\\\ to Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. also his argument to the Court Martial,\\nMemoirs, ii. 41 to 268.\\nA letter in Dillon s Indians, i. 412, from Wilkinson to Captain Buntin, is worthy of no-\\ntice, as a proof in favor of Wilkinson s intentions in 1797.\\nFor charges against him, see Memoirs, ii. 35 to 40\\nFor sentence of Court of Inquiry, do. pp. 12, 13.\\nFor do. Court Martial, do. pp. 565 to 576.\\nThe charges before the Court Marshal and its sentence, are also inNiles Register, i. 469,\\nto 474.\\nf Memoirs, ii. 112.\\nX American State Papers, xx. 706 and 926.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0463.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "460 Sebastian s Intrigues. 1790-95.\\nto proceed on the business, and to effect, in a way the most\\nsatisfactory to the people of the western country, his benevo-\\nlent designs.\\nI have, therefore, made this communication to you, in ex-\\npectation that you will procure agents to be chosen and fully\\nempowered by the people of your country to negotiate with\\nCol. Gayoso on the subject, at New Madrid, whom I shall\\nsend there in October next, properly authorized lor that pur-\\npose, with directions to continue in that place, or its vicinity,\\nuntil the arrival cf your agents.\\nI am, by information, well acquainted with the character of\\nsome of the most respectable inhabitants of Kentucky, par-\\nticularly of Innis, Nicholas, and Murray, to whom I wish you\\nto communicate the purport of this address; and, should you\\nand those gentlemen think as important of it as I do, you will\\ndoubtless accede, without hesitation, to the proposition I have\\nmade of sending a delegation of your countrymen, sufficiently\\nauthorized to treat on a subject which so deeply involves the\\ninterest of both our countries.\\nI remain, with every esteem and regard, sir,\\nYour most obedient, humble servant,\\nTHE BARON OF CARONDELET.\\nInnis, Nicholas and Murray, were consulted, and the result\\nwas a visit by Sebastian, first to New Madrid, where he con-\\nferred with Gayoso, and then to New Orleans, where he met\\nwith the Baron himself. Before, however, terms were agreed\\non, news came that the Federal Government had concluded a\\ntreaty with Spain, covering the whole subject, and the mes-\\nsenger, in 1796, returned to Kentucky.* During the summer\\nof the next year, 1797, Thomas Power came to Kentucky\\nfrom Louisiana, and sent Sebastian the following communica-\\ntion, which he in turn communicated to Innis and Nicholas,\\nwho sent to Sebastian a reply which we also give.\\nHis Excellency, the Baron of Carondelet, Commander-in-\\nchief and Governor of his Catholic JMajesty s provinces of\\nWest Florida, and Louisiana, having communications of im-\\nportance, embracing the interests of said provinces, and at\\nthe same time deeply affecting those of Kentucky, and the\\nwestern country in general, to make to its inhabitants\\nthrough the medium of the influential characters in this\\ncountry, and judging it, in the present uncertain and critical\\nattidude of politics, highly imprudent and dangerous to lay\\nthem on paper, has expressly commissioned and authorized\\nme to submit the following proposals to the consideration oi\\nMessrs. S., N., I., and M. [Sebastian, Nicholas, Innir, and\\nDeposition of Innis. American State Papers, xr. 925 to 927.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0464.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Power s Letter to Sebastian. 461\\nMurray,] and also of such other gentlemen, as may be pointed\\nout by them, and to receive from them their sentiments and\\ndetermination on the subject.\\n1. The above named gentlemen are immediately to exert\\nall their influence in impressing on the minds of the inhabi-\\ntants of the western country, a conviction of the necessity of\\ntheir withdrawing and separating themselves from the Federal\\nUnion, and forming an independent government, wholly un-\\nconnected with that of the Atlantic States. To prepare and\\ndispose the people for such an event, it will be necessary that\\nthe most popular and eloquent writers in this State should, in\\nwell-timed publications, expose, in the most striking point of\\nview, the inconveniences and disadvantages, that a longer\\nconnexion with, and dependence on, the Atlantic States, must\\ninevitably draw upon them, and the great and innumerable\\ndifficulties in which they will probably be entangled if they\\ndo not speedily secede from the Union the benefits they will\\ncertainly reap from a secession, ought to be pointed out in the\\nmost forcible and powerful manner; and the danger of per-\\nmitting the federal troops to take possession of the posts on\\nthe Mississippi and thus forming a cordon of fortified places\\naround them, must be particularly expatiated upon. In con-\\nsideration of gentlemen s devoting their time and talents to\\nthis object, his Excellency, the Baron of Carondelet, will ap-\\npropriate the sum of one hundred thousand dollars to their\\nuse, which shall be paid in drafts on the royal treasury at New\\nOrleans or if ntore convenient, shall be convej ed at the ex-\\npense of his Catholic Majesty, into this country, and held at\\ntheir disposal. Moreover, should such persons as shall be in-\\nstrumental in promoting the views of his Catholic Majesty,\\nhold any public employment, and in consequence of taking an\\nactive part in endeavoring to effect a secession, shall lose\\ntheir employment a compensation equal at least to the\\nemoluments of their office, shall be made to them, by his\\nCatholic Majesty, let their efforts be crowned with success, or\\nterminate in disappointment.\\n2. Immediately aft^r the declaration of independence, Fort\\nMassac should be taken possession of by the troops of the\\nnew government, which shall be furnished by his Catholic\\nMajesty without loss of time, together with twenty field-\\npieces, with their carriages, and every necessary appendage,\\nincluding powder, ball, c., together with a number of small\\narms and ammunition, sufficient to equip the troops that it\\nshall be judged expedient to raise. The whole to be trans-\\nported at his expense to the already named Fort Massac. His\\nCatholic Majesty will further supply the sum of one hundred\\nthousand dollars for the raising and maintaining said troops,\\nwhich sum shall also be conveyed to and delivered at Fort\\nMassac.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0465.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "462 Project of Spain to dismember the Union. 1790-95.\\n3. The northern boundary of his Catholic Majesty s pro-\\nvinces of East and West Florida shall be designated by a\\nline commencing on the Mississippi at the mouth of the river\\nYazoo, extending due east to the River Confederation, or\\nTombigbee Provided, That all his Catholic Majesty s forts,\\nposts, and settlements on the Conl ederation or Tombigbee are\\nincluded in the south side of such a line, but should any of\\nhis Majesty s forts, posts or settlements fall to the north side\\nof said line, then the northern boundary of his Majesty s\\nprovinces of East and West Florida, shall be designated\\nby a line beginning at the same point on the Mississippi, and\\ndrawn in such a direction as to meet the River Confederation\\nor Tombigbee, six miles to the north of the most northern\\nSpanish post, or settlement on the said river. All the lands\\nnorth of that line shall be considered as constituting a part\\nof the territory of the new government, saving that small\\ntract of land at the Chickasaw Bluffs, on the eastern bank of\\nthe Mississippi, ceded to his Majesty by the Chickasaw nation\\nin a formal treaty concluded on the spot, in the year 1795,\\nbetween His Excellency Senor Don Manuel Gayoso de Le-\\nmos, governor of Natchez, and Augleakabee and some other\\nChickasaw chiefs which tract of land his Majesty reserves\\nfor himself. The eastern boundary of the Floridas shall be\\nhereafter regulated.\\n4. His Catholic Majesty will, in case the Indian nations\\nsouth of the Ohio should declare war or commit hostilities\\nagainst the new government, not only join and assist it in\\nrepelling its enemies, but if said Govrrnmejit shall at any fu-\\nture time esteem it useful to reduce said Indian nations, ex-\\ntend its dominion over them, and compel them to submit\\nthemselves to its constitution and laws, his Majesty will\\nheartily concur and co-operate with the new government in\\nthe most effectual manner in obtaining this desirable end.\\n5. His Catholic IMajesty will not either directly or indirectly\\ninterfere in the framing of the constitution or laws which the\\nnew government shall think fit to adopt nor will he, at any\\ntime, by any means whatever, attempt to lessen the inde-\\npendence of the said government, or endeavor to acquire an\\nundue influence in it, but will, in the manner that shall here-\\nafter be stipulated by treaty, defend and support it in pre-\\nserving its independence.\\nThe preceding proposals, are the outlines of a provisional\\ntreaty, which his Excellency the Baron of Carondelet, is desi-\\nrous of entering into with the inhabitants of the western\\ncountry, the moment they shall be in a situation to treat for\\nthemselves. Should they not meet entirely with your appro-\\nbation, and should you wish to make any alterations in, or ad-\\nditions to them, I shall on my return, if you think proper to\\ncommunicate them to me, lay them before His Excellency,", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0466.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Reply of liinis and Nicholas. 463\\nwho is animated with a sincere and ardent desire to foster\\nthis promising and rising infant country, and at the same time,\\npromote and fortify the interests of his beneficent and royal\\nmaster, in securing by a generous and disinterested conduct,\\nthe gratitude of a just, sensible and enlightened people.\\nThe important and unexpected events that have taken place\\nin Europe since the ratification of the treaty concluded on the\\n27th of October, 1795, between His Catholic Majesty and the\\nUnited States of America, having convulsed the general sys-\\ntem of politics in that quarter of the globe, and wherever its\\ninfluence is extended, causing a collision of interests betvv^een\\nnations formerly living in the most perfect union and harmony,\\nand directing the political views of some States towards ob-\\njects the most remote from their former pursuits, but none\\nbeing so completely unhinged and disjointed as the cabinet of\\nSpain, it may be confidently asserted, without incurring the\\nreproach of presumption, that His Catholic Majesty will not\\ncarry the above-mentioned treaty into execulion neverthe-\\nless, the thorough knowledge I have of the disposition of the\\nSpanish Government justifies me in saying that, so far from\\nits being His Majesty s wish to exclude the inhabitants of this\\nwestern country from the free navigation of the Mississippi, or\\nwithhold from them any of the benefits stipulated for them by\\nthe treaty, it is positively his intention, so soon as they shall put\\nit in his power to treat with them, by declaring themselves in-\\ndependent of the Federal Government, and establishing one\\nof their own, to grant them privileges far more extensive,\\ngive them a decided preference over the Atlantic States in his\\ncommercial connexions with them, and place them in a situa-\\ntion infinitely more advantageous, in every point of view,\\nthan that in which they would find themselves were the\\ntreaty to be carried into effect.\\nTHOMAS POWER.\\nREPLY.\\nSir: We have seen the communication made by you to\\nMr. Sebastian. In answer thereto, we declare uneciuivocally,\\nthat we will not be concerned, either directly or indirectly, in\\nany attempt that may be made to separate the western coun-\\ntry from the United States. That whatever part we may at\\nany time be induced to take in the politics of our country, that\\nher welfare will be our only inducement, and that we will\\nnever receive any pecuniary, or any other reward, for any\\npersonal exertions made by us, to promote that welfare.\\nThe free navigation of the Mississippi must always be the\\nfavorite object of the inhabitants of the western country; they\\ncannot be contented without it and will not be deprived of\\nit longer than necessity shall compel them to submit to its be-\\ning withheld from them.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0467.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "464 Reply of Innis and Nicholas. 1790-95\\nWe flatter ourselves that every thing will be set light, by\\nthe governments of the two nations; but if this should not be\\nthe case, it appears to us, that it must be the policy of Spain\\nto encourage by every possible means, the free intercourse\\nwith the inhabitants of the western country, as this will be\\nthe most efiicient means to conciliate their good will, and to\\nobtain without hazard, and at reduced prices, those supplies\\nwhich are indispensably necessary to the Spanish Govern-\\nment and its subjects,*\\nWhether Sebastian signed this reply, is not known; but upon\\nproof that he had, for years afterwards, received two thousand\\ndollars annually as a pension from Spain for services render-\\ned, it was unanimously adjudged by the House of Represent-\\natives, in Kentucky, on the 6th of December, 180G, that he\\nhad been guilty, while holding the place of Judge of the Court\\nof Appeals, of carrying on a criminal intercourse with the\\nagents of the Spanish Government, and disgracing his coun-\\ntry for pay. Before this decision, however, Sebastian had\\nresigned his place, and thenceforward was lost to the councils\\nof the State.\\n[Concerning this attempt to divide the Union, and erect a\\nwestern confederacy, to be in alliance with Spain, theie has\\nbeen doubt and contradictory statements but the referen-\\nces given to the public documents, and other authorities, will\\nenable the reader who is disposed more fully to investigate\\nthe whole subject, to arrive at satisfactory conclusions.\\nIn the month of August, 1798, Spain formed an alliance\\nwith France. In December, France quarreled with the United\\nStates. At the time of the visit of Power, Spain still held the\\nports east of the Mississippi, which, by the treaty of 1795,\\nwere to be given up; and maintained a hostile attitude to-\\nwards the United States. These facts illustrate the intrigues\\nof Spain. The strongest circumstance in favor of Sebastian,\\nis, that no proof was given to show he had done any overt\\nact, in the project of disunion. f]\\nWe have so far, said nothing of those political parties which\\ndivided the United States during the administration of Wash-\\nington; for, though it is not to be doubted that the contests of\\nthose parties gave Genet cause to trust in his ])lans of con-\\nAm riwiu Sta c Paper; xx. 92?., 929.\\nt Seo DocumeuU in American State rapor?, xx. 922 to 934. Alar.-liaU s Kentucky, ii.\\n377 to 384.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0468.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "1790-95 Political Parties in the United States. 465\\nquest, and supported the hopes of Sebastian and his Spanish\\nemployers, yet their operations were not directly dependent\\nupon the factions which rent the country. We have now,\\nhowever, to speak of an event that derived its importance\\nfrom its real or supposed connection with those factions, and\\nwhich it seems proper to introduce by a brief sketch of their\\norigin and character; we refer to the popular movement in\\nwestern Pennsylvania, growing out of the excise on domestic\\nspirits, commonly known as the Whiskey Insurrection. When\\nthe united colonies had won their independence, and the rule\\nof George III. over them ended, the question, of course, arose\\nas to the nature of the government which was to succeed.\\nTwo fears prevailed among the people of the freed provinces.\\nOn the one hand, a tendency to monarchy and ultimate tyran-\\nny was dreaded it was thought that a foreign despot had\\nbeen warred with in vain, if by the erection of a strong cen-\\ntral or Federal power the foundations of domestic despotispi\\nwere laid instead; the sovereignty of the several States, bal-\\nancing one another, and each easily controlled by the voice of\\nthe people was, with this party of thinkers, to be the security\\nof the freedom that had been achieved. In Europe, republi-\\ncanism had been overthrown by the centralizing process, which\\nhad substituted the great monarchies for the Federal system,\\nand the Italian and Flemish commonwealths; and in America,\\nthe danger, it was thought, would be, of too great a concen-\\ntration of power in the hands of a central Federal sovereign-\\nty. [Governor Harrison of Virginia, and one of the signers\\nof the Declaration of Independence, said of the Constitution,\\nas first adopted, that it must, sooner or later, establish a ty-\\nranny not inferior to the triumvirate or centumviri of Rome.\\nGeorge Mason also said of it, that it would cause the govern-\\nment to commence a moderate aristocracy, and would final-\\nly produce a monarchy, or a corrupt aristocracy.*] While\\nthese views prevailed among one portion of the American\\npeople, another portion dreaded the excess of popular demo-\\ncratic passions, tending constantly to anarchy. To this party,\\na strong central power seemed essential, not only for financial\\nand commercial purposes, but also to restrain the inevitable\\nSparks Washington, ix. 257. Note, also 547\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Elliott s Debates, ii. 52, 213. Wash-\\ningtoa s views on the same subject, are fuund in the same volume, pp. 11, lf 7, 187, 203,\\n210, 211, 258. Sec also a letter to Doctor Gorton, in the North American Review, vol.xxv.\\np. 254. (October, 1827.)", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0469.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "466 Federal and anti-Federal Views. 1790-95\\ndisposition of popular gov^ernments to the abandonment of all\\nlaw, all reverence, and all social unity. History and reflec-\\ntion, in sliort, showed men on the one side, that human rulers\\nare readily converted into despots; on the other, that human\\nsubjects were impatient of even wholesome control, and readi-\\nly converted into licentious, selfish anarchists. When at length\\nthe business sufferings of the country, and the worthlessness\\nof the old confederacy, led to the formation of the present\\nconstitution, the two bodies of whom we have spoken, were\\nforced to compromise, and while the strong executive, and\\ncomplete centralization of Hamilton, Jay and Adams, had to\\nbe abandoned by them and their friends, the complete inde-\\npendence of the States, and the corresponding nullity of Con-\\ngress, which Patrick Henry, Mason, and Harrison preferred,\\nhad also to be given up, or greater evils follow. In this same\\nspirit of compromise upon which our constitution rested,\\nWashington framed his cabinet, and directed his administra-\\ntion, and it seemed possible, that in time the bitterness of\\nfeeling which had shown itself before and during the discus-\\nsion of the great Bond of Union, would die away. But the\\ndifficulties of the first administration were enormous, such as\\nno man but Washington could have met with success, and even\\nhe could not secure the unanimity he wished for.* Among\\nthose difficulties, none were greater than the payment of the\\npublic debt, and the arrangement of a proper system of finance.\\nThe party which dreaded anarchy, which favored a strong\\ncentral rule, an efficient Federal Government the Federalists,\\nfeeling that the whole country, as such, had contracted debts,\\nfelt bound in honor and honesty to do every thing to procure\\ntheir payment; it also felt that the future stability and power\\nof the Federal Government depended greatly upon the estab-\\nlishment of its credit at the outset of its career. The anti-\\nFor the views of\\nIIamiltox, see Xorth American Review, xxv. 2G6. Journal of Convention at Phila-\\ndelphia, May 14, 1787, p. 130.\\nJay, Sparks Washington, ix. 510. North American Review, xxv. 263.\\nUenrv, Sparks Washington, ix. 266. Note, Elliott s Debates, ii. 64, 71, 139\u00c2\u00bb\\n147, ie.\\nMadisom, Sparks Washington, ix. 516. North American Review, xxv. 264.\\nJefferson Sparks Washington, x. 518 to 526. North American Review, xxv. 267\\nto 269. Jefferson s Writings, ii. 449.\\nKxox, North American Review, xxv. 264.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0470.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "1790-95 Federal and anti-Federal Views. 467\\nFederalists, who dreaded centralization, on the other hand,\\nfavoring State sovereignty, and cashing but a slight national\\nunion, neither desired the creation of a national credit, nor\\nfelt the obligation of a national debt in the same degree as\\ntheir opponents, and feared the creation of a moneyed aristo-\\ncracy by speculations in the public stocks. When, therefore,\\nMr. Hamilton, upon whom it devolved, as Secretary of the\\nTreasury, to offer a plan for liquidating the debts of the con-\\nfederation, attempted the solution of the financial problem, he\\nwas certain to displease one party or the other. In generali-\\nties, compromises had been found possible, but in details they\\nwere not readily admitted. Hamilton, moreover, was one of\\nthe most extreme friends of centralization, and any measure\\nemanating from him was sure to be resisted. When he brought\\nforward his celebrated series of financial measures, accordingly,\\nthe whole strength of the two divisions of which we have\\nbeen speaking, appeared for and against his plans. And it is\\nto be noted, that the question was not a mere question of Fi-\\nnance it involved the vital principles for and against which\\nthe Federal and anti-Federal parties were struggling. The\\nformer actually hoped by means of the Funding and Bank\\nsystems, to found a class whose interests would so bind them\\nto the Government, as to give it permanency,* while their op-\\nponents actually anticipated the formation of a moneyed aris-\\ntocracy, which would overthrow the power and liberties of\\nthe people; they felt they were sold to stockholders, and\\nlike the Roman debtors condemned to slavery.f\\nIn the West, the opponents of the Central Government\\nwere numerous. Its formation had been resisted, and its mea-\\nsures were almost all unpopular. The Indian War was a\\ncause of complaint, because Harmar and St. Clair had been\\ndefeated ;J the army was a cause of complaint, because it was\\nthe beginning of a system of standing armies. The funding\\nsystem was hated because of its injustice, inasmuch as it aided\\nSee letter of Oliver Wolcott, dated March 27, 1790, in Gibbs, i. 43.\\nAddress of Democratic Club of Wythe county, Virginia, dated July 4, 1794; it is in\\nthe Boston Independent Chronicle, of August 11, 1794. Jefferson s letter to Washington.\\n(Sparks Washington, x. 519-521.)\\nIn the Democratic newspapers of the time, the Funding system, the Excise, the Bank,\\nand the Indian war are all equally condemned. See, for example, a series of letters on\\nHamilton s financial measures in the Independent Chronicle, of Boston, July, August and\\nSeptember, 1794.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0471.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "468 First Steps in Opposition to the Excise. 1790-95\\nspeculation, and because it would lead to the growth of a fa-\\nvored class; the western posts were held by England, the Mis-\\nsissippi closed by Spain, and the frontier ravaged by the sava-\\nges, and against all, the Federal Government did what No-\\nthing. So said the leaders of popular feeling. It was not\\nstrange, therefore, that the people of western Pennsylvania,\\nespecially those of foreign birth and descent, should object to\\nthe payment of the most unpopular kind of tax for the sup-\\nport of a Government which they disliked, and had no faith\\nin. Unable readily to reach a market with their produce,\\nthey concentrated it into whisky, and upon this, while all\\nother agricultural wealth was untouched, the hated tax-gather-\\ner was sent to lay his excise. [A horse could pack only four\\nbushels of rye, but he could carry the whisky from twenty-\\nfour bushels, when converted into what was called high\\nwines. Nor was it the producer only who complained; the\\nconsumers also felt aggrieved by the duty laid upon domestic\\nspirits, for they were the common drink of the nation the star\\nof temperance had not then arisen. It was in December,\\n179D, that General Hamilton advised the excise on spirits\\nupon the 3d of the ensuing March, the law was passed and\\ninstantly the spirit of opposition showed itself. At first this\\nopposition was confined to efforts to discourage persons from\\nholding offices connected with the excise; next associations\\nwere formed of those who were ready to forbear compliance\\nwith the law but as men talked with one another, and the\\nexcise became more and more identified with the tyranny of\\nFederalism, stronger demonstrations were inevitable, and upon\\nthe 27th of July, 1791, a meeting was called at Brownsville,\\n(Redstone,) to consider the growing troubles of the western\\ndistrict of Pennsylvania.f This meeting, which was attended\\nby infiuential and able men, agreed to a gathering of repre-\\nsentatives from the five counties included in the fourth survey\\nunder the law in question, to be held at Washington, upon the\\n23d of August. [These five counties were Washington, Al-\\nleghany, Westmoreland, Fayette and Bedford.] The gather-\\ning took place, and we extract from Hamilton s report, of Au-\\ngust 1794, the following sentence in relation to it\\nAmerican Pioneer, ii. 215.\\nt American State Papers, vii. 64, 110; also xx. 107,167, Ed.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0472.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "1790-96. Inflammatory Resolutions. 469\\nThis meeting passed some intermediate resolutions, which\\nwere afterwards printed in the Pittsburgh Gazette, containing a\\nstrong censure on the law, declaring that any person who had\\naccepted or might accept an office under Congress, in order to\\ncarry it into effect, should be considered as inimical to the\\ninterests of the country; and recommending to the citizens of\\nWashington county to treat every person who had accepted,\\nor might thereafter accept, any such office, with contempt, and\\nabsolutely refuse all kind of communication or intercourse\\nwith the officers, and to withhold from them all aid, support,\\nor comfort.\\nNot content with this vindictive proscription of those who\\nmight esteem it their duty, in the capacity of officers, to aid\\nin the execution of the constitutional laws of the land, the\\nmeeting proceeded to accumulate topics of crimination of\\nthe Government, though foreign to each other authorizing\\nby this zeal for censure a suspicion that they were actuated,\\nnot merely by the dislike of a particular law, but by a dispo-\\nsition to render the Government itself unpopular and odious.\\nThis meeting, in further prosecution of their plan, deputed\\nthree of their members to meet delegates from the counties of\\nWestmoreland, Fayette, and Alleghany, on the first Tuesday\\nof September following, for the purpose of expressing the\\nsense of the people of those counties in an address to the Legis-\\nlature of the United States upon the subject of the excise law\\nand other grievances.\\nHere, for the first time, the connection of the antagonism to\\nthe Excise, wath other topics, was brought forward, and a\\npolitical character given to the movement, by a general as-\\nsault upon the measures of the Federal Government. This\\nassault assumed a yet more distinctive character at a subse-\\nquent meeting of delegates held at Pittsburgh, upon the 7th\\nof September at which the salaries of the Federal officers\\nthe interest paid upon the national debt; the want of distinc-\\ntion between the original holders of that debt and those who\\nhad bought it at a discount; and the creation of a United\\nStates Bank, were all denounced in common with the tax on\\nwhisky. [But they refused to give aid. of any kind to the ex-\\ncise officers, which practically meant they refused to sustain\\nthe laws, or protect life and property against illegal force.*]\\nAt these meetings all was conducted with propriety; and the\\nresolutions adopted gave no direct countenance to violence.\\nAnd when did the leaders of a community, its legislators,\\njudges and clergy, ever express, in any manner, however\\nAmerican State Papers, ix. 107.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0473.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "470 Violence Commenced. 1790-99.\\nquiet, their utter disregard of law, without a corresponding\\nexpression by the masses, if uneducated, in acts of violence?\\nIt was not strange, therefore, that upon the day previous to\\nthe meeting last named, the collector for the counties of Alle-\\nghany and Washington was attacked. One report says:\\nA party of men, armed and disguised, waylaid him at a\\nplace on Pigeon creek, in Washington county, seized, tarred\\nand feathered him, cut off his hair, and deprived him of his\\nhorse, obliging him to travel on foot a considerable distance\\nin that mortifying and painful situation.\\nThe case was brought before the district court of Pennsyl-\\nvania, out of which processes were issued against John Robert-\\nson, John Hamilton, and Thomas McComb, three of the per-\\nsons concerned in the outrage.\\nThe serving of these processes was confided by the then\\nmarshal, Clement Diddle, to his deputy, Joseph Fox, who, in\\nthe month of October, went into Alleghany county for the\\npurpose of serving them.\\nThe appearances and circumstances which IMr. Fox observ-\\ned himself in the course of his journey, and learned afterwards\\nupon his arrival at Pittsburgh, had the effect of deterring him\\nfrom the service of the processes, and unfortunately led to\\nadopt the injudicious and fruitless expedient of sending them\\nto the parties by a private messenger, under cover.\\nThe deputy s report to the marshal states a number of par-\\nticulars, evincing a considerable fermentation in the part of\\nthe country to which he was sent, and inducing a belief, on\\nhis part, that he could not with safety have executed the pro-\\ncesses. The marshal, transmitting this report to tlie district\\nattorney, makes the following observations upon it I am\\nsorry to add that he (the deputy) found the people, in general,\\nin the wester:i part of the State, and particularly beyond the\\nAlleghany ^Mountains, in such a ferment on account of the\\nact of Congress for laying a duty on distilled spirits, and so\\nmuch opposed to the execution of the said act, and from a\\nvariety of threats to himself personally, (although he took the\\nutmost precaution to conceal his errand,) that he was not\\nonly convinced of the impossibility of serving the process, but\\nthat any attempt to elTcct it would have occasioned the most\\nviolent opposition from the greater part of the inhabitants; and\\nho declares that, if he had attempted it, he believes he should\\nnot have returned alive.\\n1 spared no expense nor pains to have the process of the\\ncourt executed, and have not the least doubt that my deputy\\nwould have accomplished it, if it could have been done.\\nThe reality of the danger to the deputy was countenanced\\nby the opinion of Gen. Neville, the inspector of the revenue,\\na man who before had given, and since has given, numerous", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0474.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Farther Outrages. 471\\nproofs of a steady and firm temper; and what followed is a\\nfurther confirmation of it.\\nThe person who had been sent with the processes was\\nseized, whipped, tarred, and feathered and, after having his\\nhorse and money taken from him, was blindfolded and tied in\\nthe woods; in which condition he remained forfiv-e hours.\\nThese intemperate expressions of their feelings by word and\\ndeed, startled the government, and puzzled its executive ofii-\\ncers: it was determined, however, to await the influence of\\ntime, thought, information, and leniency, and to attempt, by a\\nreconsideration of the law, at the earliest possible moment,\\nto do away any real cause of complaint which might exist.\\nBut popular fury once aroused is not soon allayed the worst\\npassions of the same people who sent out the murderers of\\nthe Moravian Indians in 1782, had been excited, and excess\\nfollowed excess.*\\nSome time in October, 1791, an unhappy man, by the name\\nof Wilson, a stranger in the country, and manifestly dis-\\nordered in his intellects, imagining himself to be a collector\\nof the revenue, or invested with some trust in relation to it,\\nwas so unlucky as to make inquiries concerning distillers who\\nhad entered their stills, giving out that he was to travel\\nthrough the United States, to ascertain and report to Con-\\ngress the number of stills, c. This man was pursued by a\\nparty in disguise taken out of his bed, carried about five\\nmiles back, to a smith s shop stripped of his clothes, which\\nwere afterwards burnt; and having been himself inhumanly\\nburnt in several places with a heated iron, was tarred and\\nfeathered, and about day light dismissed, naked, wounded,\\nand otherwise in a very suffering condition. These particu-\\nlars are communicated in a letter from the inspector of the\\nrevenue, of the 17th of November, who declares that he had\\nthen himself seen the unfortunate maniac, the abuse of whom,\\nas he expressed it, exceeded description, and was sufficient to\\nmake human nature shudder. The affair is the more extra-\\nordinary, as persons of weight and consideration in that\\ncounty are understood to have been actors in it, and as the\\nsymptoms of insanity were, during tlie whole time of inflict-\\ning the punishment, apparent the unhappy sufferer displayed\\nthe heroic fortitude of a man who conceived himself to be a\\nmartyr to the discharge of some important dniy.\\nNot long after, a person by the name of Roseberry uikIct-\\nwent the humiliating punishment of tarring and feathering*\\nwith some aggravations, for having in conversation, hazard-\\ned the very natural and just, but unpalatable remark, that\\nthe inhabitants of that county could not reasonably expect\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 107, 708.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0475.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "4tfi Putshargh Meeting of August 21.?^ 1792. 1790-95.\\nprotection from a government whose laws they so strenuously\\nopposed.\\nThe audacity of the perpetrators of these excesses was so\\ngreat, that an armed banditti ventured to seize and carry off\\ntwo persons who were witnesses against the rioters in the\\ncase of Wilson, in order to prevent their giving testimony of\\nthe riot in a court then sitting, or about to sit.\\nNotwithstanding the course of the western people, the Fed-\\neral Government, during the session of 1791 and 92, proceeded\\nin the discussion of the obnoxious statute and upon the 8th\\nof May, 1792, passed an amendatory act, making such changes\\nas were calculated to allay the angry feelings that had been\\nexcited, except so far as they were connected with political\\nanimosities, and which in most districts produced the intended\\nresult. [Mr. Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, made a\\nreport on the objections to the excise law, March 5, 1792.*]\\nBut in western Pennsylvania, opposition continued una-\\nbated, and it was announced that the inspectors who, by the\\nnew law, were to be appointed for all the counties, should not\\nbe allowed to open their offices nor was this a mere threat;\\nno buildings could be obtained for the use of the United\\nStates and when, at length, in Washington, one Captain\\nFaulkner dared to agree that a building of his should be occu-\\npied by the inspector, he was waylaid by a mob, a knife\\ndrawn upon him, and was threatened with scalping, loss of\\nproperty by fire, and other injuries, if he did not revoke his\\nagreement; so that upon the 20th of August, under the influ-\\nence of fear, he did actually break his contract, and upon the\\nnext day advertised what he had done in the Pittsburgh\\npaper. f\\nOn the day of this advertisement, in the same town in\\nwhich it appeared, a meeting was held, headed by members\\nof the State Legislature,;}: judges, clergymen, and other lead-\\ning characters. [Of these, the late Albert Gallatin was\\nSecretary to the meeting. The Chairman of the Committee\\nwas Daniel Bradford, who acted as a leader in many of the\\nviolent proceedings. For his views on the subject, the reader\\n.is rderred to a letter from him in the United States Gazette,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2American State Piipcrs, xx. 108.\\nI American State Papers, vii. 150.\\nJAuicriciui State Paper?, xx. 108.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0476.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Measures adopted by Government. 473\\nof September 9tli, 1794; and to Clymer s letter in Gibbs\\nMemoirs, i. 248.]\\nThis meeting entered into resolutions not less exceptionable\\nthan those of its predecessors. The preamble suggests that a\\ntax on spirituous liquors is unjust in itself and oppressive upon\\nthe poor that internal taxes upon consumption must, in the\\nend, destroy the liberties of every country in which they are\\nintroduced that the law in question, from certain local cir-\\ncumstances, which are specified, would bring immediate dis-\\ntress and ruin upon the western country and concludes with\\nthe sentiment, that they think it their duty to persist in remon-\\nstrance to Congress, and in every other legal measure that\\nmay obstruct the operation of the law.\\nThe resolutions then proceed, first, to appoint a committee\\nto prepare and cause to be presented to Congress, an address,\\nstating objections to the law, and praying for its repeal; sec-\\nondly, to appoint committees of correspondence for Washing-\\nton, Fayette and Alleghany, charged to correspond together,\\nand with such committees as should be appointed for the same\\npurpose in the county of Westmoreland, or with any commit-\\ntees of a similar nature that might be appointed in other\\nparts of the United States and, also, if found necessary, to\\ncall together either general meetings of the people in their\\nrespective counties, or conferences of the several committees;\\nand lastly, to declare that they will in future consider those\\nwho hold offices for the collection of the duty as unworthy of\\ntheir friendship that they will have no intercourse nor deal-\\nings with them, will withdraw from them every assistance,\\nwithhold all the comforts of life which depend upon those du-\\nties that as men and fellow-citizens we owe to each other,\\nand will upon all occasions treat them with contempt earn-\\nestly recommending it to the people at large to follow the\\nsame line of conduct towards them.\\nWhen notice of this meeting, and of the means used to in-\\ntimidate Faulkner, was given to the government, Washing-\\nton issued a proclamation, dated September 15th; the super-\\nvisor of the district was sent to the seat of trouble to learn\\nthe true state of facts and to collect evidence while the At-\\ntorney General was instructed to inquire into the legality of\\nthe proceedings of the Pittsburgh meeting, with v evv to the\\nindictment of the leaders. Mr. Randolph, however, felt so\\nmuch doubt as to the character of the meeting of August 21,\\nthat no prosecutions on that score were instituted and in\\nserving process upon two persons said to have been among;\\nthe assailants of Faulkner, either an error was made, or the\\n30", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0477.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "474 Action of the Democratic Societies. 1790-95.\\naccusation proved to be false, which caused that matter also\\nto be dropped by the government. [Mr. Finley, in his History\\nof the Insurrection, (p. 71,) says the accusation was false, and\\nthe evidence perjured.*] It was then proposed to attempt a\\ngradual suppression of the resistance to the law, by adopting\\nthese measures\\n1st. The prosecution of all distillers who were not li-\\ncensed, when it could be done with certainty of success, and\\nwithout exciting violence.\\n2d. The seizure of all illegal spirits on their Avay to mar-\\nket, when it could be done without leading to outbreaks.\\n3d. By care that only spirits which had paid duty were\\nbought for the use of the army.\\nThe influence of these measures was in part lost in conse-\\nquence of the introduction of the whisky that paid no tax\\ninto the North-western Territory, over M hich some of the\\nlaws relative to the matter did not extend but still their ef-\\nfect was decided in November, 1792, Wolcott wrote that the\\nopposition was confined to a small part of Pennsylvania, and\\nwould soon cease ;f and through the whole of 1703 although\\nthe Collector for Fayette county was obliged by force to give\\nup his books and papers, and to promise a resignation; while\\nthe Inspector of Allegh^jny was burnt in effigy before the\\nmagistrates, and no notice of the act taken by them and al-\\nthough when warrants were issued for the rioters in the for-\\nmer case, the Sheriff of the county refused to execute them,\\nyet obedience to the excise became more general, and many\\nof the leading distillers, yielding to the suggestions of pecu-\\nniary interest, for the first time entered their stills, and aban-\\ndoned the party of Bradford and his coadjutors. J This\\nabandonment, the political antagonists of the law by no\\nmeans relished still even they might have been. subdued but\\nfor the introduction at that very juncture, of Mr. Genet s fa-\\nmous system of Democratic Societies, which, like the Jacobin\\nclubs of Paris, were to be a power above the government.\\nGenet reached the United States, April 8th on the I8th of\\nAmerican State Papers, .xx. lOS, 109.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Sparks Wnshington, x. 201, r.06\u00e2\u0080\u0094 52C to liZZ.\\nGibbs Memoirs, i. 148. Marshall s Washington, v. 366.\\ntGibbs, i. 83.\\nAmerican State Papers, kx. 40", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0478.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "1790-95 Action of the Democratic Societies. 475\\nMay, he was presented to the President and by the 30th of\\nthat month the Democratic Society of Philadelphia was or-\\nganized.* By means of this, its affiliated bodies, and other\\nsocieties based upon it, or suggested by it, the French minis-\\nter, his friends and imitators, waged their war upon the ad-\\nministration, and gave new energy to every man who, on any\\nground, was dissatisfied with the laws of his country. Among\\nthose dissatisfied, the enemies of the excise were of course to\\nbe numbered and there can be little or no doubt that to the\\nagency of societies formed in the disaffected districts, after\\nthe plan of those founded by Genet, the renewed and excess-\\nive hostility of the western people to the tax upon spirits is\\nto be ascribed.f [It was natural enough in the heat of politi-\\ncal excitement, to ascribe the whisky insurrection directly to\\nthe agency of Genet in these societies, as was done by Wash-\\nington and his friends. But we think the evidence in the case\\ndisproves all design on the part of the proper Democratic\\nSocieties, to rebel against the laws, or produce anarchy, or a\\nseparation of the Union. The strong sympathy with the French\\npeople for their aid in the revolutionary struggle, and the ar-\\ndent love of liberty, were reasons enough to account for the\\norganization of these societies.] The proper Democratic Soci-\\neties, when the crisis came, disapproved of the violence com-\\nmitted,J and so did Gallatin and many others; but, however\\nmuch they may have disliked an appeal to force, even from\\nthe outset, their measures, their extravagancies, and political\\nfanatacism, were calculated to result in violence and nothing\\nelse. Through 1793, as we have said, the law seemed gain-\\ning, but with the next January the demon was loosed again.\\nWilliam Richmond, who had given information against\\nsome of the rioters in the affair of Wilson, had his barn burnt,\\nwith all the grain and hay which it contained and the same\\nthing happened to Robert Shawhan, a distiller, who had been\\namong the first to comply with the law, and who had always\\nspoken favorably of it but in neither of these instances,\\n(which happened in the county of Alleghany) though the pre-\\nsumptions were violent, was any positive proof obtained.\\nMarshall s TVaAington, v. 426, note.\\ntSee Sparks Washington, x. 429, 437, Ac.\\nX U. S. Gazette, August 26, September 1, Stptember 6, Ac., 1794.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Boston Independent\\nChronide, August 18, 1794, October 6, 1794.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0479.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "476 Further Outrages in 1794. 1790-95.\\nThe inspector of the revenue, in a letter of the 27th of\\nFebruary, writes that he had received information that per-\\nsons, living near the dividing line of Alleghany and Washing-\\nton, had thrown out threats of tarring and feathering one\\nWilliam Cociiran, a complying distiller, and of burning his dis-\\ntillery; and that it had also been given out that in three\\nweeks there would not be a house standing in Alleghany\\ncounty of any person who had complied with the laws; in\\nconsequence of which, he had been induced to pay a visit to\\nseveral leading individuals in that quarter, as well to as-\\ncertain the truth of the information as to endeavor to avert\\nthe attempt to execute such threats.\\nIt appeared afterwards, that, on his return home, he had\\nbeen pursued by a collection of disorderly persons, threaten-\\ning, as they went along, vengeance against him. On their\\nway, these men called at the house of James Kiddoe, who\\nhad recently complied with the laws, broke into his still-house,\\nfired several balls under his still, and scattered fire over and\\nabout the house.\\nIn May and June new violences were committed. James\\nKiddoe, the person above mentioned, and William Cochran,\\nanother complying distiller, met with repeated injury to their\\nproperty. Kiddoe had parts of his grist-mill at difierent times\\ncarried away and Cochran sufiered more material injuries.\\nHis still was destroyed his saw-mill was rendered useless,\\nby the taking away of the saw; and his grist-mill so injured\\nas to require to be repaired, at considerable expense.\\nAt the last visit, a note in writing was left, requiring him to\\npublish what he had suffered, in the Pittsburgh Gazette, on\\npain of another visit, in which he is threatened, in figurative\\nbut intelligible terms, with the destruction of his property by\\nfire. Thus adding to the profiigacy of doing wanton injuries\\nto a fellow-citizen the tyranny of compelling him to be the\\npublisher of his wrongs.\\nJune being the month for receiving annual entries of stills,\\nendeavors were used to open offices in Westmoreland and\\nWashington, where it had been hitherto found impracticable.\\nWith much pains and difficulty, places were procured for the\\npurpose. Tliat in Westmoreland was repeatedl} attacked in\\nthe night by armed men, who frequently fired upon it but,\\naccording to a report which has been made to this Depart-\\nment, it was defended with so much courage and persever-\\nance by John Wells, an auxiliary ofiicer, and Philip Kagan,\\nthe owner of the house, as to have been maintained during\\nthe remainder of the month.\\nThat in Washington, after repeated attempts, was sup-\\npressed. The lirst attempt was confined to pulling down the\\nsign of the oflice, and threats of future destruction the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0480.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Offenders to he Tried at Pluladelphia. 477\\nsecond effected the object in the following mode About\\ntwelve persons, armed and painted black, in the night of the\\n6th [of June, broke into the house of John Lynn, where the\\noffice was kept, and, after having treacherously seduced him\\nto come down stairs, and put himself into their power, by a\\npromise of safety, to himself and his house, they seized and tied\\nhim threatened to hang him took him to a retired spot in\\na neighboring wood, and there, after cutting off his hair, tar-\\nring and feathering him, swore him never again to allow the\\nuse of his house for an office, never to disclose their names,\\nand never again to have any sort of agency in aid of the\\nexcise having done which, they bound him naked to a tree,\\nand left him in that situation till morning, when he succeeded\\nin extricating himself Not content with this, the malcon-\\ntents, some days after, made him another visit, pulled down\\npart of his house, and put him in a situation to be obliged to\\nbecome an exile from his own home, and to find an asylum\\nelsewhere.*\\nEven these acts, however, were followed by nothing on the\\npart of the government more stringent than the institution,\\nin the June following, of several suits against the rioters, and\\nalso against the non-complying distillers; to serve process in\\nwhich the Marshal of the United States himself visited the\\nWest. This led to the catastrophe. These suits were in the\\nUnited States Court, which sat east of the mountains, where\\nthe accused must of course be tried. But the seizure of of-\\nfenders to be tried out of their own neighborhood, was op-\\nposed to the feelings of the Americans, and to the principles\\nof that English law upon which they had relied through the\\ndiscussions which preceded the Revolution. The federal\\ngovernment, it was said, in taking men to Philadelphia,! to\\nbe tried for alleged misdemeanors, was doing what the Brit-\\nish did in carrying Americans beyond the sea. Then was\\nshown, as we conceive, the power of those societies to which\\nwe have referred. In February, 1794, a society had been\\nformed at Mingo creek, consisting of the militia of that neigh-\\nborhood, the same persons who led in all future excesses.J In\\nApril a second association of the same character, and a regu-\\nAmerican State Papers, xi. 110.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j- The writs were there returnable, in the District Court of the United States. (Findley\\n74.) There was needless excitement caused by this, as the United States Courts had been\u00c2\u00bb\\nauthorized to sit near the troubled district, and the State Courts to try revenue cases\\n(Findley, 73.)\\nBrackenridge s Incidents, pp. 25, 148.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0481.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "478 Mob gather at Neville s House. 1790-95.\\nlar Democratic Club, were formed in the troublesome district.\\nIn the latter, nothing was done in relation to the excise, so\\nfar as is known, but in the two first named bodies, there is rea-\\nson to believe that the worst spirit of the French clubs was\\nnaturalized the excise and the government thoroughly can-\\nvassed and rebellion, disunion and bloodshed, sooner or\\nlater, made familiar to the minds of all. [A murderous spirit\\nfilled and excited the ignorant people in the country.*]\\nIt may be readily understood that under such circumstan-\\nces, great excitement was likely to prevail upon slight provo-\\ncation. Notwithstanding, the Marshal was suffered to serve\\nhis writs unresisted, until, when he went with the last process\\nin his hands, he unwisely took with him the Inspector of the\\ncounty, General John Neville, a man once very popular, but\\nwho had been, as men considered, bought up by the Govern-\\nment, and had hence become exceedingly hateful to the popu-\\nlace. After serving this process, the Marshal and Inspector\\nwere followed by a crowd, and a gun was fired, though with-\\nout doing any injury. The Marshal returned to Pittsburgh\\nand the Inspector to his own house, but it being noised abroad\\nthat both were at General Neville s, a number of militia-men\\nwho were gathered under the United States law, agreed the\\nnext morning to pay the Inspector a visit. For some time,\\nNeville had been looking for an attack, knowing his unpopu-\\nlarity, and had armed his negroes and barricaded his windows.\\nAn attack upon his house, with a view to a destruction of his\\npapers, had probably been in contemplation, and those who\\ngathered on the morning of the 16th of July, were determined,\\nwe presume, to carry the proposed destruction into effect.\\nWhen General Neville discovered the party on that morning\\naround his door, he asked their business, and upon receiving\\nevasive replies, proceeded at once to treat them as enemies;\\nshut his door again, and opened a fire, by which six of his\\nsupposed assailants were wounded, one of them mortally.\\nThis, of course, added greatly to the anger and excitement\\npreviously existing; news of the bloodshed were diff^used\\nthrough the Mingo creek neighborhood, and before nightfall,\\nsteps were taken to avenge the sufferers. [General Neville\\nhad been an opposer of a State excise, which had previously\\nFindlcy, 166. Brackenridge, iii. 25.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0482.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Neville s House Destroyed. 479\\nexisted he had taken the place of an Inspector, and made\\nthe statement that he did not consider what the people\\nthought he would have an independent salary of six hun-\\ndred he was understood to mean pounds, when he only meant\\ndollars.*] What followed, we will give in the words of Gen-\\neral Hamilton, adding afterwards some particulars gathered\\nfrom Findley and Brackenridge.\\nApprehending that the business would not terminate here,\\nhe [Neville] made application by letter to the judges, generals\\nof militia, and sheriff of the county, for protection. A reply\\nto his application, from John Wilkins, jun., and John Gibson,\\nmagistrates and militia officers, informed him that the laws\\ncould not be executed, so as to afford him the protection to\\nwhich he was entitled, owing to the too general combination\\nof the people in that part of Pennsylvania to oppose the reve-\\nnue law; adding, that they would take every step in their\\npower to bring the rioters to justice, and would be glad to re-\\nceive information of the individuals concerned in the attack\\nupon his house, that prosecutions might be commenced against\\nthem and expressing their sorrow that should the posse comi-\\niatus of the county be ordered out in support of the civil au-\\nthority, very few could be gotten that were not of the party\\nof the rioters.\\nThe day following the insurgents re-assembled with a con-\\nsiderable augmentation of numbers, amounting, as has been\\ncomputed, to at least five hundred: and on the 17th of July,\\nrenewed their attack upon the house of the inspector, who, in\\nthe interval, had taken the precaution of calling to his aid a\\nsmall detachment from the garrison of Fort Pitt, which, at\\nthe time of the attack, consisted of eleven men, who had been\\njoined by Major Abraham Kirkpatrick, a friend and connex-\\nion of the inspector.\\nThere being scarcely a prospect of effectual defence against\\nso large a body as then appeared, and as the inspector had\\nerery thing to apprehend for his person, if taken, it was\\njudged advisable that he should withdraw from the house to\\na place of concealment Major Kirkpatrick generously agree-\\ning to remain with the eleven men, in the intention, if prac-\\nticable, to make a capitulation in favor of the property if\\nnot, to defend it as long as possible.\\nA parley took place under cover of a flag, which was sent\\nby the insurgents to the house to demand that the inspector\\nshould come forth, renounce his office, and stipulate never\\nagain to accept an office under the same laws. To this it\\nwas replied, that the inspector had left the house upon their\\nBrackenridge, i. 6; iii. 1. Findleyi p. 79, Si. American State Papers, xx. 110, 111.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0483.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "480 McFarlanc Killed. 1790-95.\\nfirst approach, and that the place to which he had retired was\\nunknown. They then declared that they must have whatever\\nrelated to his office. They were answered that they might\\nsend persons, not exceeding six, to search the house, and take\\naway whatever papers they could find appertaining to the\\noffice. But not satisfied with this, they insisted, uncondition-\\nally, that the armed men who were in the house for its de-\\nfence, should march out and ground their arms, which Major\\nKirkpatrick peremptorily refused considering it and repre-\\nsenting it to them as a proof of a design to destroy the property.\\nThis refu-^al put an end to the parley.\\nA brisk firing then ensued between the insurgents and those\\nin the house, which, it is said, lasted for near an hour, till the\\nassailants, having set fire to the neighboring and adjacent\\nbuildings, eight in number, the intenseness of the heat, and\\nthe danger of an immediate communication of the fire to the\\nhouse, obliged Major Kirkpatrick and his small party to come\\nout and surrender themselves. In the course of the firing one\\nof the insurgents was killed and several wounded, and three\\nof the persons in the house were also wounded. The person\\nkilled, is understood to have been the leader of the party, of\\nthe name of James McFarlane, then a major in the militia,\\nformerly a lieutenant in the Pennsylvania line. The dwell-\\ning-house, after the surrender, shared the fate of the other\\nbuildings, the whole of which were consumed to the ground.\\nThe loss of property to the inspector, upon this occasion, is esti-\\nmated, and, as it is believed with great moderation, at not less\\nthan three thousand pounds, or ten thousand dollars.\\nThe marshal, Col. Presly Neville, and several others, were\\ntaken by the insurgents going to the inspector s house. All, ex-\\ncept the marshal and Col. Neville, soon made their escape\\nbut these were carried ofi some distance from the place where\\nthe affray had happened, and detained till one or two o clock\\nthe next morning. In the course of their detention, the mar-\\nshal in particular, suffered very severe and humiliating treat-\\nment, and was frequently in imminent danger of his life.\\nSeveral of the party frequently presented their pieces at him\\nwith every appearance of a design to assassinate, from which\\nthey were with diificulty restrained by the efforts of a few\\nmore humane and more prudent.\\nNor could he obtain safety nor liberty, but upon the condi-\\ntion of a promise, guaranteed by Col. Neville, that he would\\nserve no other process on the west side of the Allegheny\\nMountain. The alternative being immediate death, extorted\\nfrom the marshal a compliance with this condition, notwith-\\nstanding the just sense of official dignity, and the firmness\\nof character which were witnessed by his conduct throughout\\nthe trying scenes he had experienced.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0484.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Attack on Neville. 481\\nThe insurgents, on the 18th, sent a deputation of two of\\ntheir number (one a justice of the peace) to Pittsburgh, to re-\\nquire of the marshal, a surrender of the process in his posses-\\nsion, intimating that his compUance would satisfy the people,\\nand add to his safety and also to demand of Gen. Neville, in\\nperemptory terms the resignation of his office threatening, in\\ncase of refusal, to attack the place and take him by force de-\\nmands which both these officers did not hesitate to reject, as\\nalike incompatible with their honor and their duty.\\nAs it was well ascertained that no protection was to be ex-\\npected from the magistrates or inhabitants of Pittsburgh, it\\nbecame necessary to the safety, both of the inspector and the\\nmarshal, to quit that place; and, as it was known that all the\\nusual routes to Philadelphia were beset by the insurgents,\\nthey concluded to descend the Ohio, and proceed, by a circuit-\\nous route, to the seat of Government which they began to\\nput in execution on the night of the 19th of July.\\nThe following points, which are of great importance, do\\nnot appear in the above narrative. First, it seems the attack\\nwas so deliberate that a committee of three was chosen to\\nsuperintend it, who sat upon an elevation, and directed the\\nvarious movements. Second, it seems that the object aimed\\nat was the destruction of official papers, and not property or\\nlife. Third, McFarlane, the commander of the rebels, was shot\\ndead, when he exposed himself in consequence of a call from\\nthe house to cease firing this was regarded as intentional mur-\\nder on the part of the defenders. Fourth, there is no doubt as\\nto the burning having been authorized by the committee of\\nattack.*\\nThe attack upon Neville s house was an outrage of so vio-\\nlent a character, and the feeling that caused it was of so\\nmixed a nature, that further movements were of necessity, to\\nbe expected. Those who thought themselves justified, as the\\nearly actors in the Revolution had been, would of course go\\nforward those who anticipated the vengeance of the laws,\\nthought it safer to press on and make the rebellion formidable,\\nthan to stop and so be unable to hope for terms from the gov-\\nernment [which, as Brackenridge states, was the case with\\nBradford,] the depraved looked for plunder, the depressed for\\na chance to rise, the ambitious had the great men of France\\nin view before them, and the cowardly followed what they\\ndared not try to withstand.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 112. Findley, 86, 87. Breckenridge, i. 18, 19. Ameri-\\ncan Pioneer, ii. 207.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0485.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "482 United States Mail Robbed by Bradford. 1790-95.\\nThese various feelings showed themselves at a meeting held\\nJuly 23d, at Mingo creek, the particulars of which are given\\nby Brackenridge, who attended, in a vivid and clear narrative.\\nThe masses were half-mad, filled with true Parisian fary, and\\ndrove their apparent leaders powerless before them. At this\\ngathering, a general convention to meet on the 1 4th of Au-\\ngust, at Parkinson s Ferry, now Williamsport, upon the\\nMonogahela, was agreed on but the more violent meanwhile\\ndetermined upon steps that would entirely close the way to\\nreconciliation with the Government these were, first, the rob-\\nbery of the mail, by which they expected to learn who were\\ntheir chief opponents next, the expulsion from the country\\nof the persons thus made known and, lastly, the seizure of\\nthe United States arms and ammunition at Pittsburgh. The\\nleading man in these desperate acts was David Bradford, arj\\nattorney and politician of some eminence. The first step was\\nsuccessfully taken on the 26th of July, and General John Gib-\\nson, Colonel Presly Neville, son of General John Neville, and\\nthree others, were found to have written letters in relation to\\nthe late proceedings. This being known, the people of Pitts-\\nburgh were requested by the Jacobins of the country to expel\\nthese persons forthwith, and such was the fear of the citizens\\nthat the order was obeyed, though unwillingly.* But the third\\nproject succeeded less perfectly. In order to effect it, a meet-\\ning of the masses had been called for August 1st, at Brad-\\ndock s field this call was made in the form usual for militia\\nmusters, and all were notified to come armed and equipped.\\nBrackenridge was again present, though in fear and trembling.\\nTerror, indeed, appears to have ruled as perfectly as beyond\\nthe Atlantic. The Pittsburgh representatives had gone to\\nthe conference from fear of being thought lukewarm in the\\nrebel cause, and finding themselves suspected, passed the day\\nin fear. The object of the gathering, an attack upon the\\nUnited States arsenal, had been divulged to few, and upon\\nfurther consultation was abandoned. But it was determined\\nto march to Pittsburgh at any rate, for the purpose of intimi-\\ndating the disaffected, robbing a few houses, and burning a\\nfew stores. The women of the country had gathered to see\\nSee Brackenridge 3 Incidenta of the Insurrection of 1794, i. 30, 39, 45, 52, 66. vol iii,\\n143. Findley s Hi tory of the Whisky Insurrection, pp. 91, 93, 95, 103. American Pio-\\nneer, i. 65.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0486.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "1790-55. Pla7i to Attack the U. S. Arsenal. 483\\nthe sack of the city at the Fork and it was with difficulty\\nthat the conflagration and robbery were prevented the lead-\\ners in general opposed the excesses of their followers the\\nbrother of the murdered McFarlane protected the property of\\nMajor Kirkpatrick, and as others who were most interested in\\nthe insurrection, showed equal vigor in the prevention of vio-\\nlence, the march to Pittsburgh resulted in nothing worse than\\nthe burning of a few barns and sheds.*\\nWhen a knowledge of the attack on Neville s house and\\nthe subsequent proceedings reached the Federal Government,\\nit was thought to be time to take decided steps. On the 5th\\nof August, Hamilton laid the whole matter before the Presi-\\ndent Judge Wilson of the Supreme Court, having on the 4th\\ncertified the western counties to be in a state of insurrection\\nand upon the 7th, Washington issued his Proclamation giving\\nnotice that every means in his power would be used to put\\ndown the rebelion. As it was his wish, however, and also\\nthat of Governor Mifflin of Pennsylvania, that no pains\\nshould be spared to prevent a recourse to arms. Commission-\\ners were appointed, three by the United States and two by the\\nState, to visit the West, and try to procure an abandonment\\nof the insurrection without bloodshed. [The Commissioners\\non the part of the United States, were James Ross, a Senator\\nin Congress, and a gentleman very popular with the people\\nin western Pennsylvania, Jasper Yeates, an Associate Judge\\nof the Supreme Court of that State and William Bradford,\\nthe Attorney General of the United States. Those on the\\npart of Pennsylvania were Thomas McKean, Chief Justice of\\nthe State and William Irvine, a Representative in Congress.\\nTheir instructions are in the x Vmerican State Papers, vol. xx.\\np. 86.]\\nWhen these messengers reached the neighborhood of Pitts-\\nburgh, the meeting at Parkinson s ferry was in session, and\\nGallatin and others were trying to prevent matters from be-\\ncoming worse than they already were. This meeting, upon\\nreceiving notice of the approach of the Commissioners, agreed\\nto send a committee of conference, to treat with them and\\nat the same time, named a standing committee, one from each\\nt See correspondence of GoTernor Mifflin and Mr. Bandolph in American State Papers\\nXX. 97 to 106.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0487.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "484 Meeting of the Committee of Conference. 1790-95.\\ntownship, making sixty in number, to whom the former were\\nto report, and who were authorized to call a new meeting of\\ndeputies or recall the old ones, in order to accept or reject the\\nterms offered on the part of Government. [The conferees\\nwere from the counties of Westmoreland, Alleghany, Fayette\\nand Washington in Pennsylvania, and Ohio county in Vir-\\nginia.*]\\nOn the 21st of August the Commissioners and Committee\\nof conference met, and after some discussion agreed upon\\nterms, which the representatives of the insurgents thought\\ntheir constituents would do well to accept. They were then\\nsubmitted to the standing committee, but in that body so much\\niear and mutual distrust prevailed, as to lead to a mere recom-\\nmendation to the people to accept the terms offered, by a vote\\nof thirty-four to twenty-three, while the committee themselves\\nfailed to give the pledges which had been required of them.\\nThis state of things and the knowledge of the fact that even\\nthe recommendation was obtained only by shielding the voters\\nthrough a vote by ballot, proved to the agents for Govern-\\nment that little was yet done towards tranquilizing the coun-\\ntry. All the committee-men and leaders were in dread of\\npopular violence, and after various letters had passed, and a\\nsecond committee of conference had agreed that it would be\\nwise to adopt the terms offered by the Government,! the ques-\\ntion was referred to the people themselves, who were to sign\\ntheir names to pledges prepared for the purpose by which\\npledges they bound themselves to obey the law and help its\\noperation, or unwilling to do this they were to refuse distinctly\\nto sign any such promise. This trial of popular sentiment\\nwas to take place on the 11th of September, in the presence\\nof persons who had been at Parkinson ferry meeting, or of\\nmagistrates and the result of the vote was to be by them\\ncertified to the Commissioners. It would have been well to\\nhave given a longer time that the good disposition of the\\nleaders might have had an opportunity of spreading among\\nthe people, but as the President in his proclamation had re-\\nSee Bostx)n Independent Chronicle, Sept. let, 1794 United States Gazotl\u00c2\u00ab, Sept 9\\nAmerican State Papers, vol. ix. 93\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Brackenridgc, i. 77, nolo\u00e2\u0080\u0094 U. S. Gazette, August 22d,\\n1794.\\nt American State Tapers, xx. 87 to 97; U. S. Gazette, September 6; Brackenridge, i.\\n117 BoBton Independent Chronicle, for September 22d, 1794.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0488.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Ending of the Whisky Riots. 485\\nquired a dispersion by the 1st of September, it was thought\\nimpossible to wait. On the 11th a vote was taken, but very\\nimperfect and unsatisfactory. In some portions of the coun-\\ntry, men openly refused obedience to the law; in some, they\\nwere silent in some they merely voted by ballot for and\\nagainst submission and upon the whole gave so little proof\\nof a disposition to support the legal officers that the judges of\\nthe vote did not feel willing to give certificates that offices of\\ninspection could be safely established in the several counties,\\nand the Commissioners were forced to return to Philadelphia\\nwithout having accomplished their objects. On the 24th of\\nSeptember they reported their proceedings and failure to the\\nPresident who, upon the 25th, called the militia of Pennsyl-\\nvania, New Jersey, Maryland and Virginia, into the field under\\nthe command of Henry Lee, Governor of the State last named.\\nWashington himself visited the troops and met some depu-\\ntations from the western counties, but was unable to accom-\\npany the army to Pittsburgh, whither, however. General\\nHamilton went to represent the Executive. No resistance\\nwas offered to the army, although the soldiers in many cases\\nshowed a spirit as bad as that of the rebels, and most needless\\ncruelty was in some cases practiced. Bradford, and a few of\\nthe most prominent friends of violence, fled to the Spanish\\nprovinces of the south-west. To prevent a renewal of the\\ninsurrection, and secure obedience to the law, an armed force\\nunder General Morgan remained through the winter west of\\nthe mountains. Thus, at a cost of $669,992 34, the whisky\\nriots were ended.*\\nBut there is reason to think that the money was well spent;\\nand that the insurrection was a wholesome eruption. It serv-\\ned several good purposes; it alarmed the wiser portion of the\\nDemocratic party, who saw how much of Jacobin fury lay hid-\\nden in the American people; it proved to the wiser part of the\\nfriends of the administration, that the societies they so much\\nhated, even if they originated the evil feelings prevalent in\\nthe West, would not countenance the riotous acts that follow-\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 89, 90, 76, 97, 112; also vol. rii. 6G1. United States Ga-\\nzette, (1794,) September 5tli. 6th, 12th, 22d and 26th- Boston Independent Chronicle\\nOctober 2d. Sparks Washington, x. 439, 441, 450. Findley s History of the Insurrection.\\nBrackenridge, ii. 79, and many other pages. American Pioneer, i. 213. Marshall s Wash-\\nington, V. 589.\\nFor Washington s epeech of November 19, 1794, see Sparks Washington, xii. 44 to 52.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0489.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "486 Ending of the Whisky Riots. 1790-95\\ned. The unruly portion of the western people was awed by the\\nenerj^y of the Executive, and to those who loved order, the\\nreadiness of the militia to march to the support of Govern-\\nment was evidence of a much better disposition than most had\\nhoped to find. In addition to these advantages, we may name\\nthe activity of business, caused by the expenditure of so large\\na sum in the west, and the increase of frontier population\\nfrom the ranks of the army. [And the Editor thinks the Gov-\\nernment learned a very important lesson, that mere law,\\nbacked by force, cannot regulate the affairs of the nation\\nthat the imposition of taxes by excise, or in any other form,\\ncannot be carried out by mere authority; and that, while our\\ngovernment is one of law, it is also one of enlightened public\\nopinion.\\nA few additional facts, selected from Day s Historical Col-\\nlections of Pennsylvania, p. 670, will close this sketch.\\nThe province of Pennsylvania, as early as 1756, had looked\\nto the excise on ardent spirits for the means of sustaining its\\nbills of credit. The original law, passed to continue only ten\\nyears, was from time to time continued, as necessities pressed\\nupon the treasury. During the revolution, the law was gene-\\nrally evaded in the west, by considering all spirits as for do-\\nmestic use, such being excepted from excise; but when the debts\\nof the revolution began to press upon the states, they became\\nmore vigilant in the enforcement of the law. Opposition\\narose at once in the western counties. Liberty-poles were\\nerected, and the people assembled in arms, chased off the offi-\\ncers appointed to enforce the law. The object of the people\\nwas to compel a repeal of the law, but they had not the least\\nidea of sul)verting the government.\\nThe pioneers of this region, descended as they were from\\nNorth Britain and Ireland, had come very honestly by their\\nlove of whiskey and many of them had brought their hatred\\nof an exciseman from the old country. The western insur-\\ngents followed, as they supposed, the recent example of the\\nAmerican revolution. The first attempt of the British parlia-\\nment the very cause of the revolution, had been an excise\\nlaw. There was nothing in that day disreputable in either\\nmaking or drinking whisky.\\nNo temperance societies then existed to drink whisky\\nwas as common and honorable as to eat bread; the fame of\\nold Monongahela was proverbial, both at the east and the\\nwest. Distilling was then esteemed as moral and respectable\\nas any other business. It was early commenced, and exten-\\nsively carried on in western Pennsylvania. There was neither\\nhome nor foreign market for rye, their principal crop the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0490.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "1790-95 Remote Causes of the Insurrection. 487\\ngrain would not bear packing across the mountains. Whisky,\\ntherefore, was the most important item of remittance to pay\\nfor their salt, sugar and iron. The people had cultivated their\\nland for years at the peril of their lives, with little or no pro-\\ntection from the Federal Government and when, by extraor-\\ndinary efforts, the} were enabled to raise a little more grain\\nthan their immediate wants required, they were met with a\\nlaw restraining them in the liberty of doing what they pleas-\\ned with the surplus. The people of western Pennsylvania\\nregarded a tax on whisky in the same light as the citizens of\\nOhio would now regard a United States tax on lard, pork, or\\nflour.\\nIt is but justice to General John Neville and his descendants,\\nthat we should give the following extract from the pen of the\\nlate Judge Wilkeson, to be recorded. It is to be found, with\\nmuch other valuable matter, in his Early Recollections of\\nthe West.\\nIn order to allay opposition, (to the excise law,) as far as\\npossible, General John Neville, a man of the most deserved\\npopularity, was appointed collector for western Pennsylvania.\\nHe accepted the appointment from a sense of duty to his coun-\\ntry. He was one of the few men of wealth, who had put his\\nall at hazard for independence. At his own expense, he rais-\\ned and equipped a company of soldiers, marched them to Bos-\\nton, and placed them, with his son, under the command of\\nGeneral Washington. He was the brother-in-law to the dis-\\ntinguished General Morgan, and father-in-law to Majors Craig\\nand Kirkpatrick, officers highly respected in the western coun-\\ntry. Besides General Neville s claims as a soldier and patriot,\\nhe had contributed greatly to relieve the sufferings of the set-\\ntlers in his vicinity. He divided his last loaf with the needy;\\nand in a season of more than ordinary scarcit} he opened his\\nfields to those who were suffering with hunger. If any man\\ncould have executed this odious law. General Neville was that\\nman.]\\n[During the period in which we have traced the Annals of\\nthe West in this chapter, we must not omit the notice of set-\\ntlements formed in that part of the North Western Territory,\\nnow included within the State of Ohio. And the first is the\\nsettlement of Galliopolis, commonly called GallipoUs.j\\nIn May or June, 1 788, Joel Barlow left this country for Eu-\\nrope, authorized to dispose of a very large body of land in\\nthe west. In 1790, this gentleman distributed proposals in\\nParis, for the sale of lands, at five shillings per acre, which\\n*American Pioneer, ii. 207. Day s Pennsylvania, 671. note.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0491.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "488 Settlements formed in Ohio. 1790-95\\npromised, says Volney, a climate healthy and delightful\\nscarcely such a thing as frost in winter; a river, called by way\\nof eminence, The Beautiful, abounding in fish of an enor-\\nmous size magnificent forests of a tree from which sugar\\nflows, and a shrub which yields candles venison in abun-\\ndance, without foxes, w^olvcs, lions or tigers; no taxes to pay;\\nno military enrolments; no quarters to find for soldiers. Pur-\\nchasers became numerous, individuals and W hole families dis-\\nposed of their property; and, in the course of 1791, some em-\\nbarked at Havre, others at Bordeaux, Nantes, or Rochelle,\\neach with his title deed in his pocket. Five hundred settlers,\\namong whom were not a few carvers and gilders to his ma-\\njesty, coachmakers, friseurs, and peruke makers, and other ar-\\ntizans and artistes, equally well fitted for a backwoods life,\\narrived in the United States in 1791-92 and, acting without\\nconcert, traveling without knowledge of the language, cus-\\ntoms or roads, they at last managed to reach the spot designat-\\ned for their residence, after expending nearly or quite, the\\nwhole proceeds of their sales in France.*\\nThey reached the spot designated, but it was only to learn,\\nthat the persons whose title deeds they held, did not OAvn one\\nfoot of land, and that they had parted with all their worldly\\ngoods merely to reach a w ilderness, which they knew not how\\nto cultivate, in the midst of a people, of whose speech and\\nways they knew nothing, and at the very moment when the\\nIndians were carrying destruction to every white man s hearth.\\nWithout food, without land, with little money, no experience,\\nand with want and danger closing rround them, they were in\\na position that none but Frenchmen could be in without de-\\nspair.\\nWho brought them to this pass Volney says, the Scioto\\nCompany, which had bought of the Ohio Company; Mr. Hall\\nsays in his Letters from the West, (p. 137,) a company who\\nhad obtained a grant from the United States; and, in his Sta-\\ntistics of the West, (p. 164,) the Scioto Company, which was\\nformed from or by the Ohio Company, as a subordinate. Bar-\\nlow, he says, was sent to Europe by the Ohio Company; and\\nby them the lands in question were conveyed to the Scioto\\nVolney s view of the climate and soil of the United States, ic. The sugar-tree was\\nthe maple, and the wax-bearing myrtle, the shrub that yielded candloa.\\nBrackenridgc s IlecoUcction?, \\\\t. 42.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0492.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "1790-95 Sufferings of Galliopolis Settlers. 489\\nCompany. Kilbourn says, the Scioto Land Company, which\\nintended to buy of Congress all the tract between the western\\nboundary of the Ohio Company s purchase and the Scioto, di-\\nrected the French settlers to Galliopolis, supposing it to be\\nwest of the Ohio Company s purchase, though it proved not\\nto be. The Company, he tells us, failed to make their pay-\\nments, and the whole proposed purchase remained with gov-\\nernment.*\\nThe truth undoubtedly is, that those for whom Barlow act-\\ned, were the persons referred to by Doctor Cutler, who joined\\nwith the Ohio Company in their purchase to the extent of three\\nand one-half millions of acres; among whom, he says, were\\nmany of the principal characters of America. [This is demon-\\nstrated by the fact, that Col. Duer, who applied to Dr. Cutler\\nto take in another company, as the agent of the Scioto com-\\npany, did receive the French Immigrants and send them to\\nGalliopolis. t] These persons, however, never paid for their\\nlands, and could give no title to the emigrants they had allur-\\ned across the ocean. Their excuse M-as, that their agents had\\ndeceived them, but it was a plea good neither in morals or law.\\nWho those agents were, and how far they were guilty, and\\nhow far the company was so, are points which seem to be still\\ninvolved in doubt.J\\nBut, whatever doubt there* may be as to the causes of the\\nsuffering, there can be none as to the sufferers. The poors\\ngilders, and carvers, and peruke-makers, who had followed a s;\\njack-a-lantern into the howling wilderness, found that their\\nlives depended upon their labor. They must clear the ground,\\nbuild their houses, and till their fields. Now the spot upon\\nwhich they had been located by the Scioto Company was cov-\\nered in part with those immense sycamore trees, which are so\\nfrequent along the rivers of the west, andto remove which is no\\nsmall undertaking even for the American woodman The coach-\\nmakers were wholly at a loss; but at last, hoping to conquer\\nby a coup-de-main, they tied ropes to the branches, and while\\none dozen pulled at them with might and main, another dozen\\nwent at the trunk with axes, hatchets, and every variety of\\nedged tool, and by dint of perseverance and cheerfulness, at\\nKilbourE s Gazetteer, 1831.\\nI American State Papers, xvi. 30.\\nX M. Meulette, one of the settlers, in American Pioneer, ii. 185.\\n31", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0493.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "490 Settlements in Virginia Reserve. 1790-95.\\nlength overcome the monster, though not without some hair-\\nbreadth escapes for when a mighty tree, that had been\\nhacked on all sides, fell, it required a Frenchman s heels to\\navoid the sweep of the wide-spread branches. But when\\nthey had felled the last vegetable, they were little better off\\nthan before for they could not move or burn it. At last a\\ngood idea came to their aid and while some chopped off the\\nlimbs, others dug, by the side of the trunk, a great grave, into\\nwhich, with many a heave, they rolled their fallen enemy.\\nTheir houses they did not build in the usual straggling\\nAmerican style, but made two rows or blocks of log-cabins,\\neach cabin being about sixteen feet square while at one end\\nwas a larger room, which was used as a council-chamber and\\nball-room.\\nIn the way of cultivation they did little. The land was\\nnot theirs, and they had no motive to improve it; and, more-\\nover, their coming was in the midst of the Indian war. Here\\nand there a little vegetable garden was formed but their\\nmain supply of food they were forced to buy from boats on the\\nriver, by which means their remaining funds were sadly bro-\\nken in upon. Five of their number were taken prisoners by\\nthe Indians; food became scarce in the fall, a marsh behind\\nthe town sent up miasm that produced fevers; then winter\\ncame, and, despite Mr. Barlow s promise, brought frost in\\nplenty and, by and by, they heard from beyond seas of the\\ncarnage that was desolating the fire-sides they had left.\\nNever were men in a more mournful situation but still,\\ntwice in the week, the whole colony came together, and to\\nthe sound of the violin danced off hunger and care. The\\nsavage scout that had been lurking all day in the thicket, lis-\\ntened to the strange music, and hastening to his fellows, told\\nthem, that the whites would be upon them, for he had seen\\nthem at their war-dance; and the careful Connecticut man,\\nas he guided his broadhorn in the shadow of the Virginia\\nshore, wondered what mischief the red varmint were at\\nnext; or, if he knew the sound of the fiddle, shook his head,\\nas he thought of the whisky that must have been used to\\nproduce all that merriment.\\nBut French vivacity, though it could Avork wonders, could\\nnot pay for land. Some of the Galliopolis settlers went to\\nDetroit, others to Kaskaskia a few bought their lands of the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0494.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Contract of Nathaniel Massie and others. 491\\nOhio Company, who treated them with great liberality and\\nin 1795, Congress, being informed of the circumstances,\\ngranted to the sufferers twenty-four thousand acres of land\\nopposite Little Sandy River, to which, in 1798, twelve hun-\\ndred acres more were added which tract has since been\\nknown as French Grant.\\nThe influence of this settlement upon the State was unim-\\nportant; but it forms a curious little episode in Ohio history,\\nand affords a strange example of national character.*\\nDuring this period, however, other settlements had been\\ntaking place in Ohio, which in their influence upon the desti-\\nnies of the State were deeply felt we mean that of the Vir-\\nginia Reserve, between the Scioto and Little Miami rivers,\\nthat of the Connecticut Reserve, and that of Dayton.\\nIn 1787, the reserved lands of the Old Dominion, north of\\nthe Ohio, were examined, and in August of that year entries\\nwere commenced. Against the validity of these entries, Con-\\ngress, in 1788, entered their protest. This protest, which was\\npractically a prohibition of settlement, was withdrawn in 1790.\\nAs soon as this was done, it became an object to have surveys\\nmade in the reserved region, but as this was an undertaking\\nof great danger, in consequence of the Indian wars, high\\nprices in land or money had to be paid to the surveyors. The\\nperson who took the lead in this gainful but unsafe enterprise\\nwas Nathaniel Massie, then twenty-seven years old. He had\\nbeen for six years or more in the west, and had prepared him-\\nself in Colonel Anderson s office for the details of his busi-\\nness. Thus prepared, in December, 1790, he entered into the\\nfollowing contract with certain persons therein named :f\\nArticles of agreement between Nathaniel Massie, of one\\npart, and the several persons that have hereunto subscribed, of\\nthe other part, witnesseth, that the subscribers hereof doth\\noblige themselves to settle in the town laid off, on the north-\\nwest side of the Ohio, opposite to the lower part of the Two\\nIslands; and make said town, or the neighborhood, on the\\nnorth-west side of the Ohio, their permanent seat of resi-\\ndence for two years from the date hereof; no subscriber shall\\nSee the communication of Mr. Mculette referred to above. We have something from\\noral communications. Also American Pioneer, i. 94, 95. American State Papers, xvi. 29.\\nfMcDonald s Sketches, 26. American Pioneer, i. 72, 438. Old Journalg, iv. 836.\\nPassed July 17th. From one-fourth to one-half of the lands surveyed, ten pounds, Vir-\\nginia currency, per thousand acres, beside chain-men s expenses. [McDonald, 2^.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0495.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "492 Connecticut sells her Reserve. 1790-95.\\nabsent himself more than two months at a time, and during\\nsuch absence furnish a strong, able-bodied man sufficient to\\nbear arms at least equal to himself; no subscriber shall absent\\nhimself the time above mentioned in case of actual danger,\\nnor shall such absence be but once a year; no subscriber\\nshall absent himself in case of actual danger, or if absent\\nshall return immediately. Each of the subscribers doth oblige\\nthemselves to comply with the rules and regulations that\\nshall be agreed on by a majority thereof for the support of\\nthe settlement.\\nIn consideration whereof, Nathaniel Massie doth bind and\\noblige himself, his heirs, c., to make over and convey to such\\nof the subscribers that comply with the above mentioned con-\\nditions, at the expiration of two years, a good and sufficient\\ntitle unto one in-lot in said town, containing live poles in\\nfront and eleven back, one out-lot of four acres convenient to\\nsaid town, in the bottom, which the said Massie is to put\\nthem in immediate possession of, also one hundred acres of\\nland, which the said Massie has shown to a part of the sub-\\nscribers; the conveyance to be made to each of the subscribers,\\ntheir heirs or assigns.\\nIn witness whereof, each of the parties have hereunto set\\ntheir hands and seals, this 1st day of December, 1790.\\nThe town thus laid off was situated some twelve miles\\nabove Maysville, and was called Manchester it is still known\\nto the voyager on the Ohio. From this point Massie and his\\ncompanions made surveying expeditions through the perilous\\nyears from 1791 to 1796, but though often distressed and in\\ndanger, they were never wearied nor afraid and at length,\\nwith Wayne s treaty all danger of importance was at an\\nend.*\\nConnecticut, as w^e have stated, had, in 17S6 resigned her\\nclaims to western lands, with the exception of a reserved\\ntract extending one hundred and twenty miles beyond Penn-\\nsylvania. Of this tract, so far as the Indian title was extin-\\nguished, a survey was ordered in October, 1786, and an office\\nopened for its disposal part was sold, and in 1792, half a\\nmillion of acres w^ere given to those citizens of Connecticut,\\nwho had lost property by the acts of the British troops, during\\nthe Revolutionary War, at New London, New Haven and\\nelsewhere these lands are known as the Firelands and the\\nSufferers lands, and lie in the western part of the Reserve. f\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6McDonald s Sketch of General MassU.\\nt American State Papers, t. 690.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0496.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "1790-92 ScUlcments on the Miami. 493\\nIn May, 1795, the Legislature of Connecticut authorized a\\ncommittee to take steps for the disposal of the remainder of\\ntheir western domain; this committee made advertisement\\naccordingly, and before autumn had disposed of it to fifty-six\\npersons, forming the Connecticut Land Company, for one mil-\\nlion two hundred thousand dollars, and upon the 5th or 9th of\\nSeptember, quit claimed to the purchasers the whole title of\\nthe State, territorial and juridical.* These purchasers, on the\\nsame day, conveyed the three millions of acres transferred to\\nthem by the State, to John Morgan, John Caldwell, and Jona-\\nthan Brace, in trust; and upon the quit-claim deeds of those\\ntrustees, the titles to all real estate in the Western Reserve,\\nof necessity, rest. Surveys were commenced in 1796, and by\\nthe close of 1797, all the lands east of the Cu5 ahoga were di-\\nvided into townships five miles square. The agent of the\\nConnecticut Land Company was General Moses Cleveland,\\nand in honor of him the leading city of the Reserve, in 1796,\\nreceived its name. That township and five others were re-\\ntained for private sale, and the remainder were disposed of\\nby a lottery, the first drawing in which took place in February,\\n1798.t\\nWayne s treaty also led at once to the foundation of Day-\\nton, and the peopling of that fertile region. The original\\nproposition by Symmes had been for the purchase of two\\nmillions of acres between the Miamies; this was changed\\nvery shortly to a contract for one million, extending from the\\nGreat Miami eastwardly twenty miles; but the contractorbeing\\nunable to pay for all he wished, in 1792, a patent was issued\\nfor 248,540 acres. But although his tract was by contract\\nlimited toward the east, and greatly curtailed in its extent\\ntoward the north, by his failure to pay the whole amount due,\\nJudge Symmes had not hesitated to sell lands lying between\\nthe eastern boundary of his purchase and the Little Miami,\\nand even after his patent issued continued to dispose of an\\nimaginary right in those north of the quantity patented. The\\nfirst irregularity, the sale of lands along the Little Mi-\\nami, was cured by the act of Congress in 1792, which author-\\nized the extension of his purchase from one river to the other;\\n*For the title of Connecticut and the above facts, see American State Papers, xvi. 94 to\\n98, and American Pioneer, ii. 24.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0J Scc American Pioneer, ii. 23, Ac.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0497.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "494 Settlement of Dayton. 1790-95.\\nbut the sales of territory north of the tract transferred to him\\nby Congress, were so entirely unauthorized in the view of the\\ngovernment, that in 1796.it refused to recognize them as valid,\\nand those who had become purchasers beyond the patent\\nline, were at the mercy of the Federal rulers, until an act\\nwas procured in their favor in 1799, by which pre-emption\\nrights were secured to them. Among those who were thus\\nleft in suspense during three years, were the settlers through-\\nout the region of which Dayton forms the centre.*\\nSeventeen days after Wayne s treaty, St. Clair, Wilkinson,\\nJonathan Dayton and Israel Ludlow contracted with Symmes\\nfor the seventh and eighth ranges between iMad river and the\\nLittle Miami. Three settlements were to be made, one at\\nthe mouth of Mad River, one on the Little Miami, in the sev-\\nenth range, and another on the Mad river. On the 21st of\\nSeptember, 1795, Daniel C. Cooper started to survey and\\nmark out a road in the purchase, and John Dunlap to run its\\nboundaries, which was done before the 4th of October. Upon\\nthe 4th of November, Mr. Ludlow laid off the town of Daj*-\\nton, which was disposed of by lottery. f\\nFrom 1790 to 1795, the Governor and Judges of the North-\\nwest Territory published sixty-four statutes. Thirty-four of\\nthese were adopted at Cincinnati, during June, July and\\nAugust of the last named year, and were intended to form a\\npretty complete body of statutory provisions: they are known\\nas the Maxwell Code, from the name of the publisher, but\\nwere passed by Governor St. Clair and .Judges Symmes and\\nTurner. Among them was that which provided that the com-\\nmon law of England and all statutes in aid thereof made\\nprevious to the fourth year of James the 1st, should be in full\\nforce within the territory. Of the system, as a whole, Mr.\\nChase says, that with many imperfections, it may be doubted\\nwhether any colony, at so early a period after its first estab-\\nlishment, ever had one so goocl. J\\nJust after the conclusion of Wayne s treaty, a speculation\\nin Michigan of the most gigantic kind was undertaken by\\n*See for the full particulars of Sj-mmcs contract, American State Papers, xvi. 75, 104\\n127.\\ntSee B. Yancleve s Memoranda, American Pioneer, ii. 294, 295.\\nX Sketch of Uistory of Ohio, p. 27. For the laws fiom 1790 to 1795, fee Chase s Statutes,\\ni. 103 to 204.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0498.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Vaj ious Land Speculations. 495\\ncertain astute New Englanders, named Robert Randall, Chas.\\nWhitney, Israel Jones, Ebenezer Allen, c., who, in connec-\\ntion with various persons in and about Detroit, proposed to\\nbuy of the Indians eighteen or twenty million acres, lying\\non lakes Erie, Huron, and Michigan, the pre-emption right of\\nwhich they hoped to obtain from the United States, by giving\\nmembers of Congress an interest in the investment. Some of\\nthe members who were approached, however, revealed the\\nplan, and Randall, the principal conspirator, having been re-\\nprimanded, the whole speculation disappeared.*\\nAnother enterprise, equally gigantic, but far less objectiona-\\nble, dates from the 20th of February, 1795; we refer to the\\nNorth American Land Company, which was formed in Phila-\\ndelphia under the management of Robert Morris, John Nichol-\\nson, and James Greenleaf. This Company owned vast tracts\\nin various States, which, under an agreement bearing date as\\nabove, were offered to the public. f\\nBut we have hitherto taken no notice of Jay s treaty in so\\nfar as it concerned the west nor have we mentioned the nego-\\ntiations with Spain which secured the use of the Mississippi.\\nTo these we may now turn. The portion of Mr. Jay s treaty\\nwith which we are concerned, is the second article, and that\\nis as follows\\nArt. 2. His IMajesty will withdraw all his troops and gar-\\nrison from all posts and places within the boundary lines as-\\nsigned by the treaty of peace to the United States. This\\nevacuation shall take place on or before the first day of June,\\none thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, and all the proper\\nmeasures shall be taken in the interval by concert between the\\ngovernment of the United States and His ]\\\\Iajesty s Gover-\\nnor General in America, for settling the previous arrange-\\nments which may be necessary respecting the delivery of the\\nsaid posts: the United States, in the mean time, at their dis-\\ncretion, extending their settlements to any part within the said\\nboundary line, except within the precincts or jurisdiction of any\\nof the said posts. All settlers and traders within the precincts or\\njurisdiction of the said posts, shall continue to enjoy, unmolested,\\nall their property, of every kind, and shall be protected therein.\\nThey shall be at full liberty to remain there, or to remove with\\nall or any part of their effects; and it shall also be free to them\\nto sell their lands, houses or effects, or retain the property\\nSee papers and evidence, American State Papers, xx. 125 to 133.\\nt Observations on the North American Land Company, London, 1796. Imlay (Ed. 1797)\\np. 572.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0499.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "496 Treaty with Spain. 1790-95.\\nthereof, at their discretion such of them as shall continue to\\nreside ^vithin the said boundary lines shall not be compelled\\nto become citizens of the United States, or to take any oath\\nof allegiance to the government thereof; but they shall be at\\nfull liberty so to do if they think proper they shall make and\\ndeclare their election within one year after the evacuation\\naforesaid. And all persons who shall continue there after the\\nexpiration of the said year, without having declared their in-\\ntention of remaining subjects to His Britannic Majesty, shall\\nbe considered as having elected to become citizens of the\\nUnited States.*\\nTurning to the negotiation with Spain, we find, that in\\nNovember, 1794, Thomas Pinckney was despatched to treat\\nwith the court of Madrid, in relation to boundaries to the Mis-\\nsissippi, and to general trade. Many reams of paper had been\\nspoiled by previous messengers, Jay, Carmichael and Short, to\\nlittle purpose, and it was a matter of three months farther\\ncorrespondence, to mature the treaty of October 27th, 1795.\\nThis treaty, signed by plain Thomas Pinckney, a citizen of the\\nUnited States, and their envoy extraordinary to His Catholic\\nMajesty, on the one part, and on the other by the most Ex-\\ncellent Lord Don Manuel de Godoy and Alvarez de Faria,\\nRios, Sanchez, Zarzosa, Prince de la Paz, Duke de la Alcudia,\\nLord of the Soto de Roma and of the State of Albala, Gran-\\ndee of Spain of the first class. Perpetual Regidor of the city\\nof Santiago, Knight of the illustrious order of the Golden\\nFleece and Great Cross of the royal and distinguished Spanish\\norder of Charles III., commander of Valencia del Yentoso\\nRivera, and Aceuchal in that of Santiago, Knight and Great\\nCross of the religious order of St. John, Counsellor of State,\\nFirst Secretary of State and Despatcho, Secretary to the\\nQueen, Superintendent General of the Ports and Highways,\\nProtector of the Royal Academy of the noble Arts and of the\\nRoyal Societies of Natural History, Botany, Chemistry, and\\nAstronomy, Gentleman of the King s Chamber, in employ-\\nment. Captain General of his armies, Inspector and Major of\\nthe Royal Corps of Body Guards, fcc. c. c. t contains, among\\nother provisions, the following, once deeply interesting to the\\nWest.\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6American State Papers, i. 520. For the treaty and correspondence entire, see Ameri-\\ncan State Papers, i. 470 to 525.\\ntThe after history of this man of many titles is a lesson worth the study of all those in\\npower SCO his memoirs translated, London, 1836; alao an article in Westminster Reyi\u00c2\u00bbw,\\nfor April, 1S3G.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0500.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "1790-95. Treaty with Spain 497\\nArt. 4. It is likewise agreed that the Western boundary of\\nthe United States, wliich separates them from the Spanish\\ncolony of Louisiana, is in the middle of the channel or bed of\\nthe river Mississippi, from the northern boundary of the said\\nStates to the completion of the thirty-first degree of latitude\\nnorth of the equator. And his Catholic Majesty has likewise\\nagreed that the navigation of the said river in its whole\\nbreadth, from its source to the ocean, shall be free only to his\\nsubjects and the citizens of the United States, unless he should\\nextend this privilege to the subjects of other powers by special\\nconvention.\\nAnd in consequence of the stipulations contained in the\\nfourth article, His Catholic Majesty will permit the citizens of\\nthe United States, for the space of three years from this time,\\nto deposit their merchandise and effects in the port of New\\nOrleans, and to export them from thence without paying any\\nother duty than a fair price for the hire of the stores and his\\nMajesty promises either to continue this permission, if he\\nfinds, during that time, that it is not prejudicial to the inter-\\nests of Spain, or if he should not agree to continue it there,\\nhe will assign to them, on another part of the banks of the\\nMississippi, an equivalent establishment.*\\nThis being approved, closed the Mississippi question and de-\\nfeated the plans of Sebastian.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^American State Papers, i. 547, 549. For treaty, see American State Papers, i. 546 to\\n549. For Pinckney s Correspondence, do. 533 to 546. For that of Jay, Carmichael and\\nShort, do. 131, 248 to 278, 328, 433 to 446.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0501.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XV.\\nEXTENSION OF SETTLEMENTS.\\nSurrey of Chillicothe and Cleveland Settlements in Ohio Progress in Tennessee Inter-\\nference of Spain, and Power s mission Organization of Mississippi Territory Nullifica-\\ntiun in Kentucky First Legislative Assembly of the Northwest Constitution of Ken-\\ntucky amended.\\nThe great event of 1796, was the final transfer of the north-\\nern posts from Britain to the United States, under Jay s treaty.\\nThis was to have taken place on or before the 1st of June, but\\nowing to the late period at which the House of Representa-\\ntives, after their memorable debate upon the treaty, passed\\nthe necessary appropriations, it was July before the American\\nGovernment felt itself justified in addressing the authorities in\\nCanada in regard to Detroit and the other frontier forts. When\\nat last called upon to give them up, the British at once did so,\\nand Wayne transferred his head quarters to the neighborhood\\nof the Lakes, where a county named from him was established,\\nincluding the northwest of Ohio, the northeast of Indiana, and\\nthe whole of Michigan.* Meanwhile, the treaty with Spain\\nwas likely to become ineffectual in consequence of the alli-\\nance of Spain and France upon the 19th of August, and the\\ndifficulties which, at the same time, arose between the latter\\npower and the United States. Spain took advantage of the\\nnew position of affairs to refuse the delivery of the posts on\\nthe Mississippi as had been stipulated, and proceeded, as we\\nhave already related, to tempt the honesty of leading western\\npoliticians. f\\nDuring this year settlements went on rapidly in the West.\\nEarly in the year Nathaniel Massie, of whom we have already\\nspoken, took steps to found a town upon the Scioto, on a por-\\ntion of the lands which he had entered. This town he named,\\nwhen surveyed, Chillicothe.\\nWashington s speech, American State Papers, i. 30. Chase s Sketch p. 27.\\nt Pitkins Uistory United States, ii. 481\u00e2\u0080\u0094 American State Papers, i. 559 to 760\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Adams\\nBpeech, American State Papers, i. 44. Documents, do. ii. 20, c. 66, tc. 78, Ac.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0502.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "1796 Settlement of the Western Reserve. 499\\nOne hundred in and out-lots in the town, M^ere chosen by\\nlot, by the first one hundred settlers, as a donation, according\\nto the original proposition of the proprietor. A number of in\\nand out-lots were also sold to other persons, desiring to settle\\nin the town. The first choice of in-lots were disposed of for\\nthe moderate sum of ten dollars each. The town increased\\nrapidly, and before the winter of 1796, it had in it several\\nstores, taverns, and shops for mechanics. The arts of civiliz-\\ned life soon began to unfold their power and influence in a\\nmore systematic manner, than had ever been witnessed by\\nmany of its inhabitants, especially those who were born and\\nraised in the frontier settlements, where neither law nor gos-\\npel were understood or attended to.\\n[There were three places in Ohio, called Chillicothe by the\\nIndians, one of which was in the neighborhood of this town\\nsite. It is a Shawanese word, and denotes j^lace or site. Old\\nChillicothe was on the Little Miami, and the other was on or\\nnear the Maumee, or Miami of the Lake. The Shawanese\\nnation, which originated from the Carolinas, Georgia and Flo-\\nrida, was divided into four tribes; the Piqua, Mequachake,\\nKiskapocoke, and Chillicothe tribes.\\nWe have already given the fact of the reservation made\\nby Connecticut, of the tract of country in the northeast part\\nof Ohio, known as the Western Reserve, and of the sale of\\nthis tract to the Connecticut Land Company.\\nIn September, 1796, the town of Cleveland was surveyed,\\nand by a treaty with the Iroquois, all their claims to the tract\\neast of the river Cuyahoga, were surrendered to the Connecti-\\ncut Land Company.\\nCleveland, on Lake Erie, was regarded as an important site\\nfor a commercial city. It is on a dry, sandy plain, between\\nthe Lake and Cuyahoga river; gently sloping towards the\\nLake, with a fine water view. It was a point of note in the\\njourneyings of the aborigines.\\nThe Land Company already mentioned, was organized in\\nHartford, Con., on the 5th of September, 1795. The next year,\\nthe trustees sent out forty-three surveyors, who were instruct-\\ned to divide that part of the Western Reserve that lay east of\\nthe Cuyahoga river into townships, five miles square. The\\nMcDonald s Sketches, pp. 56, 60 to 64.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0503.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "500 Settlements further West. 1796\\nfirst resident in Cleveland was a Mr. Job Stiles and family, and\\nMrs. Stiles was mother of the first white child born on the\\nReserve. Immigrants came slowly to the country; a majority\\nbeing from Connecticut, and the peculiar characteristics of the\\npuritans of that ancient state, with some modifications, still\\nprevail on the Western Reserve.*\\nIn the western section of the present state of Ohio, settlers\\nand speculators appeared in much larger numbers.\\nA detachment of American troops, consisting of sixty-five\\nmen, under the command of Captain Moses Porter, took pos-\\nsession of the evacuated fort at Detroit, about the 12th of July.\\nIn September, Winthrop Sergeant, Secretary of the North\\nWestern Territory, proceeded to Detroit, and organized the\\ncounty of Wayne, and established the civil authority in that\\nquarter.\\nThis year, also, the settlements in the Muskingum, Scioto,\\nand Miami valleys, were much extended. The immigrants\\nfrom the New England and middle states, came into the West\\nby way of Brownsville and Wheeling. At Brownsville many\\nfitted up flat boats and descended the Ohio to Limestone, and\\nother points in Kentucky, or else landed on the north side of\\nthe Ohio. Others proceeded by land from Wheeling, to that\\nsection of the territory they had selected for their future homes.\\nThe colonies destined for the valleys of the Muskingum and\\nScioto chiefly passed by this route.\\nSmall villages and farming settlements were made on the\\nbanks of the Ohio and its tributaries below the Muskingum.\\nSymmes purchase, on the Miami, underwent rapid changes.\\nCincinnati had increased its population and improved its\\nstyle of buildings. In 1792, it contained about thirty log cab-\\nins, besides the barracks and other buildings connected with\\nFort Washington; and about two hundred and fifty inhabitants.\\nThe first house of worship, for the first Presbyterian Church,\\nwas erected. In the beginning of the year 1796, Cincinnati\\nhad more than one hundred log cabins, beside twelve or fif-\\nteen frame houses, and a population of about six hundred per-\\nsons.f\\nWithin the Virginia Military Land District, which lay be-\\nSeo an article by Charles Whittlesey, Esq. in the American Pioneer, ii. 22, .^3.\\nt Cincinnati in 1S41, p. 23 Monette s Valley of the MissLseippi, ii. 313.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0504.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "1796 Settlements further West. 501\\ntween the Little Miami and Scioto rivers, several new settle-\\nments were made, and surveys were executed by Nathaniel\\nMassie, the enterprising pioneer of the Scioto valley, over the\\nmost fertile lands westward to the Little Miami, as far north\\nas Todd s fork, and on all the branches of Paint Creek, and\\neastward to the Scioto. He performed much service as a\\npioneer in extending the settlements and the boundaries of\\ncivilization in this part of Ohio. As early as 1790, he laid\\nout the town of Manchester, on the Ohio, twelve miles above\\nLimestone. By the following March, he had his stockade\\ncomplete, and about thirty families within it.\\nEmigrants from Virginia, in great numbers, advanced into\\nthe Scioto valley, and settlements extended on the fine lands\\nlying on Paint and Deer creeks, and other branches of the\\nScioto.\\nAt the same time the pioneers of civilization were gradually\\nextending settlements along the Muskingum as far as the\\nmouth of Licking. It was in this year that Ebenezer Zane\\nobtained the grant of a section of land as the consideration\\nof opening a bridle-path from the Ohio river at Wheeling,\\nacross the country by Chillicothe to Limestone, in Kentucky,\\nwhich was located where 3\u00c2\u00abrft*sville now is. The United\\nStates mail traversed this route for the first time the following\\nyear.*\\nBefore the close of the year 1796, the white population of\\nthe North Western Territory, now included in the State of\\nOhio, had increased to about live thousand souls of all ages.\\nThese were chiefly distributed in the lower valleys of the\\nMuskingum, Scioto and Miami rivers, and on their small tribu-\\ntaries, within fifty miles of the Ohio river.\\nWith this progress of settlements, the end of the Indian\\nwar by the treaty at Greenville, and the delivery of the north-\\nern posts by the British, under Jay s treaty, all apprehension\\nof danger on the part of the whites ceased, and friendly in-\\ntercourse with the natives succeeded. Such disaffected Indians\\nas persisted in their feelings of hostility to the Americans, re-\\ntired into the interior of the North Western wilderness, or to\\ntheir allies in Canada. Forts, stations and stockades, became\\nuseless, and were abandoned to decay. The hardy pioneer\\npushed further into the forest, and men of enterprize and capi-\\nMonette s Valley of the Mississippi, ii. 316.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0505.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "502 Affairs in Tennessee. 1796\\ntal in the older settlements, became interested in securing\\nclaims and titles to extensive bodies of fertile lands, and send-\\ning out colonies for their occupation. Settlements were made,\\nand towns and villages planted in Western Virginia and Ken-\\ntucky.\\nDuring the period in which the Annals of the northwest\\nhave been given, in this and the preceding chapters, frequent\\nacts of hostility were committed by the Cherokees and other\\nsouthern Indians on the settlements in Tennessee, especially\\nthose along the Cumberland river. These depredations, in\\nwhish many persons were killed and scalped, were committed\\nby small marauding parties. The termination of the Indian\\nwar in the northwest, was followed by treaties with the south\\nwestern Indians, and the cessation of hostilities in that\\nquarter.\\nIn 1790, North Carolina, which claimed jurisdiction over\\nthe territorial district of Tennessee, ceded to the Federal gov-\\nernment all this territory. The ceded country, by act of Con-\\ngress, approved May 20tli, was erected into a territory of the\\nUnited States, under the name of the South Western Terri-\\ntory. The ordinance of 1787, for the North Western Terri-\\ntory, (with the exception of tjfie sixth article, prohibiting slave-\\nry,) was adopted as the fundamental law in its organiza-\\ntion.\\nNotwithstanding the hostile attitude of the Indians, large\\nnumbers of emigrants, each year, left Virginia, North and\\nSouth Carolina, and even Georgia, for this district of country,\\nand settlements continued to extend into the wilderness. In\\n1793, the people became impatient of their dependant form of\\ngovernment, and adopted an address to the governor, that as\\nthe territory contained more than five thousand free white\\nmale persons, (the requisite number, as provided by the ordi-\\nnance of 1787,) they might have a territorial Legislature.\\nIn December of that year, the Governor issued his procla-\\nmation for the election of a General Assembly, as provided by\\nlaw.\\nThe Legislature assembled at Knoxville, in February, 1794,\\nand passed the necessary laws to open roads, protect the in-\\nhabitants from Indian depredations, and other matters.\\n(It ought to have been noticed in its proper place, that owing\\nto the tardy and vascillating course of North Carohna, the peo-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0506.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "1796 State of Frankland. 503\\npie, after several efforts to obtain what they supposed to be\\ntheir rights, elected five deputies from each county, which met\\nat Greenville, in November, 1785, formed a constitution, and\\nproceeded to organize the State of Frankland. A Legislature\\nwas chosen, and a delegation was sent to Congress with their\\nconstitution, asking for admission into the confederation, which\\nwas rejected, to avoid collision with North Carolina. The\\nState government of Frankland, and that of North Carolina,\\nattempted to exercise jurisdiction over the same territory,\\nwhich collision continued for two years, when the new gov-\\nernment, very reluctantly, yielded.)*\\nAccording to a census ordered by the Territorial Legisla-\\nture, in 1795, the aggregate population of the territory was\\n77,262 persons; of whom 66,490 were whites, and the remain-\\nder slaves and free persons of color. This amount of popula-\\ntion more than entitled them to a State government, according\\nto the provisions of the ordinance of Congress.\\nThe governor of the territory issued his proclamation for\\nan election of five persons in each county, to meet in conven-\\ntion, for the purpose of forming a constitution. This conven-\\ntion assembled at Knoxville, on the 11th of January, 1796,\\nand formed the constitution, and on the 9th of February, gov-\\nernor Blount, forwarded to Mr. Pickering, Secretary of State,\\na copy. This was sent by Mr. McMinn, who was instructed\\nto tarry long enough in Philadelphia, to ascertain whether the\\nnew State would be admitted into the Union. On the 6th of\\nJune, the act was passed by Congress to receive the State of\\nTennessee.\\nFour years after the organization of the State government,\\nthe population had increased to 105,602 souls, including 13,-\\n584 slaves and persons of color.f\\nDuring 1796, Samuel Jackson and Jonathan Sharpless erect-\\ned Redstone paper-mill, four miles east of Brownsville; it\\nbeing the first manufactory of the kind west of the Allegha-\\nnies.J\\nIn the month of December, 1796, General Anthony Wayne,\\nbeing on his way from Detroit to Philadelphia, was attacked\\nwith sickness, and died in a cabin, at or near Erie, (Presqu ile)\\nMonette s History, ii. 270\u00e2\u0080\u0094272. Haywood s Civil History, 140\u00e2\u0080\u0094 IGO.\\nHaywood s Civil and Political History of Tennessee Monette, ii. 2S0.\\nX American Pioneer, ii. 64", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0507.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "504 Interference of Spain in the West. 1797\\nin the north part of Pennsylvania. He was born in Chester\\ncounty, Pa. January 1st, 1745; hence in a few days, had he\\nlived, he would have been fifty-one years of age. He was a\\ndistinguished officer in the revolutionary war, a man of unpar-\\nalleled bravery, and led the forlorn hope in the attack upon\\nStoney Point. His remains were removed from Presqu ile in\\n1809, by his son. Col. Isaac Wayne, to Radnor church-yard,\\nnear the place of his birth, and an elegant monument erected\\non his tomb by the Pennsylvania Cincinnati Society.*\\n[Before the Spanish posts on the eastern side of the Missis-\\nsippi were surrendered to the United States, according to the\\ntreaty of 1795, efforts were made by agents of France and\\nSpain, to induce the people of the western country to separate\\nthemselves from the American Union, and to establish, in con-\\njunction with France and Spain, an independent government\\nin the Mississippi valley. After the death of Gen. Wayne,\\nGen. Wilkinson was appointed to the command of the United\\nStates troops in this valley. In the month of June, 1797, the\\nBaron de Carondelet, Governor General of Louisiana, sent\\nThomas Power, one of his agents, to General Wilkinson, with\\na letter, in which Wilkinson was requested to delay the march\\nof the American troops for the posts on the Mississippi, until\\nthe adjustment of certain questions which were then pending\\nbetween the government of the United States and that of\\nSpain. The real object of the mission of Pow^er was to ascer-\\ntain the opinions and sentiments of the western people, on\\nthe subject of a separation from the Union.\\nIn the mean time, and for some years preceding, the agents\\nof Spain were engaged in enlisting the Indians in the south-\\nwest on their side, and the officers of that government pro-\\nceeded to reinforce and strengthen their posts in Upper Lou-\\nisiana. To understand the design of the mission of Power,\\nit is necessary to lay before the reader the secret instructions\\nof the Baron de Carondelet, dated on the 26th of May, 1797.t\\nOn your journey, you will give to understand adroitly, to\\nthose persons to whom you have an opportunity of speaking,\\nthat the delivery of the posts which the Spaniards occupy on\\nthe Mississippi, to the troops of the United States, is directly\\nBurnett s Letters, 49 Allen s American Biography Day s Ilistorical CollectioDE of\\nPennsylvania, p. 216 Encyclopedia Americana, vol. xiii. Article, Wayne.\\nt DUIon 8 Indiana, i. \u00e2\u0096\u00a0410\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler s Kentucky, p. 256\u00e2\u0080\u0094 MarihaU s Kentucky, vol. ii.\\n219.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0508.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "1797 Interference of Spain in the Southwest. 505\\nopposed to the interest of those of the west, who, as they must\\none day separate from the Atlantic slates, would find them-\\nselves without any communication with lower Louisiana, from\\nwhence they ought to expect to receive powerful succors in\\nartillery, arms, ammunition and money, either publicly or se-\\ncretly, as soon as ever the western states should determine on\\na separation, which must injure their prosperity and their in-\\ndependence; that, for this reason, Congress is resolved on risk-\\ning every thing to take those posts from Spain and that it\\nwould be forging fetters for themselves, to furnish it with militia\\nand means, which it can only find in the western states. These\\nsame reasons, diffused abroad by means of the public papers,\\nmight make the strongest impressions on the people, and in-\\nduce them to throw oft the yoke of the Atlantic states.\\nIf a hundred thousand dollars distributed in Kentucky\\nwould cause it to rise in insurrection, I am very certain, that\\nthe minister, in the present circumstances, would sacrifice them\\nwith pleasure; and you may, without exposing yourself too\\nmuch, promise them to those who enjoy the confidence of the\\npeople, with another equal sum to arm them, in case of neces-\\nsity, and twenty pieces of field artillery.\\nYou will arrive without danger, as bearer of a despatch\\nfor the General, where the army may be, whose force, discip-\\nline, and disposition, you will examine with care; and you will\\nendeavor to discover, with your natural penetration, the Gene-\\nral s disposition. I doubt that a person of his disposition would\\nprefer, through vanity, the advantages of commanding the\\narmy of the Atlantic states, to that of being the founder, the\\nliberator, in fine, the Washington of the Western states his\\npart is as brilliant as it is easy all eyes are drawn towards\\nhim; he possesses the confidence of his fellow citizens, and of\\nthe Kentucky volunteers at the slightest movement, the peo-\\nple will name him the General of the new republic; his repu-\\ntation will raise an army for him, and Spain as well as France\\nwill furnish him the means of paying it. On taking Fort Mas-\\nsac, we will send him instantly arms and artillery; and Spain,,\\nlimiting herself to the possession of the forts of Natchez ansl\\nWalnut Hills, as far as fort Confederalion, will cede to the\\nwestern states all the eastern bank to the Ohio, which will\\nform a very extensive and powerful republic, connected by its\\nsituation and by its interest, with Spain, and in concert with\\nit, will force the savages to become a party to it, and to con-\\nfound themselves in time with its citizens.\\nThe public are discontented with the new taxes Spain\\nand France are enraged at the connection of the United States\\nwith England the army is weak and devoted to Wilkinson\\nthe threats of Congress authorize me to succor, on the spot,\\nand openly, the western states money will not then be want-\\ning to me, for 1 shall send without delay, a ship to Vera Cruz\\n32", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0509.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "506 The Mission of Thomas Power. 1797\\nin search of it, as well as of ammunition nothing more will\\nconsequently be required, but an instant of firmness and reso-\\nlution to make the people of the west perfectly happy. If they\\nsuffer this instant to escape them, and we are forced to deliver\\nup the posts, Kentucky and Tennessee, surrounded by the said\\nposts, and without communication with Lower Louisiana, will\\never remain under the oppression of- the Atlantic states.\\nThe emissary. Power, passed through Tennessee, Kentucky\\nand the North Western Territory, as far as Detroit, where he\\nfound General Wilkinson, and communicated his message\\nabout the posts down the Mississippi. The General wrote a\\nletter to Captain Robert Buntin of Vincennes, dated Detroit,\\nSeptember 4th, 1797, in which he expresses fears that the\\nposts would not be surrendered without war, but suggests the\\nletter may be a mask for other purposes.\\nThe result of Power s mission, was the entire defeat of the\\nproject. Contrary to his remonstrances, he was obliged to\\nreturn to Louisiana by the way of Vincennes and Fort Mas-\\nsac, under the escort of Captain Shaumberg, of the American\\narmy. It appears that the United States government got in-\\nformation of this nefarious mission, and issued orders to the\\ngovernor of the North Western Territory, to arrest Power and\\nsend him to Philadelphia.!]\\nThe occupying claimant law of Kentucky which was\\nintended to relieve those who were ejected from lands, from\\nthe hardship of paying rent for the time they had held them,\\nwhile their improvements were not paid for or regarded was\\nalso passed in this year. It was afterwards decided by the\\nSupreme Court of the United States, to be unconstitutional,\\nbut the justice of that decision was not acquiesced in by the\\nbest men of Kentucky, and the Appellate Court of that State\\nnever recognized it, upon the ground that it was not a decision\\nof the majority of the Supreme Court. J\\nDetroit, during 1797, contained, as we learn from Weld,\\nthree hundred houses.\\n[The Congress of the United States, on the 7th of April,\\n1798, passed an act organizing the territory of the Mississippi,\\nAmerican Sta e Papers, Miscellaneous ii. 103.\\nt Butlcr a Kentucky, 251 Dillon s Indiana, i. 414.]\\nX Marshall, ii. 203-221;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler, 266 to 279.\\nJ Weld s Travels, ii. 183.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0510.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "1798. Mississippi Territory organized. SQ\\nand Winthrop Sargent, Secretary of the North-western Ter-\\nritory, was appointed the Governor.* Mr. Sargent, for some\\ncause, was an unpopular man as Secretary and acting Gov-\\nernor in the absence of St. Clair. He was a pompous, over-\\nbearing man; and in 1801, he was accused of misdoings in\\nMississippi.!] During the spring of this j ear General Wil-\\nkinson had been ordered to the country still held by the Span-\\niards, who, however, abandoned the region in dispute with-\\nout serious opposition. By the 10th of October, the line\\ndividing the possessions of Spain and the Federal Govern-\\nment was in a great measure run, and the head-quarters of\\nthe American commander were fixed at Loftus Heights, six\\nmiles north of the 31st degree of North latitude.J\\nThe appointment of Sargent to the charge of the South-\\nwest Territory, led to the choice of William Henry Harrison,\\nwho had been aid-de-camp to General Wayne in 1794, and\\nwhose character stood very high in the estimation of all who\\nknew him, to the Secretaryship of the North-west which\\nplace he held until appointed to represent that territory in\\nCongress.\\nThe North-western Territory, as may be seen by a reference\\nto the ordinance of 1787, was to have a representative assem-\\nbly as soon as its inhabitants numbered five thousand. Upon\\nthe 29th of October, Governor St. Clair gave notice by proc-\\nlamation that the required population existed, and directed\\nan election of representatives to be held on the third Monday*\\nin December.\\n[The representatives, when assembled, were required ta\\nnominate ten persons, whose names were sent to the Presi-\\ndent of the United States, who selected five, and with the\\nadvice and consent of the Senate appointed them, for the\\nLegislative Council.\\nIn this mode the country passed into the second grade of a\\nterritorial government.]|j\\nDuring the summer of 1798, the famous alien and sedition\\nlaws were passed by Congress. They were, by the Demo-\\nAmerican State Papcr.J, ix. 203.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f For particulars reference is had to Burnett s Letters, p. 79 the Freeman s Journal\\n(Cincinnati) November 26th, 1796 and American State Papers, xx. 233 to 241.\\nWilkinson s Memoirs, i. 434 and ii. 133.\\nBurnet, in Ohio Historical Transactions, part 2, vol, ii, p. 69.\\nI Dillon i. 431. Burnet in Ohio Ilistorical Transactions, part 2, vol. L p. 70.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0511.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "508 Nullification in Kentucky. 1798.\\ncratic party every where regarded with horror, and hated, and\\nin Virginia and Kentucky especially, called forth in opposi-\\ntion the most able men, and produced the most violent meas-\\nures. The Governor of Kentucky called the attention of the\\nLegislature to them, and upon the 8th of November resolu-\\ntions, prepared by Mr. Jefferson, were introduced into the\\nHouse, declaring that the United States are united by a com-\\npact under the style and title of a constitution for the United\\nStates that to this compact, each State acceded, as a State,\\nand is an integral party, its co-States forming to itself the\\nother party that the government created by this compact,\\nwas not made the exclusive or^na/ judge of the extent of\\nthe powers delegated to itself; but that, as in all other cases\\nof compact among parties having no common judge, each\\nparty has an equal right to judge for himself, as well of\\ninfractions as the mode and manner of redress. And this\\ndoctrine was further developed by the mover of the resolu-\\ntions, Mr. John Breckenridge said he, I consider the co-\\nStates to be alone parties to the federal compact, and solely\\nauthorized to judge in the last resort of the power exercised\\nunder the compact Congress not being a party, but merely\\nthe creature of the compact, and subject as to its assumption\\nof power, to the final judgment of those by whom, and for\\nwhose use, itself and its powers were all created. In an-\\nother passage he says, if upon the representation of the\\nStates from whom they derive their powers, they should nev-\\nertheless attempt to enforce them, I hesitate not to declare it\\nas my opinion, that it is then the right and duty of the seve-\\nral States, to mdlify those acts, and protect thcii- citizens from\\ntheir operation.\\nTo this doctrine, since disclaimed by Kentucky, in a clear\\nand formal declaration, in 1S3S, William Murray, of Frank-\\nlin, alone offered a steady opposition, and took the ground\\nsince occupied by Mr. Webster with so great power; but he\\nargued in vain, the Senate unanimously passed the resolu-\\ntions, the House acted with almost equal unanimity, and the\\nGovernor gave them his approbation. f\\nButler from 2S5 to 2S7.\\nt Butler, 2S5, kc. See the Virginia resolutions, the alien and sedition law3, the debata\\nin Virginia, the resolutions of other States, and Madison s Vindication, in a volume\\npublished at Richmond, bj Robert I. Smith, in 1132. See also North American Review,\\nTol. 31, (Oct 1840.) This is a very full and able paper.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Marshall, ii. 254, Ac, 317.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0512.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "1790. North-Western Legislature organized. 609\\nA change in the Penal Code of Kentucky took place dur-\\ning 1798, by which the punishment of death was confined to\\nthe crime of murder; and for all others the penitentiary sys-\\ntem was substituted.*\\n[The election of Representatives having taken place in\\nDecember, they met on the 22nd of January, 1799, and per-\\nformed their first duty by nominating ten persons, whose\\nnames were sent to the President of the United States. Gov-\\nernor St. Clair then prorogued the session until the 16th of\\nSeptember. On the second of March, President Adams se-\\nlected from the list of ten nominees, the names of Jacob\\nBurnet, James Findlay, Henry Vanderburgh, Robert Oliver,\\nand David Vance. The next day the Senate confirmed the\\nnomination of these gentlemen for the Legislative Council,\\nor Upper House, in the Territorial Legislature, for five years.\\nOn the 16th of September, both branches of the legislature\\nassembled at Cincinnati, but a quorum not appearing, the\\ntwo houses were not organized until the 24th of September.\\nAs this was the first House of Representatives elected by\\nthe people of the North-western Territory, it is deemed neces-\\nsary to record their names and the counties they represented.\\nHamilton County. William Goforth, William McMillan,\\nJohn Smith, John Ludlow, Robert Benham, Aaron Cadwell,\\nIsaac Martin.\\nRoss County. Thomas Worthington, Samuel Finlay, Elias\\nLangham, Edward Tiffin.\\nWayne County (now Michigan). Solomon Sibley, Charles\\nF. Chobert de Joncaire, Jacob Visger.\\nAdams County. Joseph Darlington, Nathaniel Massie.\\nJefferson County. James Pritchard.\\nWashington County. Return Jonathan Meigs.\\nKnox County., (including the Illinois country) Shadrach\\nBond, from Illinois.\\nThey elected Edward Tiffin, Speaker; John Reilly, Clerk;\\nJoshua Rowland, Door-keeper and Abraham Cary, Ser-\\ngeant-at-arms.\\nHenry Vanderburgh was chosen President of the Council,\\nand William C. Schenk, Secretary.\\nBoth houses being fully organized, were addressed by Gov-\\nernor St. Clair, on the 25th day of September. From the\\nButler, 281. Marshall, ii. 238.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0513.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "510 W. H. Harrison chosen Delegate from N. W. Tcrr y. 1799.\\nletters of the Hon. Jacob Burnet, the only surviving member\\nof this body, (in 1850,) we extract the following account of\\nthese early proceedings.]\\nThe Governor met the two houses in the representatives\\nchamber, and in a very elegant address, recommended such\\nmeasures as he thought were suited to the condition of the\\ncountry, and would advance the safety and prosperity of the\\npeople. The legislative body continued in session till the\\n19th of December, when having finished their business, the\\ngovernor prorogued them, at their request, till the first Mon-\\nday in November. This being the first session, it was neces-\\nsarily a very laborious one. The transition from a colonial\\nto a semi-independent government, called for a general revi-\\nsion, as well as a considerable enlargement of the statute-\\nbook. Some of the adopted laws were repealed, many others\\naltered and amended, and a long list of new ones added to\\nthe code. New offices were to be created and filled the du-\\nties attached to them prescribed, and a plan of ways and\\nmeans devised, to meet the increased expenditures, occasioned\\nby the change which had just taken place. As the number of\\nmembers in each branch was small, and a large portion of\\nthem either unprepared or indisposed to partake largely of the\\nlabors of the session, the pressure fell on the shoulders of a\\nfew. Although the branch to which I belonged, was com-\\nposed of sensible, strong-minded men, yet they were unac-\\ncustomed to the duties of their new station, and not conver-\\nsant with the science of law. The consequence was, that\\nthey relied chiefly and almost entirely on me, to draft and\\nprepare the bills and other documents, which originated in\\nthe council, as will appear by referring to the journal of the\\nsession. One of the important duties which devolved on the\\nlegislature was the election of a delegate to represent the\\nterritory in Congress, As soon as the governor s proclama-\\ntion made its appearance, the election of a person to fill that\\nstation excited general attention. Before the meeting of the\\nlegislature, public opinion had settled down on William\\nHenry Harrison, and Arthur St. Clair, jun., who were event-\\nually the only candidates. On the 3d of October, the two\\nhouses met in the representatives chamber, according to a\\njoint resolution, and proceeded to the election. The ballots\\nbeing taken and counted, it appeared that William Henry", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0514.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "1799. First laws of the Legislature. 5ll\\nHarrison had eleven votes, and Arthur St. Clair, jun., ten\\nvotes; the former was therefore declared to be duly elected.\\nThe legislature by joint resolution, prescribed the form of a\\ncertificate of his election having received that certificate, he\\nresigned the office of Secretary of the territory proceeded\\nforthwith to Philadelphia, and took his seat. Congress being\\nthen in session. Though he represented the territory but one\\nyear, he obtained some important advantages for his constit-\\nuents. He introduced a resolution to subdivide the surveys\\nof the public lands, and to offer them for sale in small tracts\\nhe succeeded in getting that measure through both houses,\\nin opposition to the interests of speculators w^ho were, and\\nM^ho wished to be, the retailers of land to the poorer classes\\nof the community. His proposition became a law, and was\\nhailed as the most beneficent act that Congress had ever done\\nfor the territory. It put it in the power of every industrious\\nman, however poor, to become a freeholder, and to lay a foun-\\ndation for the future support, and comfort of his family. At\\nthe same session, he obtained a liberal extension of time for\\nthe pre-emptioners in the northern part of the Miami pur-\\nchase, which enabled them to secure their farms, and eventu-\\nally to become independent, and even wealthy.*\\nFrom a circular by Harrison to the people of the territory,\\ndated May 14, 1800, we quote in relation to this matter the\\nfollowing passage\\nAmongst the variety of objects which engaged my atten-\\ntion, as peculiarly interesting to our territory, none appeared\\nto me of so much importance, as the adoption of a system for\\nthe sale of the public lands, which would give more favorable\\nterms to that class of purchasers who are likely to become\\nactual settlers, than was offered by the existing laws upon\\nthat subject conformably to this idea, I procured the passage\\nof a resolution at an early period for the appointment of a\\ncommittee to take the matter into consideration. And short-\\nly after I reported a bill containing terms for the purchaser,\\nas favorable as could have been expected. This bill was\\nadopted by the house of representatives without any mate-\\nrial alteration but in the senate, amendments were intro-\\nduced, obliging the purchaser to pay interest on that part of\\nthe money for which a credit was given from the date of the\\npurchase, and directing that one half the land (instead of the\\nwhole, as was provided by the bill from the house of repre-\\nHistorical Transactions of Ohio, i. 71.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0515.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "512 Remarks of 3Ir. Chase. 1799\\nsentatives,) should be sold in half sections of three hundred\\nand twenty acres, andthe other half in whole sections of six\\nhundred and forty acres. All my exertions, aided by some of\\nthe ablest members of the lower house, at a conference for\\nthat purpose, were not sufficient to induce the senate to re-\\ncede from their amendments; but, upon the whole, there is\\ncause of congratulation to my fellow-citizens that terms as\\nfavorable as the bill still contains, have been procured. This\\nlaw promises to be the foundation of a great increase of pop-\\nulation and w^ealth to our country for although the minimum\\nprice of the land is still fixed at two dollars per acre, the time\\nfor making payments has been so extended as to put it in the\\npower of every industrious man to comply with them, it being\\nonly necessary to pay one-fourth part of the money in hand,\\nand the balance at the end of two, three, and four years be-\\nsides this, the odious circumstance of forfeiture, which was\\nmade the penalty of failing in the payments under the old\\nlaw, is entirely abolished, and the purchaser is allowed one\\nyear after the last payment is due to collect the money if\\nthe land is not then paid for, it is sold, and, after the public\\nhave been reimbursed, the balance of the money is returned\\nto the purchaser. Four land-offices are directed to be opened\\none at Cincinnati, one at Chilicothe, one at Marietta, and\\none at Steubenville, for the sale of the lands in the neigh-\\nborhood of those places. (Life of Harrison, by Todd and\\nDrake, p. 20.)\\nTo the foregoing paragraphs by Judge Burnet, our first\\nlaw-maker, may be properly added the following from Mr.\\nChase, the first collector of our Northwestern Statutes.\\nThe whole number of acts passed and approved by the\\ngovernor was thirty- seven. Of these the most important re-\\nlated to the militia, to the administration of justice, and to\\ntaxation. Provision was made for the efficient organization\\nand discipline of the military force of the territor}-; justices\\nof the peace were authorised to hear and determine all ac-\\ntions upon the case, except trover, and all actions of debt,\\nexcept upon bonds for the performance of covenants, without\\nlimitation as to the amount in controversy and a regular\\nsystem of taxation was established. The tax for territorial\\npurposes, was levied upon lands that for county purposes,\\nupon persons, personal property, and houses and lots.\\nDuring this session, a bill, authorising a lottery for a pub-\\nlic purpose, passed by the council, was rejected by the repre-\\nsentatives. Thus early was the policy adopted of interdict-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0516.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "1799. Remarks of Mr. Chase. 513\\ning this demoralizing and ruinous mode of gambling and tax-\\nation a policy which, with but a temporary deviation, has\\never since honorably characterized the legislature of Ohio.\\nBefore adjournment, the legislature issued an atldress to\\nthe people, in which they congratulated their constituents\\nupon the change in the form of government rendered an ac-\\ncount of their public conduct as legislators; adverted to the\\nfuture greatness and importance of this part of the American\\nempire and the provision made by the national government\\nfor secular and religious instruction in the west and upon\\nthese considerations, urged upon the people the practice of\\nindustry, frugality, temperance and every moral virtue. Re-\\nligion, morality and knowledge, said they, are necessary to\\nall good governments. Let us, therefore, inculcate the\\nprinciples of humanity, benevolence, honesty and punctu-\\nality in dealing, sincerity, and charity, and all the social affec-\\ntions.\\nAbout the same time an address was voted to the President\\nof the United States, expressing the entire confidence of the\\nlegislature in the wisdom and purity of his administration,\\nand their warm attachment to the American constitution and\\ngovernment. The vote upon this address proved that the\\ndifferences of political sentiment, which then agitated all the\\nstates, had extended to the territory. The address was carried\\nby eleven ayes against five noes.\\nOn the nineteenth of December, this protracted session of\\nthe first legislature was terminated by the governor. In his\\nspeech on this occasion he enumerated eleven acts, to which,\\nin the course of the session, he had thought fit to apply his ab-\\nsolute veto. These acts he had not returned to the legislature,\\nbecause the two houses were under no obligation to consider\\nthe reasons on which his veto was founded; and, at any rate,\\nas his negative was unqualified, the only effect of such a re-\\nturn would be to bring on a vexatious, and probably fruitless,\\naltercation between the legislative body and the executive.\\nOf the eleven acts thus negatived, six related to the erection\\nof new counties. These were disapproved for various rea-\\nsons, but mainly because the governor claimed that the power\\nexercised in enacting them, was vested by the ordinance, not\\nin the legislature, but in himself. This free exercise of the\\nveto power excited much dissatisfaction among the people,", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0517.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "514 Kentucky amends her Constitution. 1800\\nand the controversy which ensued between the governor and\\nthe legislature, as to the extent of their respective powers,\\ntended to confirm and strengthen the popular disafTection.*\\nDuring this year Kentucky proceeded to amend her Consti-\\ntution, now seven years old. It is not our purpose to enter\\ninto the details of the several State charters, and we shall\\nonly mention the fact that the earliest born of our western\\ncommonwealths, when change was made in her fundamental\\nlaw, gave it a more democratic and popular character. This\\nwas done by making the choice of the senate and governor\\ndirect, instead of being as formerly through a college of elec-\\ntors and by limiting the veto power.f\\nIn 1799, Kentucky began, or rather threatened to begin, a\\nsystem of internal improvements, by a survey of the river\\nupon which her capital stands the work recommended by\\nthe engineer, however, and which might have been done very\\ncheaply, was not undertaken.J\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\nOHIO AND INDIANA.\\nTerritory of Indiana organized DiflScultios with Governor St. Clair Organization of the\\nState of Ohio DiflBcultics with Spain renewed Purchase of Louisiana from France\\nBeason? for its sale by Napoleon explained History of Symmes College Township\\nDetroit burnt and re-built Movements and Intrigues of Aaron Burr His Trial and\\nPurposes Extensive purchases from the Indians.\\nThe great extent of the territory northwest of the Ohio made\\nthe ordinary operations of Government extremely uncertain,\\nand the efficient action of Courts almost impossible. The\\nCommittee of Congress, who, upon the 3d of March, 1800, re-\\nported upon the subject, said\\nChase s Sketch p. 20.\\nt Marshall, ii. 233, 246, 252, 292, 293, etc.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler 290.\\nX Marshall, ii. 317.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Butler, 293.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0518.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "1800 Indiana Territory Formed. 515\\n111 the three western countries there has been but one court\\nhaving cognizance of crimes in five years; and the immunity\\nwhich offenders experience, attracts, as to an asykim, the most\\nvile and abandoned criminals, and at the same time deters\\nuseful and virtuous persons from making settlements in such\\nsociety. The extreme necessity of judiciary attention and as-\\nsistance, is experienced in civil as well as criminal cases.\\nThe supplying to vacant places such necessary officers as may\\nbe wanted, such as clerks, recorders, and others of like kind,\\nis, from the impossibility of correct notice and information,\\nutterly neglected. This Territory is exposed, as a frontier, to\\nforeign nations, whose agents can find sufficient interest in\\nexciting or fomenting insurrection and discontent, as thereby\\nthey can more easily divert a valuable trade in furs from the\\nUnited States, and also have a part thereof on which they\\nborder, which feels so little the cherishing hand of their pro-\\nper Government, or so little dread of its energy, as to render\\ntheir attachment perfectly uncertain and ambiguous. The\\ncommittee would further suggest, that the law of the 3d of\\nMarch, 1791, granting land to certain persons in the western\\npart of said territory, and directing the laying out of the same,\\nremains unexecuted; that great discontent, in consequence of\\nsuch neglect, is excited in those who were interested in the\\nprovisions of said law, and which require the immediate atten-\\ntion of this legislature. To minister a remedy to these evils,\\nit occurs to this committee that it is expedient that a division\\nof said territory into two distinct and separate governments\\nshould be made; and that such division be made, by a line be-\\nginning at the mouth of the Great Miami river, running direct-\\nly north, until it intersects the boundary between the United\\nStates and Canada.*\\nIn accordance with the spirit of this resolution an act was\\npassed, and approved upon the 7th of May, from which we\\nextract these provisions\\nThat from and after the 4th day of July next, all that part\\nof the territory of the United States, northwest of the Ohio\\nriver, which lies to the westward of a line beginning at the\\nOhio, opposite to the mouth of Kentucky river, and running\\nthence to fort Recovery, and thence north, until it shall inter-\\nsect the territorial line between the United States and Canada,\\nshall, for the purpose of temporary government, constitute a\\nseparate territory, and be called the Indiana territory.\\nSec. 2. And be it further enacted, That there shall be estab-\\nlished within the said territory a government, in all respects\\nsimilar to that provided by the ordinance of Congress, passed\\non the thirteenth day of July, one thousand seven hundred\\nand eighty-seven, for the government of the territory of the\\nAmerican State Papeis, xz. 206.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0519.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "516 Indiana Territory Formed. 1800\\nUnited States northwest of the river Ohio; and the inhabitants\\nthereof shall be entitled to, and enjoy, all and singular, the\\nrights, privileges and advantages, granted and secured to the\\npeople by the said ordinance.\\nSec. 4. And be it further enacted. That so much of the or-\\ndinance for the government of the territory of the United\\nStates northwest of the Ohio river, as relates to the organiza-\\ntion of a General Assembly therein, and prescribes the powers\\nthereof, shall be in force and operate in the Indiana Territory,\\nwhenever satisfactory evidence shall be given to the Governor\\nthereof, that such is the wish of a majority of the freeholders,\\nnotwithstanding there may not be therein five thousand free\\nmale inhabitants of the age of twenty-one years and upwards:\\nProvided, that until there shall be five thousand free male in-\\nhabitants, of twenty-one years and upwards, in said territory,\\nthe whole number of Representatives to the General Assembly\\nshall not be less than seven, nor more than nine, to be appor-\\ntioned by the Governor to the several counties in said territory,\\nagreeably to the number of free males of the age of twenty-\\none years and upwards, which they may respectively contain.\\nSec. 5. And be it further enacted. That nothing in this act\\ncontained, shall be construed so as in any manner to affect\\nthe government now in force in the territory of the United\\nStates northwest of the Ohio river, further than to prohibit the\\nexercise thereof within the Indiana Territory, from and after\\nthe aforesaid fourth day of July next: Provided, That, when-\\never that part of the territory of the United States whichlies\\nto the eastward of a line beginning at the mouth of the Great\\nMiami river, and running thence, due north, to the territorial\\nline between the United States and Canada, shall be erected\\ninto an independent State, and admitted into the Union on an\\nequal footing with the original States, thenceforth said line\\nshall become and remain permanently the boundary line be-\\ntween such State and the Indiana Territory, any thing in this\\nact contained to the contrary notwithstanding.\\nSec. 6. And be it further enacted. That until it shall be\\notherwise ordered by the Legislatures of the said Territories,\\nrespectively, Chillicothe, on the Scioto river, shall be the seat\\nof the government of the Territory of the United States north-\\nwest of the Ohio river and that St. Vincennes, on the Wa-\\nbash river, .shall be the seat of the government for the Indiana\\nTerritory.\\n[William Henry Harrison, through whose agency as the del-\\negate in Congress, the formation of this Territory was obtain-\\ned, was appointed Governor.]\\nWe have already mentioned, that Connecticut in her Re-\\nLand Laws, 451.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0520.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "1800 Governor St. Clair s Speech. 517\\nserve had retained the jurisdiction thereof, as well as the soil.\\nWhen she disposed of the soil, however, troubles at once\\narose, for the settlers found themselves without a government\\nupon which to lean. Upon their representation, the mother\\nstate, in October 1797, authorized her Senators to release her\\njurisdiction over the Reserve, to the Union; upon the 21st of\\nMarch, 1800, a Committee of Congress reported in favor of\\naccepting this cession, and upon the 30th of May, the release\\nwas made by the Governor of the State, in accordance with a\\nlaw passed during that month the United States issuing let-\\nters patent to Connecticut for the soil, and Connecticut trans-\\nferring all her claims of jurisdiction to the Federal Govern-\\nment.* At that time, settlements had been commenced in\\nthirty-five of the townships, and one thousand persons had\\nbecome settlers; mills had been built, and seven hundred miles\\nof road cut in various directions.-]-\\n[The Connecticut Reserve continued to receive numerous\\nemigrants from the New England States, who formed settle-\\nments chiefly near Lake Erie. The population in this part of\\nthe territory had increased so fast, that in December, 1800,\\nthe county of Trumbull w^as organized. About this period a\\nlarge number of settlers on the Pennsylvania Grants, north-\\nwest of the Alleghany river, who bad made an unfortunate\\nbargain with certain rich land owners, abandoned their im-\\nprovements, to avoid litigation, and retired to the southern\\npart of the Western Reserve. They were an acquisition to\\nthis part of Ohio, and by industry and frugality, in a few years\\nmore than retrieved the loss of their improvements. J]\\nCongress having made Chillicothe the Capital of the north-\\nwestern Territory, on the 3d of November, 1800, the General\\nAssembly met at that place. At this meeting Governor St.\\nClair in strong terms expressed his sense of the want of pop-\\nularity under which he labored; he said\\nMy term of ofiice, and yours, gentlemen of the House of\\nRepresentatives, will soon expire. It is, indeed, very uncer-\\ntain, whether I shall ever meet another Assembly, in the char-\\nacter I now hold, for I well know, that the vilest calumnies and\\nthe greatest falsehoods, are insidiously circulated among the\\nAmerican State Papers, xri. 94 to 98 Chase s Statutes, i. 64 to 66.\\nt American Stnte Papers, xvi. 97.\\nX American Pioneer, ii. pp. 368, 371.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0521.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "518 Secret Treaty of Udefonso. 1800\\npeople, with a view to prevent it. While I regret the base-\\nness and malevolence of the authors, and well know that the\\nlaws have put the means of correction fully in my power, they\\nhave nothing t j dread from me but the contempt they justly\\nmerit. The remorse of their own consciences will one day be\\npunishment sufficient: Their arts may, however, succeed\\nBe that as it may, of this I am certain, that, be my succe^or\\nwhom he may, he can never have the interests of the people\\nof this Territory more truly at heart than I have had. nor labor\\nmore assiduously for their good than I have done; and I am\\nnot conscious that any one act of my administration has been\\ninfluenced by any other motive than a sincere desire to pro-\\nmote their welfare and happiness.*\\nNotwithstanding the general dislike felt towards him, how-\\never, St. Clair was reappointed in 1801, to the place he had so\\nlong occupied.\\nToward the close of this year the first Missionary to the\\nConnecticut Reserve, came thither under the patronage of the\\nConnecticut Missionary Society. He found no township con-\\ntaining more than eleven families. f\\nUpon the 1st of October, in this year, the secret treaty of St.\\nIldefonso was made between Napoleon as First Consul, and the\\nKing of Spain, whereby the latter agreed to cede to France\\nthe province of Louisiana-^\\nBv this year s census. Kentucky contained 179. S75 whites\\nand 40..343 slaves: an increase in ten years of 118.742 whites,\\nand 28913 slaves.\u00c2\u00a7\\nThe Governor and several of the legislators of the north-\\nwestern Territory having been insulted during the autumn of\\n1801 at Chillicothe, while the Assembly was in session and\\nno measures being taken by the authorities of the Capitol to\\nprotect the Executive a law was passed removing the seat\\nof government to Cincinnati again.J But it was not des-\\ntined that the Territorial Assembly should meet again any-\\nBoniet s Letters, p. 73.\\nt ABericBB Pkneer, li. 275.\\nI AaerieuiStete Papers, iL 507.\\nI MaRhall, ii 332.\\ntBornet s lettcis, 75. We state the fact a giTen bj Jadge Boniet, bat e^noot recoBcQ*\\nitwiththe Jotimals. Oa the 16th of December the removal of the eeat f goreroment wis\\nbroached in the Hoom. (Jourcai of Hoose, 62 oo the I9th it was foUr debated, (Jour-\\nnal, 71 to 73 oo the 2i.-t was passed by the Hrnse, (Joani l of Hous.-, 77 oo the same\\nday it was paaeed by the Council, (Joanial of Cooncil, 32, 33;) on the 24th it w.!8 signed by\\nthe Speaker and Pieadeot, (Joomal of CooiKal, 35,} aad given the Goreraor for his appro-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0522.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "1800. New Orleans closed against Americans. 519\\nwhere. The unpopularity of St. Clair, already referred to,\\nwas causing many to long for a State government and self-\\nrule. This unpopularity arose in part from the feelings con-\\nnected with his defeat in part from his being identified with\\nthe Federal party then fast falling into disrepute and in part\\nfrom his assuming powers which most thought he had no\\nright to exercise, especially the power of sub-dividing the\\ncounties of the Territory.\\nBut the opposition, though very powerful out of the Assem-\\nbly, was in the minority, even in the House of Representatives,\\nand during December, 1801, was forced to protest against a\\nmeasure brought forward in the Council for changing the Or-\\ndinance of 1787 in such a manner as to make the Scioto and\\na line drawn from the intersection of that river and the Indian\\nboundary to the western extremity of the Connecticut Re-\\nserve, the limit of the most eastern State to be formed from\\nthe territory. This change, if made, would long have post-\\nponed the formation of a State Government beyond the Ohio,\\nand against it Tiffin, Worthington, Langham, Darlinton, Mas-\\nsie, Dunlavy, and Morrow, recorded solemnly their objections.\\nNot content with this it was determined that some one should\\nat once visit Washington on behalf of the objectors, and upon\\nthe 20th of December, Thomas Worthington obtained leave\\nof absence for the remainder of the session. His acts and\\nthose of his co-laborers belong to the next year.*\\n[From 1799 to 1803 the territorial legislature met annual!}^,\\nbut made not many laws, owing to the extraordinary powers\\nconferred on the Governor, by the ordinance of 1787, and the\\nvery arbitrary manner by which he vetoed many of the bills\\nthat passed. During the period of the territorial legislature,\\nmost of the business usually done by territorial legislatures\\nsince, was done by the governor of the territorj He erected\\nnew counties, fixed county seats, and issued divers procla-\\nmations enacting laws by his own authority, and put his veto\\nupon all legislative enactments, which he fancied encroached\\nbation, (Journal of House, 89.) On the night of the 25th and 26th the only riots men-\\ntioned in the Journals took place. (Journal of Council, 39 Journal of House, 98.) On\\nthe 21it of December Mr. Burnet asked leave of absence for ten days which was granted;\\n(Journal of Council, .33.) The Governor s approbation to the bill was given January Istj\\n(Journal of House, 108.) Possibly his consent was determined by the riots.\\nJournal of House, 81 to 83 and 93. See also Journal of Council, 16 and 17. Journal\\nof House, 68.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0523.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "520 Worthington s Mission to Congress. 1802.\\non his prerogatives. Hence his administration became singu-\\nlarly unpopular.*]\\nBy the treaty with Spain, New Orleans, or an equivalent\\nestablishment, was to be allowed the citizens of the United\\nStates as a place of deposite for property sent down the Mis-\\nsissippi. Until the 16th of October, 1802, no change in rela-\\ntion to this place of deposit took place, but on that day Mo-\\nrales, the intendant of Louisiana, issued an order putting an\\nend to the cherished and all-important privilege granted to\\nthe Americans. This led to instant excitement and remon-\\nstrance, and, upon the 7th of January following, to a resolu-\\ntion by the House of Representatives, affirming, their unal-\\nterable determination to maintain the boundaries, and the\\nrights of navigation and commerce through the River Missis-\\nsippi as established by existing treaties. The act of the\\nIntendant had not, it appeared, been authorized by the Span-\\nish Government, and was not acquiesced in by the Governor\\nof Louisiana but the suspension continued notwithstanding,\\nuntil the 25th of February, 1803, when the port was opened\\nto provisions, upon paying a duty and, in April, orders from\\nthe King of Spain reached the United States, restoring the\\nright of deposit.^\\nIn January, 1802, a bill was passed by the Assembly of the\\nNorth- Western Territory, and approved by the Governor,\\nestablishing a university in the town of Athens.\\nWe have already noticed the dissatisfaction with Governor\\nSt. Clair, which prevailed in the North-Western Territory, and\\nthe wish of a party therein to obtain a State Government,\\nalthough not yet entitled to ask it under the ordinance. Mr.\\nWorthington left late in 1801, to urge upon Congress the evils\\nof the proposition to change the bounds of the north-western\\nStates, and if advisable, to procure permission to call a con-\\nvention for the formation of a State, having the boundaries\\nmentioned in the ordinance, namely, the west line of Penn-\\nsylvania, the north and south lines of the territory, and a line\\ndrawn due north from the mouth of ihe Great Miami.\\nt Atwater s History of Ohio, p. 167.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2American State Papers, ii. 556. 561.\\nt See Documente, American State Papers, ii. 469 to 471, 527, 528, 531, 636, 644, 648.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0524.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "1802 Worthing ton s Mission to Congress. 521\\nWhile Worthington was journeying, upon the 4th of Jan-\\nuary, Massie presented a resolution for choosing a committee\\nto address Congress in respect to the proposed State Govern-\\nment. This, upon the following day, the House refused to pass,\\nhowever, by a vote of twelve to five. An attempt was next\\nmade to procure a census of the Territory, and an act for that\\npurpose, passed the House, but the council postponed the con-\\nsideration of it until the next session, which was to commence\\nat Cincinnati on the fourth Monday of the following Novem-\\nber.*\\nWorthington, meantime, at Philadelphia, pursued the ends\\nof his mission, and used his influence to effect that organiza-\\ntion, which, terminating the influence of tyranny, was to\\nmeliorate the circumstances of thousands by freeing them from\\nthe domination of a despotic chief. J His efforts proved suc-\\ncessful, and upon the 4th of March a report was made to the\\nHouse in favor of authorizing a State Convention. This re-\\nport went upon the basis that the Territory, by the United\\nStates census made in 1800, contained more than forty-five\\nthousand inhabitants, and as the Government since that time\\nhad sold half a million of acres, that the territory east of the\\nMiami, supposing the past rate of increase to continue, would,\\nby the time a State government could be formed, contain the\\nsixty thousand persons contemplated by the ordinance and\\nupon this basis proposed that a convention should be held, to\\ndetermine, 1st, whether it were expedient to form a State Gov-\\nernment, and 2d, to prepare a Constitution, if such an organi-\\nzation were deemed best.f In the formation of this State,,\\nhowever, a change of boundaries was proposed, by which, inc\\naccordance with the fifth article of the ordinance of 1787, allJ\\nof the territory north of a line drawn due east from the head\\nof Lake IMichigan to Lake Erie, was to be excluded from the-\\nnew government about to be called into existence. The re-\\nport closed as follows\\nThe committee observe, in the ordinance for ascertaining\\nthe mode of disposing of lands in the Western Territory, of the\\n*Sec Journal of the Council, 53 and 78; and Journal of the House, 111, 115, 155.\\nfSee his letter to Mr. Giles, chairman of the committee of Congress, February 13th, 1802^.\\n(American State Papers, xx. 328.) See letter by him to James Finley, chairman, Feb..\\nruary 12th, 1802. (American State Papers, xx. 329.\\nlAmerican State Papers, xx. 326.)\\n33", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0525.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "522 P?-ovisions as to Lands in Ohio. 1802\\n20th of May, 1785, the following section, which, so far as re-\\nspects the subject of schools, remains unaltered\\nThere shall be reserved for the United States out of every\\ntownship, the four lots, being nun:ibered 8, 1 1, 26, 29 and out\\nof every fractional part of a township so many lots of the same\\nnumbers as shall be found thereon for future sale. There\\nshall be reserved the lot No. 16, of every township, for the\\nmaintenance of public schools within the said township; also,\\none-third part of all gold, silver, lead, and copper mines, to be\\nsold, or otherwise disposed of as Congress shall hereafter di-\\nrect.\\nThe committee also observe, in the third and fourth articles\\nof the ordinance of the 13th July, 1787, the following stipula-\\ntions, to wit:\\nArt. 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary\\nto good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and\\nthe means of education shall forever be encouraged, c.\\nArt. 4. The Legislatures of those districts or new States\\nshall never interfere with the primary disposal of the soil by\\nthe United States in Congress assembled, nor with any regula-\\ntions Congress may find necessary for securing the title in such\\nsoil to the bona Jide purchasers. No tax shall be imposed on\\nlands the property of the United States; and in no case shall\\nnon-resident proprietors be taxed higher than residents.\\nThe committee, taking into consideration these stipulations,\\nviewing the lands of the United States within the said terri-\\ntory as an important source of revenue deeming it also of the\\nhighest importance to the stability and permanence of the\\nunion of the eastern and western parts of the United States,\\nthat the intercourse should, as far as possible, be facilitated,\\nand their interests be liberally and mutually consulted and\\npromoted, are of opinion that the provisions of the aforesaid\\narticles may be varied for the reciprocal advantage of the\\nUnited Stales and the State of when formed, and the\\npeople thereof; they have therefore deemed it proper, in lieu\\nof the said provisions, to offer the following propositions to\\nthe convention of the eastern State of the said territoiy, when\\nformed, for their free acceptance or rejection, without any con-\\ndition or restraint whatever, which, if accepted by the conven-\\ntion, shall be obligatory upon the United States\\n1st. That the section No. IG, in every township, sold or\\ndirected to be sold by the United States, shall be granted to\\nthe inhabitants of such township for the use of schools.\\n2d. That the six miles reservation, including the salt\\nsprings, commonly called the Scioto salt springs, shall be\\ngranted to the State of when formed, for the use of\\nthe people thereof; the same to be used under such terms,", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0526.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "1802 Lands sold by the United States to he free from Taxes. 523\\nconditions, and regulations, as the Legislature of the said\\nState shall direct: Provided, the said Legislature shall never\\nsell nor lease the same for a longer term than years.\\n3d. That one-tenth part of the nett proceeds of the lands\\nlying in the said State, hereafter sold by Congress, after de-\\nducting all expenses incident to the same, shall be applied to\\nthe laying out and making turnpike or other roads, leading\\nfrom the navigable waters emptying into the Atlantic to the\\nOhio, and continued afterwards through the State of\\nsuch roads to be laid out under the authority of Congress,\\nwith the consent of the several States through which the\\nroads shall pass Provided, that the convention of the State of\\nshall, on its part, assent that every and each tract of land\\nsold by Congress shall be and remain exempt from any tax\\nlaid by order and under authority of the State, whether for\\nState, count}^ township, or any other purpose whatever, for\\nthe term of ten years, from and after the completion of the\\npayment of the purchase money on such tract, to the United\\nStates.*\\nIn accordance with the recommendation of their commit-\\ntee, Congress, upon the 30th of April, passed a law, carrying,\\nwith slight modifications, the view above given, into effect. f\\nThe provisions of this law were thought by many in the Ter-\\nritory unauthorized, but no opposition was offered to the ap-\\npointment of persons to attend the Convention, and the Leg-\\nislature even gave way to the embryo Government, and\\nfailed to assemble according to adjournment. The Conven-\\ntion met upon the 1st of November its members were gen-\\nerally Jeffersonian in their national politics and had been\\nopposed to the change of boundaries proposed the previous\\nyear. Before proceeding to business, Governor St. Clair pro-\\nposed to address them, in his official character, as the chief\\nexecutive magistrate of the territory. This proposition was\\nresisted by several of the members; but after discussion, a\\nmotion was made, and adopted, by a majority of five, that,\\nArthur St. Clair, sen., Esquire, be permitted to address the\\nconvention, on those points which he deems of importance.\\nHe advised the postponement of a State organization until\\nthe people of the original eastern division were plainly en-\\ntitled to demand it, and were not subject to be bound by con-\\nditions.J This advice, given as it was, caused Jefferson in-\\n*American State Papers, xs. 326.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j See this act in Chase, i. 70.\\nJBurnet s Letters, 108, 111.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0527.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "524 Northern Boundary of Ohio. 1802\\nstantly to remove St. Clair, but when the vote was taken upon\\ndoing that which he advised them not to do, but one of thirty-\\nthree, Ephraim Cutler of Washington, voted with the Gov-\\nernor.*\\nOn one point, the proposed boundaries of the new State\\nwere altered.\\nTo every person who has attended to this subject, and who\\nhas consulted the maps of the western country, extant at the\\ntime the ordinance of 1787 was passed, Lake Michigan\\nwas believed to be, and was represented by all the maps of\\nthat day, as being very far north of the position which it has\\nsince been ascertained to occupy. I have seen the map in the\\ndepartment of state, which was before the committee of Con-\\ngress, who framed and reported the ordinance for the govern-\\nment of the territory. On that map, the southern boundary\\nof Michigan, was represented as being above the forty-second\\ndegree of north latitude. And there was a pencil line, said to\\nhave been made by the committee, passing through the south-\\nern bend of the lake, to the Canada line, which struck the\\nstrait, not far below the town of Detroit. That line was mani-\\nfestly intended by the committee and by Congress, to be the\\nnorthern boundary of our State and on the principles by\\nwhich courts of chancery construe contracts, accompanied b}\\nplats, it would seem that the map, and the line referred to,\\nshould be conclusive evidence of our boundary, without reler-\\nence to the real position of the lake. ^Yllcn the convention\\nsat, in 1S02, the prevailing unflerstanding Mas, that the old\\nmaps were nearly correct, and that the line, as defined in the\\nordinance, would terminate at some point, on the strait, above\\nthe Maumee bay. While the convention was in session, a\\nman who had hunted, many years, on lake Michigan, and was\\nwell acquainted with its position, happened to be in Chilli-\\ncothc and in conversation with one of its members, told him,\\nthat the lake extended much further south than was generally\\nsupposed, and that a map of the country, which he had seen,\\nplaced its southern bend many miles north of its true position.\\nThis information excited some uneasiness, and induced the\\nconvention to modify the clause, describing the north boun-\\ndary, so as to guard its being depressed below the most north-\\nern cape of the Maumee bay.f\\nWith this change, and some extension of the school and\\nroad donations, the convention agreed to the proposal of Con-\\ngress, and upon the 29th of November, their agreement was\\nratified and signed, as was also the Constitution of the State\\nof Ohio.J Of this Constitution wc shall .say nothing farther\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Burnet s Letters, 110.\\ntHistorical transactions of Ohio, p. 115.\\nJChase s Statutes, i. 74 is the Resolution of Novemher 29th.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0528.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "1802 Harrison treats with Indians. 525\\nthan that it bore in every provision the marks of democratic\\nfeeling of full faith in the people. By the people themselves,\\nhowever, it was never examined but no opposition was of-\\nfered to it, and a General Assembly was required to meet at\\nChillicothe on the first Tuesday of March, 1803.\\nAfter the agreement by Congress to the Constitution of Ohio,\\nand her admission into the Union, the Peninsula of Michigan\\nwas wholly within the territory of Indiana.\\nOn the 17th of September, 1802, Governor Harrison of In-\\ndiana Territory, at Vincennes, entered into an agreement with\\nvarious chiefs of the Pottawatomie, Eel river, Piankeshaw,\\nWea, Kaskaskia and Kickapoo tribes, by which were settled\\nthe bounds of a tract of land near that place, said to have\\nbeen given by the Indians to its founder and certain chiefs\\nwere named who were to conclude the matter at Fort Wayne.\\nThis was the first step taken by Harrison in those negotiations\\nwhich continued through so many years, and added so much\\nto the dominions of the Confederation. He found the natives\\njealous and out of temper, owing partly to American injus-\\ntice, but also in a great degree, it was thought, to the arts of\\nthe British traders and agents.*\\nIn January of this year. Governor Harrison also communi-\\ncated to the President the following letter, detailing some of\\nthe most curious land speculations of which we have any ac-\\ncount\\nThe court established at this place, under the authority of\\nthe State of Virginia, in the year 1780, (as I have before done\\nmyself the honor to inform you,) assumed to themselves the\\nright of granting lands to every applicant. Having exercised\\nthis power for some time without opposition, they began to\\nconclude that their right over the land was supreme, and that\\nthey could with as much propriety grant to themselves as to\\nothers. Accordingly, an arrangement was made, by which\\nthe whole country to which the Indian title was supposed to\\nbe extinguished, was divided between the members of the\\ncourt and orders to that effect entered on their Journal, each\\nmember absenting himself from the court on the day that the\\norder was to be made in his favor, so that it might appear to\\nbe the act of his fellows only. The tract thus disposed of, ex-\\ntends on the Wabash twenty-four leagues from La Pointe\\nCoupee to the mouth of White River, and forty leagues into\\nthe country west, and thirty east from the Wabash, excluding\\nDawioii s Harrison, 7 to 58.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0529.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "26 Treaty with France for Louisinaa. 1803\\nonly the land immediately surrounding this town, which had\\nbefore been granted to the amount of twenty or thirty thou-\\nsand acres.\\nThe authors of this ridiculous transaction soon found that\\nno advantage could be derived from it, as they could find no\\npurchasers, and I believe that the idea of holding any part of\\nthe land was, by the greater part of them, abandoned a few\\nyears ago however, the claim was discovered, and a part of\\nit purchased by some of those speculators who infest our coun-\\ntry, and through these people, a number of others in different\\nparts of ihe United States have become concerned, some of\\nwhom are actually preparing to make settlements on the land\\nthe ensuing spring. Indeed, I should not be surprised to see\\nfive hundred families settling under these titles in the course\\nof a year. The price at which the land is sold enables any\\nbody to beconie a purchaser one thousand acres being fre-\\nquently given for an indifferent horse or a rifle gun. And as\\na formal deed is made reciting the grant of the court, (made,\\nas it is pretended, under the authority of the State of Virginia,)\\nmany ignorant persons have been induced to part with their\\nlittle all to obtain this ideal property, and they will no doubt\\nendeavor to strengthen their claim, as soon as they have dis-\\ncovered the deception, by an actual settlement. The extent\\nof these speculations was unknown to me until lately. I am\\nnow informed that a number of persons are in the habit of\\nrepairing to this place, where they purchase two or three\\nhundred thousand acres of this claim, for which they get a\\ndeed properly authenticated and recorded, and then disperse\\nthemselves over the United States, to cheat the ignorant and\\ncredulous. In some measure, to check this practice, I have\\nforbidden the recorder and prothonotary of this county from\\nrecording or authenticating any of these papers; being de-\\ntermined that the official seals of the Territory should not be\\nprostituted to a purpose so base as that of a.ssisting an infa-\\nmous fraud.* WM. H. HARRISON.\\nTo Jas. Madison, Scc y. of State.\\nDuring the ses.sion of 1802, the Legislature of Kentucky\\nchartered an Insurance Company, whose notes payable to\\nbearer were to be transferred or assigned by delivery this\\nfeature made the institution a Bank of circulation, and such\\nit became. f\\nUpon the 11th of January, Mr. Jefferson sent a message to\\nthe Senate nominating Robert R. Livingston and James Mon-\\nroe ministers at the Court of France, and Charles Pinckney\\nand James Monroe at that of Spain, with full power to form\\nAmerican State Papers, xvi. 123.\\ntMarshall, ii. 348.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0530.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "1793. Treaty with France for Louisiana. 527\\ntreaties for enlarging and more effectually securing our rights\\nand interests in the river Mississippi, and in the territories\\neastward thereof. This was done in consequence of the or-\\nder by Morales taking from the Americans the use of New\\nOrleans as a place of deposit; and the knowledge of the\\nGovernment of the United States, that in some form a treaty\\nhad been made by which Spain had transferred her interest in\\nLouisiana to France.\\nThe secretf treaty of St. Ildefonso had been formed on the\\n1st of October, 1800 on the 29th of the next March, Rufus\\nKing, then Minister in London, wrote home in relation to a\\nreported cession of Louisiana, and its influence on the United\\nStates ij on the 9th of June, 1801, Mr. Pinckney, at Madrid*\\nwas instructed in relation to the alleged transfer, and upon\\nthe 28th of September, Mr. Livingston, at Paris, was written\\nto upon the same topic. On the 20th of November, Mr. King\\nsent from London a copy of the treaty signed at Madrid,\\nMarch 21, 1801, by which the Prince of Parma, (son-in-law\\nof the King of Spain,) was established in Tuscany this had\\nbeen the consideration for the grant of Louisiana to France\\nin the previous autumn, and that grant was now confirmed.\\nFrom that time till July 1802, a constant correspondence went\\non between the American Secretary of State and the Mini.s-\\nters at Paris, London, and Madrid, relative to the important\\nquestion. What can be done to secure the interests of the\\nUnion in relation to the Mississippi? Mr. Livingston, in\\nFrance, was of opinion that a cession of New Orleans might\\npossibly be obtained from that power and to obtain it he\\nadvised the payment of a large price if required. Mr.\\nLivingston at the same time wrote and laid before the French\\nleaders an elaborate memoir, intended to show that true pol-\\nicy required France not to retain Louisiana, but when, on the\\nlast of August, he again made propositions, Talleyrand told\\nhim that the First Consul was not ready to receive them.\\nStill the sagacious Ambassador felt persuaded that the whole\\nwould end in a relinquishment of the country, and transfer of\\nthe Capital to the United States and pursued his labors in\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 475.\\nf In regard to the secresy practised, see Mr. LiriDgston s letters, Ameiican State Papers,\\nii 512, 513.\\nX American State Papers, ii. 509.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0531.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "b28 Proposed cession of New Orleans. 1803\\nhope asking from his Government only explicit instructions\\nas to how much he might offer France for the Floridas,\\nwhich it was supposed she would soon get from Spain, and\\nalso for New Orleans. His views were acquiesced in by the\\nPresident, and Mr. Monroe went out in March, 1803, bearing\\ninstructions, the object of which was to procure a cession of\\nNew Orleans and the Floridas to the United States. All\\nidea of purchasing Louisiana west of the Mississippi, was\\nthus far disclaimed by Mr. Livingston, in October, 1802, and\\nby Mr. Jefferson in January, 1803. Upon the 10th of the lat-\\nter month, however, Mr. Livingston proposed to the Minister\\nof Napoleon to cede to the United States not only New Or-\\nleans and Florida, but also all of Louisiana above the River\\nArkansas. But such were not the views entertained in the\\nCabinet of the United vStates, and upon the 2d of March the\\ninstructions sent to Messrs. Livingston and Monroe, gave a\\nplan which expressly left to France all her territory on the\\nwest side of the Mississippi.* In conformity with these or-\\nders, when Talleyrand, on the 11th of the next month, asked\\nLivingston if he wished all of Louisiana, he answered tiiat\\nhis Government desired only New Orleans and Florida,\\nthough in his opinion, good policy would lead France to cede\\nall west of the Mississippi above the Arkansas, so as to place\\na barrier between her own Colony and Canada. Talleyrand\\nstill suggested the cession of the whole French domain in\\nNorth America, and asked how much would be given for it\\nMr. Livingston intimated that twenty millions (of francs,)\\nmight be a fair price this the Minister of Bonaparte said\\nwas too low, but asked the American to think of the matter.\\nHe did think of it, and this thought was that the purchase of\\nLouisiana entire was too large an object for the L^nited States,\\nand that, if acquired, it ought to be exchanged with Spain for\\nthe Floridas, reserving only New Orleans. On the 12th of\\nApril Mr. Monroe reached Paris, and upon the 13th the Minis-\\nter of the Treasury, Marbois, who was a personal friend of\\nLivingston, had with him a long conversation, from which it\\nappeared that Napoleon, then about to renew his wars with\\nEngland, wished to sell Louisiana entire, and that the only\\nquestion was as to price. Bonaparte had named what\\nequalled 125 millions of francs, but to this the Republicans\\nFor the documents on this subject, see Aonerican State Papers, vol. ii. pp. 525 to 544.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0532.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "1803. Bargain and purchase of Louisiana. 629\\nturned a deaf ear, offering only 40 or 50 millions. In a\\nshort time, however, a compromise took place, and the Amer-\\nican negotiators, going entirely beyond the letter of their in-\\nstructions, agreed to pay 80 millions of francs for the vast\\nterritory upon and beyond the river first navigated by Mar-\\nquette the treaty was arranged upon the 30th of the month\\nin which the purchase had first been suggested. This act of\\nthe Ministers, though unauthorized and unexpected, was at\\nonce agreed to by the President. Congress was summoned to\\nmeet upon the 17th of October, and on that day the treaty\\nwas laid before the Senate by the 21st the transfer was\\nratified, and upon the 20th of the following December, the\\nProvince of Louisiana was officially delivered over to Gov-\\nernor Claiborne of Mississippi, and General Wilkinson, who\\nwere empowered to assume the Government.\\nTo this transfer of Louisiana, Spain at first objected, as she\\nalleged on solid grounds, but early in 1804 renounced her\\nopposition.*\\nFrom what has been said it will be seen, that Mr. Jefferson\\nhad no agency in the purchase of Louisiana beyond the ap-\\nproval of the unlooked-for act of his Ministers in France. If\\nany person deserves to be remembered in connection with\\nthat great bargain, it was Mr. Livingston, whose efforts were\\nconstant and effectual. An account of them may be found in\\nhis letters, read in the following order: 1st, that of May 12,\\n1802, (American State papers, ii. 557;) 2d, that of December\\n30, 1801, (do. 512;) and after that in the order of dates and\\narrangement. The person through whom Mr. Livingston ob-\\ntained the ear of Napoleon was Joseph Bonaparte.\\n[It is here proper, in as few words as possible, to explain the\\ncircumstances which surrounded Napoleon as First Consul,\\nand the motives by which he was influenced in the sale of\\nLouisiana. These may be found in detail, with many other\\noriginal facts, in the History of Louisiana, by INI. de Barbe\\nMarbois, a translation of which, was published in Philadel-\\nphia in 1830. M. Marbois had been for some time a member\\nof the cabinet, and minister of the Public Treasury, and he\\nFor the various documents see American State Papers, ii. 552, 653, 557 to 560, 566,\\n572, 581 to 583. For the treaty see pp. 507 to 508, Laws of Missouri, 1842, i. 1 to 4.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nMarbois Louisiana, Appendix, 403 to 412. For the objections of Spain, see Americaa\\nState Papers, ii. 567 to 572, and 683.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0533.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "530 Motives for the Sale of Louisiana. 1803.\\nheld this post during the negotiations for the cession of Lou-\\nisiana, was confidential Secretary of Napoleon, and to him\\nwas confided the whole transactions, as the plenipotentiary on\\nthe part of the French republic. His pen drew up the\\ntreaty.\\nThe crisis was an alarming one to France. The Court of\\nSt. James had learned the purport of the secret treaty of St.\\nIldefonso, by which Louisiana had been re-ceded to France.\\nThe latter government had its fleet fitted out ostensibly, for\\nAmerica. The King of England became alarmed, and in\\nquick succession sent messages to Parliament, and prompt\\naction was taken to fit out the navy. Napoleon dreaded the\\nmaritime power of England. To Marbois he said\\nThe principles of a maritime supremacy are subversive\\nof one of the noblest rights that nature, science, and genius\\nhave secured to man I mean the right of traversing every sea\\nwith as much liberty as the bird flies through the air of mak-\\ning use of the waves, winds, climates, and productions of the\\nglobe of bringing near to one another, by a bold navigation,\\nnations that have been separated, since the creation of car-\\nrying civilization into regions that are a prey to ignorance\\nand barbarism.\\nThe discussions in the French Cabinet continued at inter-\\nvals for several days. Mr. Livingston was the American\\nminister to the French Republic, and for two years had been\\nnegotiating for indemnity for maritime spoliations. Mr. Mon-\\nroe was on his way thither, with instructions to secure the\\nnavigation of the Mississippi, and even to purchase New\\nOrleans and some small part of the vast territory of Louisi-\\nana. Napoleon wanted money, and he foresaw the proba-\\nbility that this province would fall into the hands of England,\\nand that a sale of the whole country to the United States,\\nwould add to its national greatness and make this govern-\\nment a formidable rival of Great Britain. After the close\\nof the conference with his counsellors. Napoleon said to\\nMarbois\\nIrresolution and deliberation are no longer in season I\\nrenounce Louisiana. It is not only New Orleans that I will\\ncede; it is the whole country without any reservation.\\nMarboia LouUiana, p. 25S.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0534.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "1803. Views of Napoleon Bonaparte. 631\\nIf I should regulate my terms, according to the value of\\nthese vast regions to the United States, the indemnity would\\nhave no limits. I will be moderate, in consideration of the\\nnecessity in which I am of making a sale. But keep this to\\nyourself. I want fifty millions, [of francs] and for less than\\nthat sum I will not treat 1 would rather make a desperate\\nattempt to keep these fine countries. To-morrow you shall\\nhave full powers.\\nPerhaps it will also be objected to me, that the Americans\\nmay be found too powerful for Europe in two or three centu-\\nries but my foresight does not embrace such remote fears.\\nBesides, we may hereafter expect rivalries among the mem-\\nbers of the Union. The confederations, that are called per-\\npetual, only last until one of the contracting parties finds it\\nto its interest to break them, and it is to prevent the danger,\\nto which the coUosal power of England exposes us, that I\\nwould provide a remedy.\\nThe Minister (Barbois, who gives this conversation) made\\nno reply. The First Consul continued\\nMr. Monroe is on the point of arriving. To this minister\\ngoing two thousand leagues from his constituents, the Presi-\\ndent must have given, after defining the object of his mission,\\nsecret instructions, more extensive than the ostensible author-\\nization of Congress, for the stipulation of the payments to be\\nmade.\\nNeither this minister nor his colleague is prepared for a\\ndecision which goes infinitely beyond anything that they are\\nto ask of us. Begin by making them the overture, without\\nany subterfuge. You will acquaint me, day by day, hour by\\nhour, of your progress. The Cabinet of London is informed\\nof the measures adopted at Washington, but can have no\\nsuspicion of those which I am now taking. Observe the\\ngreatest secresy, and recommend it to the American minis-\\nters they have not a less interest than yourself in confjrm-\\ning to this council.\\nThe conferences began the same day between Mr. Living-\\nston and M. Barbe Marbois, to whom the First Consul con-\\nfided the negotiation. The American minister had not the\\nnecessary powers, and he had become distrustful of the French\\ncabinet. Such an offer as the sale of the whole of Louisiana,\\ncame so unexpected, and being ignorant of course, as he was,\\nof the motives and views of Napoleon, he suspected artifice.\\nMr. Monroe arrived on the 12th of April, with more extensive\\npowers, but heard with surprise and distrust the offer of the\\nFrench ambassador. The historian says\\nMarbois History of Louisiana, pp. 260, 280.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0535.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "532 The Negotiation completed. 1803.\\nAs soon as the negotiation was entered on, the American\\nministers declared they were ready to treat on the footing of\\nthe cession of the entire colony, and they did not hesitate to\\ntake on themselves the responsibility of augmenting the sum\\nthat they had been authorized to offer. The draft of the prin-\\ncipal treaty was communicated to them. They prepared\\nanother one, but consented to adopt provisionally, as the basis\\nof their conferences, that of the French negotiator, and they\\neasily agreed to the declaration contained in the first article.\\nThe negotiations being finished, the treaty for the sale and\\npurchase of Louisiana, was completed on the 30th of April,\\nand signed on the 3d of May. The intelligence of this ne-\\ngotiation was not less astounding to the people of the United\\nStates, than the proposition to sell the whole country by Mar-\\nbois, was to Messrs. Livingston and Monroe. The Federal\\nparty rallied to defeat it Mr. Jefferson and the plenipoten-\\ntiaries were assailed in their public journals, and, as is com-\\nmon, under high party excitement, extravagant tales were\\ntold on both sides. Yet, as the prominent actors have passed\\naway, and the transaction is now viewed in the perspective of\\nhistory, the purchase and possession has long been regarded\\nas one of the most valuable and splendid achievements ever\\nacquired by this nation.\\nThe following words from Napoleon, after the conclusion oi\\nthe treaty, give us insight to his reflections\\nTo Marbois, he said\\nThis accession of territory, strengthens forever the power\\nof the United States and I have just given to England a\\nmaritime rival, that will sooner or later humble her pride.\\nThe English ministry, when they were informed of the\\nmission of Mr. Monroe to France, and its object, made a\\nproposition to Rufus King, the American envoy at London, to\\nundertake the conquest of Louisiana, with the concurrence of\\nthe L^nited States, and retrocede it to our government, as soon\\nas peace should be made with France. But it appears, the\\nBritish ministry had no knowledge of the nature and extent\\nof the negotiations at Paris, until they were concluded. The\\nresult was communicated without delay, and jNIr. King receiv-\\ned a satisfactory answer from Lord Hawkesbury, respecting\\nthe cession.\\nThe treaty was forwarded to Washington, with as much\\ndespatch as possible, where it arrived on the 14th of July.\\nMarbois, 312.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0536.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "1803. Another Difficulty ivith Spain. 533\\nAnd now, another difficulty arose with Spain. The Span-\\nish minister, having received orders from his government,\\nmade a solemn protest against the ratification of the treaty,\\nalledging that France had contracted with Spain not to retro-\\ncede the province to any other power.\\nThe Federalists, who opposed the treaty, imputed to France\\na disgraceful deception that there was a secret concert, and\\nthat Spain was acting under the influence of that government.\\nAmidst a series of complicated embarrassments, Mr. Jefferson\\nconvened Congress, which met on the 17th of October, and\\nlaid the treaties (for there were three separate documents) be-\\nfore the Senate. Both the nature of the contract, and the\\nmagnitude of the sum, opened a wide field of debate.\\nThe opposers of the treaty, contended that Congress had no\\npower to annex by treaty new territories to the confederacy\\nas that right could only belong to the whole people of the\\nUnited States. But after a free debate, the Senate ratified the\\ntreaties on the 20th day of October, by a majority of twenty-\\nfour votes against seven, to which the President gave his sanc-\\ntion the next day. All the documents were communicated to\\nthe House of Representatives, and after a short debate the\\nnecessary law to create the stock, and carry out the treaty,\\nwas passed without any formidable opposition.\\nThe next step was to make the regular transfer from Spain\\nto France and from France to the United States, for the secret\\ntreaty of St. Ildefonso had not been carried into effect in Lou-\\nisiana.\\nM. Laussat had been appointed the Plenipotentiary of the\\nFrench republic, and on the 30th of November he met the\\nSpanish Commissioners in the Council Chamber at New Or-\\nleans, received in due form the keys of the city, and issued a\\nproclamation to the Louisianians, informing them of the re-\\ntrocession of the country to France, and by that government\\nto the United States. At a signal, given by the firing of can-\\nnon, the Spanish flag was lowered and the French hoisted.\\nThe French sovereignty lasted only twenty days, during\\nwhich M. Laussat, as Governor General, provided for the\\nadministration of justice only in summary and urgent matters.\\nGeneral Wilkinson, having command of the United States\\ntroops, established his camp on the 19th of December, a short\\ndistance above New Orleans at the same time the Spanish", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0537.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "534 Transfer to the United States. 1803\\ntroops embarked and sailed for Havana. The next day, dis-\\ncharges of artillery from the forts and vessels announced the\\nfarewell of the French officers. On the 20lh, M. Laussat,\\nwith a numerous retinue went to the City Hall, while by pre-\\nvious arrangement, the American troops entered the capital.\\nGeneral Wilkinson and Governor Claiborne, American Com-\\nmissioners, were received in due form in the Hall.\\nThe treaty of cession, the respective powers of the Com-\\nmissioners, and the certificate of exchange of ratifications,\\nwere read. M. Laussat then pronounced these words\\nIn conformity with the treaty, I put the United States in\\npossession of Louisiana and its dependencies. The citizens\\nami inhabitants who wish to remain here and obey the laws,\\nare from this moment exonerated from the oath of fidelity to\\nthe French republic.\\nMr. Claiborne, the Governor of the territory of Mississippi,\\nexercising the power of Governor General and Intendent of\\nthe Province of Louisiana, delivered a congratulatory discourse\\nto the Louisianians.\\nThis cession, said he, secures to you and your descend-\\nants the inheritance of liberty, perpetual laws, and magis-\\ntrates, whom you will elect yourselves.\\nThe ceremonies closed with the exchange of flags, which\\nwas done by lowering the one and raising the other. When\\nthey met midway, they were kept stationary for a moment,\\nwhile the artillery and trumpets celebrated the Union. The\\nAmerican flag then rose to its full height, and while it waived\\nin the air the Americans expressed their joy in a tremendous\\nshout.*\\nThe American Government went into operation quietly,\\nand the French and Spanish population soon became accus-\\ntomed to the new order of things, and after a lapse of\\nforty-six years no distinction appears, except in family names.\\nThus, in a persevering effort to gain the free navigation of\\nthe Mississippi, and the port of New Orleans, by an unexpect-\\ned and fortuitous train of circumstances, the United States\\ngained the immense territories of Louisiana and extended her\\nboundaries to the Pacific Ocean.\\nWe now return, to bring up a series of events pertaining to\\n1803, in the State of Ohio, and territory of Indiana.\\nMarbois Histoiy, 320, 335.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0538.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "1083. Affairs in Indiana and Ohio. 535\\nDuring the month of June, certain Indian chiefs, agreeable\\nto their promise made at Vincennes the preceding year, met\\nat Fort Wayne, and transferred to Governor Harrison the\\nlands claimed by the United States about Post Vincennes, and\\ntheir act was confirmed at Vincennes, on the 7th of August,\\nby various chiefs and warriors. On the 13th of August, the\\nIllinois tribes, including the Kaskaskias, Michiganies, Caho-\\nkias and Tamarois, made a conveyance to the United States,\\ntheir right to a large portion of the Illinois country south of\\nthe Illinois river.*\\nUpon the 15th of April, the House of Representatives of\\nthe new State of Ohio, signed a bill respecting a College\\nTownship in the District of Cincinnati. The history of this\\ntownship is somewhat curious, and we give it in the words of\\nJudge Burnet.\\nThe ordinance adopted by Congress, for the disposal of\\nthe public domain, did not authorize a grant of college land,\\nto the purchasers, of less than two millions of acres. The\\noriginal proposition of Mr. Symmes being for that quantity,\\nentitled him to the benefit of such a grant. It was his inten-\\ntion, no doubt, to close his contract, in conformity with his\\nproposal. He therefore stated, in his printed publication, be-\\nfore referred to, that a college township had been given; and\\nhe described his situation to be, as nearly opposite the mouth\\nof Licking river, as an entire township could be found, eligi-\\nble in point of soil and situation. He also selected in good\\nfaith, one of the best townships in the purchase, answering\\nthe description, and marked it on his map, as the college town-\\nship. The township thus selected, was the third of the first\\nentire range on which the town of Springdale now stands.\\nThe tract was reserved from sale, and retained for the intend-\\ned purpose until Mr. Symmes ascertained, that his agents\\nhad relinquished one half of his proposed purchase, by clos-\\ning a contract for one million of acres, by which his right to\\ncollege lands was abandoned, and of course not provided for\\nin the contract. He then, very properly, erased the endorse-\\nment from the map, and offered the townsliip for sale, and as\\nit was one of the best, and most desirable portions of his pur-\\nchase, it was rapidly located. The matter remained in this\\nsituation, till the application in 1792, to change the bounda-\\nries of the purchase, and to grant a patent for as much land\\nas his means would enable him to pay for. When the bill for\\nthat purpose was under consideration. General Dayton, the\\nagent, and one of the associates of Mr. Symmes, being then\\nan influential member of the House of Representatives, pro-\\nposed a section, authorising the President to convey to Mr.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 687, 688.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0539.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "536 Affairs in Indiana and Ohio. 1083.\\nSymmes and his associates, one entire township in trust, for\\nthe purpose of establishing an academy, and other schools of\\nlearning, conformably to an order of Congress, of the 2nd of\\nOctober, 1787. The fact was, that the right, under the order\\nreferred to, had been lost, by the relinquishment of half the\\nproposed purchase, in consequence of which the contract con-\\ntained no stipulation for such a grant. Notwithstanding, from\\nsome cause, either want of correct information, or a willing-\\nness then, to make the gratuity, most probably the latter\\nthe section was adopted and became a part of the law\\\\ At\\nthat time there was not an entire township in the purchase,\\nundisposed of Large quantities of all of them, had been\\nsold by Mr. tSymmes, after his right to college lands had been\\nlost, by the conduct of his agents, Dayton and Marsh, It was\\nnot, therefore, in his power to make the appropriation requir-\\ned by the act of Congress, though in arranging his payment\\nat the treasury, he was credited with the price of the town-\\nship. The matter remained in that situation, till about the\\ntime the legislature was elected, under the second grade of the\\nterritorial government, in 1799. Mr. Symmes then feeling the\\nembarrassment of his situation, and aware that the subject\\nwould be taken up by the legislature, made a written propo-\\nsition to the governor, offering the second township of the se-\\ncond fractional range, for the purposes of a college. On ex-\\namination, the governor found, that he had sold an undivided\\nmoiety of that township, for a valuable consideration, in 1788;\\nthat the purchaser had obtained a decree in the circuit court\\nof Pennsylvania, for a specific execution of the contract; and\\nthat he had also sold several smaller portions of the same\\ntownship to others, who then held contracts for same. As a\\nmatter of course, the township was refused, lie then appeal-\\ned from the decision of the governor, to the territorial legisla-\\nture. They also refused to receive it, for the same reasons\\nwhich had been assigned by the governor. A similar refusal\\nwas afterward made, for the same reason, by the state legisla-\\nture; to whom it was again offered. I had the charity to be-\\nlieve, that when Mr. Symmes first proposed the township, to\\nthe governor, it was his intention to buy up the claims against\\nit, which he probably might have done at that time, on fair\\nand moderate terms but he omitted to do so, till that ar-\\nrangement became impracticable, and until his embarrass-\\nments, produced by the refusal of Congress to confirm his con-\\ntract for the land he had sold out of his patent, rendered it\\nimpossible for him, to make any remuneration to government,\\nor the intended beneficiaries of the grant. The delegates re-\\npresenting the territory in Congress, were instructed, from\\ntime to time, to exert their inHuence to induce the government\\nin some form, to secure the grant to the people of the Miami\\npurchase. But nothing effectual was accomplished, till the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0540.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "1803. Transfer of Upper Louisiana. 537\\nestablishment of the state government in 1803 when a law\\nwas passed by Congress vesting in the legislature of Ohio, a\\nquantity of land equal to one entire township, to be located\\nunder their direction, for the purpose of establishing an acade-\\nmy, in lieu of the township already granted, for the same\\npurpose, by virtue of the act, entitled an act authorising\\nthe grant and conveyance of certain lands, to John C. Symmes\\nand his associates. Under the authority of an act of the\\nOhio legislature, passed in April, 1803, Jacob White, Jere-\\nmiah Morrow, and William Ludlow, made a location of these\\nlands, amounting to thirty-six sections, as they are now held\\nby the Miami University. In consequence of the early sales,\\nby Judge Symmes, these lands were necessarily located west\\nof the Great Miami river; and consequently without the limit\\nof Symmes purchase.*\\n[One of the prominent events of 1804, was the ceremony\\nof the transfer of Upper Louisiana, at St. Louis, on the 9th\\nand 10th of March.\\nAmos Stoddard, a captain of artillery in the service of the\\nUnited States, and to whom we are indebted for an admira-\\nble historical sketch of Louisiana, was constituted the agent\\nof the French republic, for receiving from the Spanish author-\\nities, the possession of Upper Louisiana.\\nHe arrived at St. Louis early in March, and on the 9th day,\\nreceived in di^ form possession of the province in the name\\nof the French republic, and the next day made the transfer to-\\nthe United States government, which he represented.\\nMr. Primm says\\nWhen the transfer was completely effected when in th\u00c2\u00ab\\npresence of the assembled population, the flag of the United\\nStates had replaced that of Spain the tears and lamenta-\\ntions of the ancient inhabitants, proved how much they were\\nattached to the old government, and how much they dreaded\\nthe change which the treaty of cession had brought about. f\\nCongress, on the 20th of March, divided Louisiana into\\ntwo territories. The southern province was denominated the\\nterritory of Orleans the northern was called Upper Louisi-\\nana. Captain Stoddard was appointed temporarily the Gov-\\nernor, with all the powers and prerogatives of the Spanish\\nLieutenant Governor in Upper Louisiana.\\n*See Chase s Statutes,!. 72; American Pioneer, i. 269; Historical Transactions of\\nOhio, i. 152-155.\\ntDisc ourse at the Celebration, February 15, 1847.\\n34", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0541.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "638 St. Louis in 1804. 1804.\\nIn his sketches of Louisiana, Major Stoddard, (for that was\\nsoon his title) says\\nSt. Louis has two long streets, running parallel to the\\nriver, with a variety of others intersecting them at right an-\\ngles. It contains about one hundred and eighty houses, and\\nthe best of them are built of stone. Some of them include\\nlarge gardens, and even squares, attached to them, are en-\\nclosed with high stone walls and these, together with the\\nrock scattered along the shore and about the streets, render\\nthe air uncomfortably warm in summer. A small sloping\\nhill extends along in the rear of the town, on the summit of\\nwhich is a garrison, and behind it an extensive prairie, which\\naffords plenty of hay, as also pasture for the cattle and horses\\nof the inhabitants.\\nMr. Primm says,\\nThis statement is only partially correct, for the street now\\ncalled Third street then existed, and was known as, La Rue\\ndes Granges, the street of the barns. And in the common par-\\nlance of the country. First [or Main] street bore the appella-\\ntion of La Rue principale, the principal street and Second\\nstreet that of La Rue de L Eglise, the street of the Church,\\nfrom the fact that the only church building in the town front-\\ned on that street.\\nThis was a structure of hewn logs, planted upright in the\\nground, and covered with a roof, the eaves of Mhich pro-\\njected beyond the body of the building, and formed a kind of\\ngallery or promenade around it.f\\nOn entering upon the office, Major Stoddard published the\\nfollowing address to the inhabitants of Upper Louisiana\\nThe period has now arrived, when, in consequence of\\namicable negotiations, Louisiana is in the possession of the\\nUnited States. The plan of a permanent territorial govern-\\nment for you, is already under the consideration of Congress,\\nand will doubtless be completed as soon as the importance of\\nthe measure will admit. But in the meantime, to secure your\\nrights, and prevent a delay of justice, his excellency William\\nC. C. Claiborne, governor of the Mississippi territory, is in-\\nvested with those authorities and powers (derived from an act\\nof Congress) usually exercised by the governor and intendant\\ngeneral under his Catholic Majesty and permit me to add\\nthat, by virtue of the authority and power vested in him by\\nthe President of the United States, he has been pleased to\\ncommission me as first civil commander of Upper Louisiana.\\nBtoddard g Sketches, p. 218, 219.\\nt Diacoorse, 12.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0542.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "1804. Address of Major Stoddard. 539\\nDirected to cultivate friendship and harmony among you,\\nand to make known the sentiments of the United States rela-\\ntive to the security and preservation of all your rights, both\\ncivil and religious, I know of no mode better calculated to\\nbegin the salutary work, than a circular address.\\nIt will not be necessary to advert to the various prelimi-\\nnary arrangements which have conspired to place you in your\\npresent political situation with these it is presumed you are\\nalready acquainted. Suffice it to observe, that Spain in 1800,\\nand in 1801, retroceded the colony and province of Louisiana\\nto France and that France in 1803, conveyed the same ter-\\nritory to the United States, who are now in the peaceable and\\nlegal possession of it. These transfers were made with hon-\\norable views, and under such forms and sanctions as are usu-\\nally practised among civilized nations.\\nThus you will perceive, that you are divested of the char-\\nacter of subjects, and clothed with that of citizens. You\\nnow form an integral part of a great community, the powers\\nof whose government are circumscribed and defined by char-\\nter, and the liberty of the citizen extended and secured. Be-\\ntween this government and its citizens, many reciprocal du-\\nties exist, and the prompt and regular performance of them is\\nnecessary to the safety and welfare of the whole. No one\\ncan plead exemption from these duties; they are equally ob-\\nligatory on the rich and the poor; on men in power, as well\\nas on those not intrusted with it. They are not prescribed as\\nwhim and caprice may dictate on the contrary, they result\\nfrom the actual or implied compact between society and its\\nmembers, and are founded not only on the sober lessons of\\nexperience, but in the immutable nature of things. U, there-\\nfore, the government be bound to protect its citizens in the\\nenjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion, the citizens\\nare no less bound to obey the laws, and to aid the magis-\\ntrate in the execution of them to repel invasion, and in\\nperiods of public danger, to yield a portion of their time\\nand exertions in defence of public liberty. In governments\\ndifferently constituted, where popular elections are unknown^\\nand where the exercise of power is confided to those of high\\nbirth, and great wealth, the public defence is committed to\\nmen who make the science of war an exclusive trade and\\nprofession but in all free republics, where the citizens are\\ncapacitated to elect, and to be elected, into offices of emol-\\nument and dignity, permanent armies of any considerable\\nextent are justly deemed hostile to liberty and therefore the\\nmilitia is considered as the palladium of their safety. Hence\\nthe origin of this maxim, that every soldier is a citizen, and\\nevery citizen a soldier.\\nWith these general principles before you, it is confidently", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0543.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "540 Address of Major Stoddard. 1804.\\nexpected, that you will not be less faithful to the United\\nStates, than you have been to his Catholic majesty.\\nYour local situation, the varieties in your language and\\neducation, have contributed to render your manners, laws,\\nand customs, and even your prejudices, somewhat different\\nfrom those of your neighbors, but not less favorable to virtue,\\nand to good order in society. These deserve something more\\nthan mere indulgence they shall be respected.\\nIf, in the course of former time, the people on different\\nsides of the Mississippi, fostered national prejudices and anti-\\npathies against each other, suffer not these cankers of human\\nhappiness any longer to disturb your repose, or to awaken\\nyour resentment draw the veil of oblivion over the past,\\nand unite in pleasing anticipations of the future embrace\\neach other as brethren of the same mighty family, and think\\nnot, that any member of it can derive happiness from the\\nmisery or degradation of another.\\nLittle will the authority and example of the best magis-\\ntrates avail, when the public mind becomes tainted with per-\\nverse sentiments, or languishes under an indifference to its\\ntrue interests. Suffer not the pride of virtue, nor the holy\\nfire of religion, to become extinct. If these be different in\\ntheir nature, they are necessary supports to each ohter.\\nCherish the sentiments of order and tranquility, and frown on\\nthe disturbers of the public peace. Avoid as much as possi-\\nble all legal contests banish village vexation, and unite in\\nthe cultivation of the social and moral affections.\\nAdmitted as you are into the embraces of a wise and mag-\\nnanimous nation, patriotism will gradually \\\\varmyour lireasts,\\nand stamp its features on your future actions. To be useful,\\nit must be enlightened not the effect of passion, local preju-\\ndice, or blind impulse. Happy the people who possess inval-\\nuable rights, and know how to exorcise them to the best ad-\\nvantage wretched arc those who do not think and act freely.\\nIt is a sure test of wisdom to honor and support the govern-\\nment under which you live, and to acquiesce in the decisions\\nof the public will, when they be constitutionally expressed.\\nConfide, therefore, in the justice and integrity of our federal\\npresident he is the faithful guardian of the laws; he enter-\\ntains the most beneficent views relative to the glory and hap-\\npiness of this territory; and the merit derived from the ac-\\nquisition of Louisiana, without any other, will perpetuate his\\nfame to posterity. Place equal confidence in all the other\\nconstituted authorities of the Union. They will protect your\\nrights, and indeed your feelings, and all the tender felicitieg\\nand sympathies, so dear to rational and intelligent creatures.\\nA very short experience of their equitable and pacific policy,\\nwill enable you to view them in their proper light. I flatter\\nmyself that you will give their measures a fair trial, and not\\nprecipitate yourselves into conclusions, which you may after-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0544.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "1804. Address of Major Stoddard. 541\\nwards see cause to retract. The first official acts of my pres-\\nent station, authorized by high authority, will confirm these\\nremarks.\\nThe United States, in the acquisition of Louisiana, were\\nactuated by just and liberal views. Hence the admission of\\nan article in the treaty of cession, the substance of which is,\\nthat the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorpo-\\nrated into the Union, and admitted as soon as possible to the\\nenjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of\\ncitizens of the United States and, in the meantime, be main-\\ntained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty,\\nproperty and religion.\\nFrom these cursory hints you will be enabled to compre-\\nhend your present political situation, and to anticipate the\\nfuture destinies of your country. You may soon expect the\\nestablishment of a territorial government, administered by\\nmen of wisdom and integrity, whose salaries will be paid out\\nof the treasury of the United States. From your present\\npopulation, and the rapidity of its increase, this territorial\\nestablishment must soon be succeeded by your admission as a\\nState into the Federal Union. At that period, you will be at\\nliberty to try an experiment in legislation, and to frame such\\na government as may best comport with your local interests,\\nmanners, and customs popular suffrage will be its basis. The\\nenaction of laws, and the appointment of judges to expound\\nthem, and to carry them into efl ect, are among the first privi-\\nleges of organized society. Equal to these, indeed, and con-\\nnected wdth them, is the inestimable right of trial by jury.\\nThe forms of judicial processes, and the rules for the admis-\\nsion of testimony in courts of justice, when firmly established,\\nare of great and obvious advantage to the people. It is also\\nof importance, that a distinction be made between trials of a\\ncapital nature, and those of an inferior degree, as like-\\nwise between all criminal and civil contestations. In fine.\\nUpper Louisiana, from its climate, population, soil, and pro-\\nductions, and from other natural advantages attached to it,\\nwall, in all human probability, soon become a star of no in-\\nconsiderable magnitude in the American constellation.\\nBe assured that the United States feel all the ardor for your\\ninterests, which a warm attachment can inspire. I have rea-\\nson to believe that it will be among some of their first objects,\\nto ascertain and confirm your land titles. They well know\\nthe deranged state of these titles and of the existence of a\\nmultitude of equitable claims under legal surveys, where\\nno grants or concessions have been procured. What ultimate\\nmeasures will be taken on this subject, does not become me\\nto conjecture but thus much I \\\\vill venture to affirm, that the\\nmost ample justice will be done and that, in the final adjust-\\nment of claims, no settler or landholder, will have any just\\ncause to complain. Claimants of this description have hith-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0545.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "542 Population of Upper Louisiana. 1804\\nerto invariably experienced the liberality of government and\\nsurely it will not be less liberal to the citizens of Upper\\nLouisiana, who form a strong cordon across an exposed fron-\\ntier of a vast empire, and are entitled by solemn stipluations\\nto all the rights and immunities of freemen.\\nMy duty, not more indeed than my inclination, urges me\\nto cultivate friendship and harmony among you, and between\\nyou and the United States. I suspect my talents to be une-\\nqual to the duties which devolve on me in the organization\\nand temporary administration of the government; the want\\nof a proper knowledge of your laws and language, is among\\nthe difficulties 1 have to encounter. But my ambition and\\nexertions bear some proportion to the honor confered on me\\nand the heavy responsibility attached to my office, admonishes\\nme to be prudent and circumspect. Inflexible justice and im-\\npartiality shall guide me in all my determinations. If, how-\\never, in the discharge of a variety of complicated duties, al-\\nmost wholly prescribed by the civil law. and the code of the\\nIndies, I be led into error, consider it as involuntary, and not\\nas the effect of inattention, or of any exclusive favors or affec-\\ntions. Destined to be the temporary guardian of the rights\\nand liberties of at least ten thousand people, I may not be\\nable to gratify the just expectations of all but your prosperity\\nand happiness will claim all my time and talents and no\\nearthly enjoyment could be more complete, than that derived\\nfrom your public and individual security, and from the increase\\nof your opulence and power.\\nUpper Louisiana, included all that part of the ancient\\nprovince which lay north of a spot on the Mississippi, called\\nHope Encampment, nearly opposite the Chickasaw^ bluffs\\nincluding the territory now within the jurisdiction of the\\nStates of Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, a large part of the terri-\\ntory of Minnesota, and all the vast regions of the west, far\\nas the Pacific Ocean, south of the forty-ninth degree of north\\nlatitude, not claimed by Spain.\\nThe civilized population of this territory is given by Major\\nStoddard, with as much accuracy as the nature of the case ad-\\nmitted. The settled portions had been divided into Districts,\\nfor purposes of local government. The population in 1803,\\nin the settlements of Arkansas, Little Prairie and New Mad-\\nrid, was estimated on such data as could be obtained, at one\\nthousand three hundred and fifty of which about two-thirds\\nwere Anglo-Americans, and the other third French.\\nThe District of Cape Girardeau, included the territory be-\\ntween Tywappaty bottom and Apple creek population in\\n1804, one thousand four hundred and seventy whites, and a", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0546.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "1804. Popv2ation of Upper Louisiana. 643\\nfew slaves. Excepting three or four families, all were emi-\\ngrants from the United States.\\nThe District of Ste. Genevieve extended from Apple creek\\nto the Merrimac. The settlements, (besides the village of Ste.\\nGenevieve) included settlements on the head waters of the\\nSt. Francois and the lead mines. Population in 1804, two\\nthousand three hundred and fifty whites, and five hundred and\\ntwenty slaves. More than half were Anglo-Americans.\\nThe District of St. Louis, included the territory lying be-\\ntween the Merrimac and Missouri rivers. It contained the vil-\\nlages of St. Louis, Carondelet and St. Ferdinand, with several\\ngood settlements extending westward into what is now Frank-\\nlin county.\\nThe village of Carondelet contained between forty and fifty\\nhouses, population chiefly Canadian-French. St. Ferdinand\\ncontained sixty houses. The population of the district was\\nabout two thousand two hundred and eighty whites, and five\\nhundred blacks. St. Louis contained about one hundred and\\neighty houses, which, allowing six persons to each house,\\nwould make the population one thousand and eighty. About\\nthree-fifths of the population in this District were Anglo-\\nAmericans. Each of the Districts extended indefinitely west.\\nThe largest and most populous settlement in St. Louis Dis-\\ntrict, was called St. Andrews. It was situated near the Mis-\\nsouri, in the north-western part of the present county of St.\\nLouis.\\nThe District of St. Charles, included all the inhabited coun-\\ntry between the Missouri and Mississippi rivers. It had two\\ncompact villages, St. Charles and Portage des Sioux, the in-\\nhabitants of which were French Creoles and Canadians.\\nFemme Osage was an extensive settlement of Anglo-Ameri-\\ncan families. The population of the District in 1804, was\\nabout one thousand four hundred whites and one hundred and\\nfifty blacks. TI.e American and French population were\\nabout equally divided.*\\nThe aggregate population of Upper Louisiana at the pe-\\nriod of the cession, was about 10,120, of which 3,760 were\\nFrench, including a few Spanish families 5,090 were Anglo-\\nAmericans, who had immigrated to the country after 1790;\\n\u00c2\u00bbSee Stoddard a Skekhes, p. 211, 224.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0547.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "544 Population of Upper Louisiana. 1804.\\nand 1,270 black people, who were -slaves, with very few ex-\\nceptions.\\nSeveral circumstances gave impulse to migration to this\\nprovince. The transfer of the Illinois country to the British\\ncrown in 1765, caused many wealthy and respectable fami-\\nlies to retire across the Mississippi.\\nThe ordinance of 1787, which prohibited involuntary servi-\\ntude in the north-western territory, caused slave holders, who\\nwere disposed to preserve this species of property, to abandon\\ntheir ancient possessions. The proflered aid of Clark in 1779,\\n(ante page 250) when he apprehended an attack from Cana-\\nda, and more especially the projected attack on the Spanish\\npossessions along the Mississippi, from the same quarter, in\\n1797, induced a friendly feeling towards Americans.\\nMajor Stoddard says:-\\nThe distance of this province from the capital, [New Or-\\nleans,] added to a wilderness of nearly a thousand miles in\\nextent between them, seemed to point out the necessit} of\\nstrengthening it and she conceived it good policy to popu-\\nlate it by the citizens of the United States, especially as they\\nappeared disposed to act with vigor against the English. Ad-\\nditional prospects, therefoie, were held out to settlers, and\\npains were taken to disseminate them in every direction.\\nLarge quantities of land were granted them, attended with\\nno other expenses than those of office fees, and surveys, which\\nwere not exorbitant and they were totally exempted from\\ntaxation. This sufficiently accounts for the rapid population\\nof Upper Louisiana; which, in 1804, consisted of more than\\nthree-fifths of English Americans. f\\nWhy did so many American citizens expatriate themselves,\\nplace themselves and their posterity under Spanish despotism,\\nand beyond the protection of the rights of conscience This\\nis a question of grave and momentous import, and if it re-\\nmained unanswered, might leave a suspicion on the charac-\\nter and motives of the American emigrants. Happily, we\\nhave the opportunity for explanation. We have been inti-\\nmately acquainted with a large number of these pioneers, a\\nfew of whom still linger amongst us, and more than thirty\\nyears since we heard their own explanations.\\nTJicy acted under a presentiment, that, in some way, the jui is-\\ndiction of the United States would be extended over this country.\\nThey projected no violent action no revolutionary schemes.\\nThe impression, doubtless, had its origin in the efforts in the\\nt Sketches of Louisiana, 225.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0548.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": "1804. Indian Treaties Made. 545\\nwestern country to obtain the navigation of the Mississippi.\\nOf the character of the American population, we ought to\\nsay a word, to correct an erroneous notion that has prevailed\\nin the Atlantic States, concerning frontier emigration.\\nA very small number had lied their country to avoid the\\nconsequences of crime or improvidence. But a very large\\nmajority were peaceable, industrious, moral and well-disposed\\npersons, who, from various motives, had crossed the Great\\nWater some from the love of adventure some from that\\nspirit of restlessness, which belongs to a class; but a much\\nlarger number with the expectation of obtaining large tracts\\nof land, which the government gave to each settler for the\\ntrifling expense of surveying and recording.\\nUnder the Spanish government the Roman Catholic faith\\nwas the established religion of the province, and no other\\nchristian sect was tolerated by the laws of Spain. Each emi-\\ngrant was required to be un bon Catholiquc, as the French ex-\\npressed it yet by the connivance of the commandants of Up-\\nper Louisiana, and by the use of a legal fiction in the exami-\\nnation of Americans, who applied for lands, toleration in fact\\nexisted.\\nMany Protestant families, communicants in Baptist, Meth-\\nodist, and Presbyterian, and other Churches, settled in the pro-\\nvince, and remained undisturbed in their religious principles.\\nProtestant itinerant clergymen passed over from Illinois, and\\npreached in the log cabins of the settlers unmolested, though\\nthey were occasionally threatened with imprisonment in the\\ncalabozo at St. Louis. Yet these threats were never execu-\\nted.*\\nNo religious society was organized amongst these emigrants\\nuntil after the treaty of cession.\\nWe now return to events in the territory of Indiana, Dur-\\ning the month of August, a series of treaties were made by\\nGovernor Harrison at Vincennes, by which the claims of sev-\\neral Indian nations to large tracts of land in Indiana and Illi-\\nnois, were relinquished to the United States, for due conside-\\nration. The Delawares sold their claim to a large tract be-\\ntween the Wabash and Ohio rivers and the Piankeshaws\\ngave up their title to lands granted by the Kaskaskia Indians\\nthe preceding year.\\nIt should be understood by all, that, in most instances, Indian\\nclaims are vague and undefined; that several tribes set up a\\nclaim to the same tract and that the policy of the United\\nLife of Boone in Sparks Biography, vol. xxiii. pp. 166, 167, 169, 170.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0549.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "546 Detroit Described in 1S04. 1804.\\nStates has been to negotiate with each claimant, without re-\\ngard to priority of right.\\nIn November, Governor Harrison negotiated with the chiefs\\nof the united nations of Sacs and Foxes, for their claim to\\nthe immense tract of country lying between the Mississippi,\\nIllinois, Fox river of Illinois, and Wisconsin rivers, compre-\\nhending about fifty millions of acres. The consideration giv-\\nen was the protection of the United States, and goods deliv-\\nered at the value of two thousand two hundred and thirly-\\nfour dollars and fifty cents, and an annuity of one thousand\\ndollars, ($600 to the Sacs and \u00c2\u00a7400 to the Foxes) forever.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nAn article in this treaty provided, that as long as the United\\nStates remained the owner of the land, the Indians belong-\\ning to the said tribes shall enjoy the privilege of living and\\nhunting on the land.\\nThe remark just made applies to this case. When the\\nFrench discovered and took possession of Illinois, neither the\\nSacs nor Foxes had any claim or existence on this tract of\\ncountry.*]\\nDuring this year measures were adopted to learn the facts\\nas to the settlements about Detroit, and an elaborate report\\nupon them was made by C. Jouett, the Indian Agent in Mi-\\nchigan. From that report, we take some sentences illustra-\\ntive of the state of the capital.\\nThe town of Detroit. The charter, which is for fifteen\\nacres square, was granted in the time of Louis XIV. of France,\\nand is now from the best information I have been able to col-\\nlect, at Quebec. Of those two hundred and twenty-five acres,\\nonly four are occupied by the town and Fort Lenault. The\\nremainder is a common, except twenty-four, which were ad-\\nded twent) years ago to a farm belonging to William Ma-\\ncomb. As to the titles to the lots in town, I should conceive\\nthat the citizens might legally claim, from a length of undis-\\nturbed and peaceable possession, even in the absence of a\\nmore valid and substantial tenure. Several of those lots are\\nheld by the commanding officer as appendages of the garri-\\nson. A stockade encloses the town, fort, and citadel. The\\npickets, as well as the public houses, are in a state of grad-\\nual decay, and in a few days, without repairs, they must fall\\nto the ground. The streets are narrow, straight, regular, and\\nintersect each other at right angles. The houses are, for the\\nmost part, low and inelegant and although many of them\\nare convenient and suited to the occupations of the people,\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 6S9, 690, 663. Dawson s Life of nairison, 59.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0550.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "18C6. Territory of Michigan Organized. 547\\nthere are perhaps a majority of them which require very con-\\nsiderable reparation.*\\nCongress, during 1804, granted a township of land in Mi-\\nchigan for the support of a College. f\\nOn the 11th of January, 1805, Congress made Michigan a\\nseparate territory, with William Hull for its Governor: the\\nchange of Government was to take place on June 30th. On\\nthe 11th of that month a fire at Detroit destroyed all the\\nbuildings at that place, public and private, together with much\\nof the personal property of the inhabitants. On the 29th of\\nJune, the Presiding Judge reached the Strait, and upon the\\n1st of July, the Governor arrived there. They found the peo-\\nple, in part, encamped on and near the site of the destroyed\\ntown, and in part scattered through the country .J From their\\nreport to Congress, made in October, we extract the follow-\\ning passages\\nThe place which bore the appellation of the town of De-\\ntroit, was a spot of about two acres of ground, completely\\ncovered with buildings and combustible materials, the narrow\\nintervals of fourteen or fifteen feet, used as streets or lanes,\\nonly excepted; and the whole was environed with a very\\nstrong and secure defence of tall and solid pickets. The cir-\\ncumjacent ground, the bank of the river alone excepted, was\\na wide commons; and though assertions are made respecting\\nthe existence, among the records of Quebec, of a charter from\\nthe King of France, confirming this commons as an appurte-\\nnance to the town, it was either the property of the United\\nStates, or at least such as individual claims did not pretend to\\ncover. The folly of attempting to rebuild the town, in the\\noriginal mode, was obvious to every mind: yet there existed\\nno authority, either in the countr}^ or in the officers of the\\nnew government, to dispose of the adjacent ground. Hence\\nhad already arisen a state of dissension which urgently re-\\nquired the interposition of some authority to quiet. Some of\\nthe inhabitants, destitute of shelter, and hopeless of any\\nprompt arrangements of Government, had re-occupicd their\\nformer ground, and a few buildings had already been erected\\nin the midst of the old ruins. Another portion of the inhabi-\\ntants had determined to take possession of the adjacent pub-\\nlic ground, and to throw themselves on the liberality of the\\nGovernment of the United States, either to make them a do-\\nAmerican State Papers, xvi. 190 to 192. On titles in Michigan, sec American State\\nPapers, Public Lands, vol. i. from 283 to 508.\\nt Lannan, 230.\\nJLanman, 169. American State Paper?, xvi. 247. Land Laws, 614.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0551.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "548 Detroit Re-sui^cyed. 1805.\\nnation of the ground, as a compensation for their sufferings,\\nor to accept ot a very moderate price for it. If they could\\nhave made any arrangement of the various pretensions of in-\\ndividuals, or could have agreed on any plan of a town, they\\n\\\\vould soon have begun to build. But the want of a civil au-\\nthority to decide interfering claims, or to compel the refracto-\\nry to submit to the wishes of a majority, had yet prevented\\nthem from carrying any particular measure into execution.\\nOn the morning of Monday, the 1st day of July, the inhabi-\\ntants had assembled for the purpose of resolving on some de-\\nfinitive mode of procedure. The Judges prevailed on them\\nto defer their intentions for a short time, giving them assuran-\\nces that the Governor of the territory would shortly arrive,\\nand that every arrangement in the power of their domestic\\nGovernment would be made for their relief. On these repre-\\nsentations they consented to defer their measures for one fort-\\nnight. In the evening of the same day the Governor arrived;\\nit was his first measure to prevent any encroachments from\\nbeing made on the public land. The situation of the distress-\\ned inhabitants then occupied the attention of the members of\\nthe Government for two or three days. The result of these\\ndiscussions was, to proceed to lay out a new town, embracing\\nthe whole of the old town and the public lands adjacent; to\\nstate to the people that nothing in the nature of a title could\\nbe given under any authorities then possessed by the Govern-\\nment and that they could not be justified in holding out any\\ncharitable donations whatever, as a compensation for their\\nsufferings, but that every personal exertion would be made to\\nobtain a confirmation of the arrangements about to be made,\\nand to obtain the liberal attention of the Government of the\\nUnited Slates to their distresses.\\nA town was accordingly surveyed and laid out, and the\\nwant of authority to impart any I egular title, without the sub-\\nsequent sanction of Congress, being first impressed and clearly\\nunderstood, the lots were exposed to sale under that reserva-\\ntion. Where the purchaser of a lot was a proprietor in the\\nold town, he was at liberty to extinguish his former property\\nin his new acquisition, foot for foot, and was expected to pay\\nonl} for the surplus, at the rate expressed in his bid. A con-\\nsiderable part of the inhabitants were only tenants in the old\\ntow^n, there being no means of acquiring any new titles. The\\nsale of course could not be confined merely to former proprie-\\ntors, but, as far as possible, was confined to former inhabitants.\\nAfter the sale of a considerable part, by auction, tiie remain-\\nder was disposed of by private contract, deducting from the\\nprevious sales the basis of the terms. As soon as the neces-\\nsities of the immediate inhabitants were accommodated, the\\nsales were entirely stopped, until the pleasure of Government\\ncould be consulted. As no title could be made, or was pre-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0552.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "1805. ecumlhc and his brother appear. 549\\ntended to be made, no paynnients were required, or any moneys\\npermitted to be received, until the expiration of one year, to\\nafford time for Congress to interpose. The remaining part\\nwas stipulated to be paid in four successive annual instal-\\nments. The highest sum resulting from the bids was seven\\ncents for a square foot, and the whole averaged at least four\\ncents. In this way the inhabitants were fully satisfied to com-\\nmence their buildings, and the interfering pretensions of all\\nindividuals were eventually reconciled.*\\nIn this same report attention was called to the unsettled\\nsouthern boundary of Michigan, to the state of the land titles\\ngenerally, and other important points. [Only six regular titles\\nwere found in Michigan. f]\\nWhile in Michigan the territorial government was taking\\nshape, Indiana passed to the second grade of the same, as\\nprovided by the ordinance, and obtained her General Assembly;\\nwhile various treaties with the northern tribes were transfer-\\nring to the United States the Indian title to large and valuable\\ntracts of country. On the 4th of July, the Wyandots and\\nothers, at Fort Industry, on the Maumee, ceded all their lands\\nas far west as the western boundary of the Connecticut Re-\\nserve; upon the 21st of August, Governor Harrison, at Vin-\\ncennes, received from the Miamies a region containing two\\nmillion acres within what is now Indiana and upon the 30th\\nof December, at the same place, purchased of the Pianke-\\nshaws a tract eighty or ninety miles wide, extending from the\\nWabash west to the cession by the Kaskaskias in 1803. At\\nthis time, although some murders by the red men had taken\\nplace in the far west, the bod}^ of natives seemed bent on,\\npeace. J But mischief was gathering. Tecumthe, his brother\\nthe Prophet and other leading men, had formed at Greenville\\nthe germ of that union of tribes by which the whites were to\\nbe restrained in their invasions. W e are by no means satis-\\ntied that the Great Indian of later days used an} concealment,\\nor meditated any treachery toward the United States, for\\nmany years after this time. The efforts of himself and his\\nbrother were directed to two points first, the reformation of\\nthe savages, whose habits unfitted them for continuous and\\nheroic eftbrt and second, such a union as would make the\\n^American State Papers, svi. 247.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f American State Paper?, xvi. 2G3 to 284; 305 to 557 and 592.\\nJAmerican State Paper.^, v. 605, 695, 696, 791, 702, 704r, 705.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0553.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "550 Policy of Tecumthc. 1805\\npurchase of land by the United States impossible, and give to\\nthe aborigines a strength that might be dreaded. Both these\\nobjects were avowed, and both were pursued with wonderful\\nenergy, perseverance and success in the whole country bor-\\ndering upon the lakes, the power of the Prophet was felt, and\\nthe work of reformation went on rapidly.*\\n[The policy of Tecumthe was to bring into one grand con-\\nfederation all the nations of Indians that had any intercourse\\nwith the United States, and admit of no treaties, or sales of\\nland, without the united consent of all the tribes. Such a con-\\nfederation never had existed, and magnificent as ^vas the\\nscheme, it was wholly impracticable in the nature of things,\\nTecumthe could read and write, and he had for his confiden-\\ntial secretary and adviser, Billy Caldwell, a half-breed, an\\neducated man, and subsequently head chief of the Pottawato-\\nmie nation, who died in 1845, near Council Bluffs in Iowa.\\nMr. Caldwell, who gave the editor these facts, had a trunk full\\nof papers, including the talks, and negotiations sent to va-\\nrious Indian tribes before the war of 1812-15. The interview\\nwas in Chicago, in 1833, where he then resided.]\\nIt was during this year that Burr paid his first visit to the\\nWest. On the 11th of July, 1804, he had shot General Ham-\\nilton, an event which he felt would ostracise him; would\\nforce him to seek elsewhere for power, money, and fame. On\\nthe 2d of March, 1805, the Vice President took his celebrated\\nleave of the Senate, and upon the 29th of April was at Pitts-\\nburgh. His purpose in going westvirard was not the gratifica-\\ntion of curiosity merely, and from Wilkinson we learn that\\nhe was concerned with Dayton and others in the projected\\ncanal round the Falls, at Louisville a proposal which had\\nbeen before the United States Senate in January. From\\nPittsburgh he proceeded down the Ohio to Louisville, thence\\nwent to Lexington and Nashville by land, and from the latter\\nplace passed down the Cumberland, and upon the 6th of June\\nreached Fort Massac. During his visit to Tennessee he was\\ntreated with great attention, and both then and previously had\\nsome conversation relative to a residence in that state, with a\\nview to political advancement. His intentions, however, seem\\nto have been entirely vague among other plans, he had some\\nthought of trying to displace Governor Claiborne of the Or-\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Drake 3 Teoumseh, 88, 93, 103.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0554.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "1806 Burros Plans mature. 531\\nleans territory, and took from Wilkinson, whom he met at Fort\\nMassac, a letter to Daniel Clark, the Governor s most violent\\nfoe. On the 25th of June, Burr reached the capitol of the\\nsouth-west, where he remained until the 10th of July, when\\nhe crossed by land to Nashville, and spent a week wiih Gene-\\nral Jackson and upon the 20th of August, was at Lexing-\\nton again from Lexington, he went by the Falls, Vincennes\\nand Kaskaskia, to St. Louis, where he met General Wil-\\nkinson about the middle of September. By this time, all his\\nplans appear to have undergone a change again. At New\\nOrleans he had been made aware of the existence of an asso-\\nciation to invade Mexico and wrest it from Spain he was\\nasked to join it, but refused. He saw, however, at that time,\\nif not before, that, should the dispute relative to boundaries\\nthen existing between the United States result in war, an op-\\nportunity would be given to men of spirit to conquer and rule\\nMexico, and this idea thenceforth became his leading one.\\nBut in connection with this plan of invasion, in case of war,\\nthere arose whispers in relation to effecting a separation of\\nthe western from the Atlantic States of this we have know-\\nledge by a letter from Daniel Clark to General Wilkinson,\\nwritten September 7th. What Burr s conversations with the\\ncommander at St. Louis were, we are not particularly told,\\nbut we learn that he suggested the Mexican plan, and also in-\\ntimated that the Union was rotten and the vi^estern people\\ndissatisfied. Such was the effect of his talk that soon after he\\nleft, Wilkinson wrote to the Secretary of the Navy advising\\nthe government to have an eye on Burr, as he was about\\nsomething, but whether internal or externl, he could not learn.\\nThus, during 1805, the idea of a separation of the western\\nstates from the Union by Burr and Wilkinson, had become\\nfamiliar to many minds, even though the principals themselves\\nmay have had no more thought of such a thing than of taking\\npossession of the moon, and dividing her among their friends.*\\nUpon the 23d of September, Lieutenant Pike, on his way\\nup the Mississippi, bought of the Sioux two tracts, one at the\\n*For all theso facta see Davis Memoirs of Burr, ii. 327, 367, 368 to 370, 373, 379, 3S0.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nWilkinson s Memoirs, ii. 274 to 273; Spenco s Deposition, ii. 283, note; also, ibid, Ap-\\npendix, 2, xviii. Col. Lyon s Deposition. American State Papers, xx. 571. Ibid, ii. 660 to\\n669. Also, Bu rr s Trial at Richmond, Va.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0555.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "552 Lewis and Clark s Expedition. 1S06\\nmouth of the St. Croix river, the other at the mouth of the\\nSt. Peters, including the Falls of St. Anthony.*\\nIn the bili authorizing Ohio to become a State, was the fol-\\nlowing provision\\nThird, that one twentieth part of the nctt proceeds of the\\nlands lying within the said State, sold by Congress, from and\\nafter the thirtieth day of June next, after deducting all expen-\\nses incident to the same, shall be applied to the laying out\\nand making public roads, leading from the navigable waters\\nemptying into the Atlantic, to the Ohio, to the said State, and\\nthrough the same such roads to be laid out under the au-\\nthority of Congress, with the consent of the several States\\nthrough which the road shall pass.f\\nIn conformity with this clause, steps were taken during\\n1S05, which resulted in the making of the Cumberland or Na-\\ntional road.\\nDuring the year 1806, the conviction became more and\\nmore strong that the north-western tribes were meditating\\nhostilities against the United States, but nothing of conse-\\nquence took place; although Tecumthe and the Prophet\\nconstantly extended and confirmed their influence. J\\nIn September, 1806, Messrs. Lewis and Clarke returned\\nfrom their exploration of the Missouri and Oregon rivers*\\nThis expedition had been suggested by Mr. Jeflerson in Janu-\\nary, 1803. His views being sanctioned by Congress, Captain\\nLewis and Lieutenant Clarke entered the Missouri, May 14,\\n1804. The ensuing winter they spent among the Mandans,\\nand in April, 1805, again set forward. With great difficulty\\nthe mountains were passed, in the September following, and\\nthe Pacific reached upon the 17th of November. Here the\\nwinter of 1805-6 was passed. On the 27th of March, 1806,\\nthe return journe} was begun, and the mountains were\\ncrossed late in June.\\nThe difficulties with Spain began early in the year to as-\\nsume a serious appearance in February, acts of a semi-hos-\\n*Ameriean State Papers, v. 753, 755. Pike s Expedition up the Mississipid, in 1S05, 6\\nJ, published in Philadelphia, 1810.\\nt Land Laws, 476.\\nt Dawson s Harrison, 83 to 90. Drake s Tecumseh, 89 to 91.\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 684, 705. Lewis and Clarke s Journal.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0556.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "1806. Burros Movements.\\ntile character took place,* and in August, Spanish troops crossed\\nthe Sabine and took possession of the territory east of that riv-\\ner. This led first to a correspondence between Gov. Claiborne\\nand the Spaniard in command and next to a movement by\\nGeneral Wilkinson and his army to tlie contested border.\\nWhile his troops were at Natchitoches, in immediate expecta-\\ntion of an engagement, Samuel Swartwout reached Wilkin-\\nson s camp, with letters from Burr and Dayton of such a\\ncharacter as to bring matters in relation to the conquest of\\nMexico almost instantly to a crisis. f\\n[Burr had not entirely given up his chance as a politician\\nin the Atlantic states, as may be seen in the letter of Gene-\\nral Adair, in Wilkinson s Memoirs of his Own Times, vol. ii.\\nAppendix, Ixxvii.]\\nBurr, from January to August, Mr. Davis tells us, was most\\nof the time in Washington and Philadelphia, but not idle,\\nfor in a letter to Wilkinson, dated April 16th, the conspirator\\nsays, Burr will be throughout the United States this sum-\\nmer; and refers to the association, as enlarged, and to\\nthe project as postponed till December. In July, Commo-\\ndore Truxton learned from Burr that he was interested largely\\nin lands upon the Washita, which he proposed to settle if his\\nMexican project failed and in August we find that he left\\nfor the west. On the 21st of that month he was in Pittsburgh,\\nand there suggested to Colonel George Morgan and his son the\\nprobable disunion of the States, growing out of the extreme\\nweakness of the Federal Government a suggestion similar\\nto that said to have been made, though in a much more dis-\\ntinct and strong form, to General Eaton, in the March preced-\\ning. His plans, indeed, whatever their extent, were before\\nthis time fixed and perfected, for it was upon the 29th of July\\nthat he wrote from Philadelphia to General Wilkinson the\\nletter confided to Swartwout, which led to the development\\nof the whole business this letter we extract, together with\\nWilkinson s deposition of December 26th, explanatory of\\nBurr s plans. J\\nAmerican State Papers, ii. 793.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f- American State Papers, ii. 803 to 80-1. See for document? Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii.\\nappendix, Ix. Ixxxvii, to xciii. Also, American State Papers, xx, 661 to 563, 565.\\nJ Davis Memoirs, ii. 375; Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. Appendix, Ixxjiii; American\\nState Papers, xx. 471, 472, 493 to 696.\\n35", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0557.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "554 Burros Letter to Wilkinson. 1806.\\n[Yours, post-marked 13th of May, is received.]* I, Aaron\\nBurr, have obtained funds, and have actually commenced the\\nenterprise. Detachments from different points, and under\\ndifferent pretences, will rendezvous on Ohio, 1st November\\nevery thing internal and external favors views protection of\\nEngland is secured. T is going to Jamaica, to arrange\\nwith the Admiral on that station it will meet on the Missis-\\nsippi. England. Navy of the United States are ready to\\njoin, and final orders are given to my friends and followers\\nit will be a host of choice spirits. Wilkinson shall be second\\nto Burr only Wilkinson shall dictate the rank and promotion\\nof his officers. Burr will proceed westward 1st of August,\\nnever to return with him go his daughter the husband will\\nfollow in October, with a corps of worthies.\\nSend forth an intelligent and confidential friend with whom\\nBurr may confer he shall return immediately with further\\ninteresting details this is essential to concert and harmony\\nof movement send a list of all persons known to Wilkinson,\\nwest of the mountains, who may be useful, with a note delinea-\\nting their characters. By your messenger send me four or five\\ncommissions of your officers, which you can borrow under any\\npretence you please; they shall be returned faithfully. Al-\\nready are orders to the contractor given, to forward six\\nmonths provisions to points Wilkinson may name; this shall\\nnot be used until the last moment, and then under proper in-\\njunctions the project is brought to the point so long desired.\\nBurr guarantees the result with his life and honor, with the\\nlives, the honor and fortune of hundreds, the best blood of\\nour country. Burr s plan of operations is, to move down rap-\\nidly from the Falls on the loth November, with the first 500,\\nor 1000 men, in light boats now constructing for that purpose,\\nto be at Natchez between the 5th and 15th of December\\nthere to meet Wilkinson there to determine whether it will\\nbe expedient in the first instance to seize on or pass by Baton\\nRouge on receipt of this send an answer draw on Burr for\\nall expenses, c. The people of the country to which we\\nare going, are prepared to receive us their agents now with\\nBurr say, that if we will protect their religion and will not\\nsubject them to a foreign power, that in three weeks all will\\nbe settled. The gods invite to glory and fortune it remains\\nto be seen whether we deserve the boon the bearer of this\\ngoes express to you; he will hand a formal letter of introduc-\\ntion to you from Burr: he is a man of inviolable honor and\\nperfect discretion formed to execute rather than to project\\ncapable of relating facts with fidelity, and incapable of rela-\\nting them otherwise; he is thoroughly informed of the plans\\nThe parts in brackets were omitted in the copy which AVilkiufon u-cd, in causing the\\narreft of Bollnian and others. (?ce American State Pajier.*, xx. 471, 472.) This omission\\nwas the ground of the accusation hereafter referred to", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0558.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "1806. Wilkinson s affidavit. 555\\nand intentions of [Burr,] and will disclose to you as far as\\nyou inquire, and no further he has imbibed a reverence for\\nyour character, and may be embarrassed in your presence\\nput him at ease and he will satisfy you.*\\nJuly 29.\\nI instantly resolved says Wilkinson in his affidavit to\\navail myself of the reference made to the bearer, and, in the\\ncourse of some days, drew from him (the said Swartwout) the\\nfollowing disclosure That he had been despatched by Col-\\nonel Burr from Philadelphia had passed through the States\\nof Ohio and Kentucky, and proceeded from Louisville for St.\\nLouis, where he expected to find me but discovering at Kas-\\nkaskias that I had descended the river, he procured a skiff,\\nhired hands, and followed me down the Mississippi to Fort\\nAdams and from thence set out for Natchitoches, in company\\nwith Captain Sparks and Hooke, under the pretence of a dis-\\nposition to take part in the campaign against the Spaniards,\\nthen depending. That Colonel Burr, with the support of a\\npowerful association extending from New York to New Or-\\nleans, was levying an armed body of seven thousand men\\nfrom the State of New York and the western States and ter-\\nritories, with a view to carry an expedition against the Mexi-\\ncan provinces and that five hundred men, under Colonel\\nSwartwoul and a Colonel or Major Tyler, were to descend\\nthe Alleghany, for whose accommodation light boats had been\\nbuilt and were ready. I inquired what would be their course;\\nhe said, this territory would be revolutionized, where the\\npeople were ready to join them and that there would be\\nsome seizing, he supposed, at New Orleans that they expected\\nto be ready to embark about the 1st of February; and intend-\\ned to laud at Vera Cruz, and to march from thence to Mex-\\nico. I observed that there were several millions of dollars\\nin the bank of this place to which he replied, we know it\\nfull well and, on my remarking that they certainly did not\\nmean to violate private propert} he said, they meant to\\nborrow, and would return it that they must equip themselves\\nin New Orleans that they expected naval protection from\\nGreat Britain that the captains and the officers of our navy\\nwere so disgusted with the Government that they were ready\\nto join; that similar disgusts prevailed throughout the west-\\nern country, where the people were zealous in favor of the\\nenterprise and that pilot-boat built schooners were contract-\\ned for along our southern coast for their service that he had\\nbeen accompanied from the falls of Ohio to Kaskaskias, and\\nfrom thence to Fort Adams, by a Mr. Ogden, who had pro-\\nceeded on to New Orleans with letters from Colonel Burr to\\nhis friends there. Swartwout asked me whether I had\\nWilkinson s Memoirs, ii, 3", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0559.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "556 Suspicions as to Buj-r s Plans. 1806-\\nheard from Dr. Bollman and, on my answering in the nega-\\ntive, he expressed great surprise, and observed, that the\\nDoctor and a Mr. Alexander had left Philadelphia before him\\nwith despatches for me and that they were to proceed by\\nsea to New Orleans, where he said they must have arrived.\\nThough determined to deceive him, if possible, I could not\\nrefrain telling Mr. Swartwout it was impossible that I could\\never dishonor my commission and I believe I duped him by\\nmy admiration of the plan and by observing, that although I\\ncould not join in the expedition, the engagements which the\\nSpaniards had prepared for me in my front might prevent my\\nopposing it. Yet I did, the moment I had deciphered the let-\\nter, put it into the hands of Colonel Gushing, my adjutant and\\ninspector making the declaration that I should oppose the\\nlawless enterprise with my utmost force. Mr. Swartwout in-\\nformed me that he was under engagements to meet Colonel\\nBurr at Nashville on the 20th of November, and requested of\\nme to write to him, which I declined and on his leaving Nat-\\nchitoches about the 18th of October, I immediately employed\\nLieutenant T. A. Smith to convey the information in sub-\\nstance to the President without the commitment of names\\nfor from the extraordinary nature of the project and the more\\nextraordinary appeal to me, I could but doubt its reality, not-\\nwithstanding the testimony before me; and I did not attach\\nsolid belief to Mr. Swartwout s reports respecting their inten-\\ntions on this Territory and city, until I received confirmatory\\nadvice from St. Louis.*\\nAfter leaving Pittsburgh, Burr went probably direct to Blen-\\nnerhassett s Island, where he had stopped the previous sum-\\nmer, while passing down the Ohio, and which he thenceforth\\nmade his head-quarters. This he was probably led to do by\\nthe fact that Blennerhassett, in December, 1805, had written\\nhim, that he should like to take part in any M estern specula-\\ntions, or in attacking Mexico, should a Spanish war actually\\noccur. This offer, together with the supposed wealth of Blen-\\nnerhassett, and the admirable position of his island for Burr s\\npurposes, made that place the very one most desirable for\\nhim to select as his centre of operations. From this point\\nthe Chief made excursions into Ohio and Kentucky, obtain-\\ning money, men, boats and provisions.\\nAmong those from whom he received the most aid was\\nDavis Floyd, of JefTersonville, a member of the Indiana As-\\nsembly this gentleman, Blennerhassett, Comfort Tyler and Is-\\nrael Smith, were Burr s chiefs of division, and led the few fol-\\nAmerican State Papers, xz. 472.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0560.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "1806. Daviess makes oath against Burr. 557\\nlowers that at last went down the river in his company.\\nMeantime the rumor was prevalent in every man s mouth,\\nthat the settlement of the Washita lands,* for which the men\\nM^ere nominally enlisted, was a mere pretence, and that an\\nattack on Mexico, if not something worse, was in contempla-\\ntion.! That something was looked for beyond a conquest of\\nthe Spanish provinces, seemed probable from the views ex-\\npressed in a series of essays called the Querist; these were\\npublished in September in the Ohio Gazette, (Marietta,) were\\nwritten by Blennerhassett, immediately after Burr s visit to\\nhis island, and strongly intimated that wisdom called on the\\nwestern people to leave the Union. At this time Colonel Jo-\\nseph Daviess was attorney for the United Slates in Kentucky,\\nand he, together with others,^ felt that the General Govern-\\nment ought to be informed of what was doing, and of what\\nM as rumored Mr. Jefferson accordingly, in the latter part of\\nSeptember, received intimations of what was going forward,\\nbut as nothing definite could be charged there was no point\\nof attack, and the Executive and his friends could do nothing\\nfarther than watch and wait. At length, late in October, no-\\ntice of the building of boats and collection of provisions\\nhaving reached him, the President sent a confidential agent\\ninto the west,\u00c2\u00a7 and also gave orders to the Governors and\\ncommanders to be upon their guard. Daviess, meantime, had\\ngathered a mass of testimony implicating Burr, which led\\nhim to take the step of bringing the subject, in November,\\nbefore the United States District Court, making oath, that he\\nwas informed, and did verily believe, that Aaron Burr for\\nseveral months past had been, and now is engaged, in pre-\\nparing and setting on foot, and in providing and preparing the\\nmeans for a military expedition and enterprise within this\\ndistrict, for the purpose of descending the Ohio and Missis-\\nsippi therewith and making war upon the subjects of the\\nKing of Spain. After having read this affidavit, the attor-\\nney added, I have information, on which I can rely, that all\\nthe western territories are the next object of the scheme and\\nSee Colonel Lyon, in Wilkinson, ii. Appendix Ixviii Davis, ii. .392 Butler s Ken-\\ntucky, 312, 313.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 American State Papers, sx. 499, 524, 535, 599.\\nt Burnet s letters, 103. Numerous witnesses at Burr s trial, Richmond.\\nX See the Statements and papers in Marshall, ii. 385 to 413 424 to 433.\\ng Mr. John Graham, secretary of the Orleans Territory. His evidence is in American\\nState Paperg, xx. 528, c.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0561.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "558 Governor TiJJin seizes Burros Boats. 1806.\\nfinally, all the region of the Ohio, is calculated, as falling into\\nthe vortex of the newly proposed revolution.\\nUpon this affidavit Daviess asked for Burr s arrest, but the\\nmotion was overruled. The accused, however, who saw at\\nonce the most politic course, came into court and demanded\\nan investigation, which could not be had, however, in conse-\\nquence of the impossibility of obtaining Davis Floyd as a\\nwitness. Thus far the public generally sympathized with Burr,\\nwhose manners secured all suffrages, and who, on the 1st of\\nDecember was able to write to Henry Clay, his attorney, in\\nthese terms I have no design, nor have I taken any meas-\\nure to promote a dissolution of the Union, or a separation of\\nany one or more States from the residue. I have neither pub-\\nlished a line on this subject, nor has any one through my\\nagency or with my knowledge, I have no design to inter-\\nmeddle with the government, or to disturb the tranquility of\\nthe United States, nor of its terriiories, or of any part of\\nthem. I have neither issued nor signed, nor promised a com-\\nmission to any person, for any purpose. I do not own a mus-\\nket nor bayonet, nor any single article of military stores, nor\\ndoes any person for me, by my authority, or my knowledge.\\nMy views have been explained to, and approved by, several\\nof the principal officers of government, and, I believe, are\\nwell understood by the administration, and seen by it with\\ncomplacency they are such as every 7nan of honor and every\\ngood cithen must approve. Considering the high station you\\nnow fill in cur national councils, I have thought these expla-\\nnations proper, as well to counteract the chimerical tales,\\nwhich malevolent persons have industriously circulated, as to\\nsatisfy you that you have not espoused the cause of a man in\\nany way unfriendly to the laws, the government or the inter-\\nests of the country.\\nThe agent from government, who was all along activelj\\nengaged in procuring evidence relative to Burr s plans, find-\\ning abundant proof of his Mexican project, and learning also\\nthat he thought the West ought to separate from the East, f\\ndetermined in December, to take measures to arrest his boats\\nand provisions. This he effected by an application to the\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6BuUer i Kentucky, 313, 316. See Jefferson s Message, American State Paper?, xx-\\n469.\\nt American State Papers, xx. 531, 529.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0562.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "1806. Swartwout and Bollman Arrested. 559\\nLegislature of Ohio, through Governor TifRn. The Legisla-\\nture authorized the Governor to take the necessary steps, and\\nbefore the 14th of December, ten boats with stores weve ar-\\nrested on the Muskingum, and soon after, four more %vcre seiz-\\ned by the troops at Marietta.* Blennerhassett, Tyler, and\\nthirty or forty men, on the night of December 10th, left the\\nIsland, and proceeded down the river, barely escaping an ar-\\nrest by General Tupper, on behalf of the State of Ohio. On\\nthe 16th, this party united with that of Floyd at the Falls, and\\non the 26th, the whole, together, met Burr at the mouth of\\nthe Cumberland. On the 29th, the company passed Fort\\nMassac.\\nBut while Daviess and Graham were laboring to put a stop\\nto Burr s progress, the General Government had received in-\\nformation which enabled the President to act with decision\\nthis was the message of Wilkinson, bearing an account of\\nBurr s letter already quoted. This message was sent from\\nNatchitoches upon the 22d of October, and reached the seat of\\ngovernment, November 25lh on the 27th, a proclamation\\nwas issued and word sent westward to arrest all concerned.\\nAbout the same time, (November 24th or 25th,) Wilkinson,\\nwho had done, unauthorized, upon the 1st of November, the\\nvery thing he had been ordered on the 8th to do, namely, to\\nmake an accommodation with the Spanish commander on the\\nSabine, and fall back to the Mississippi, reached New Orleans,\\nand prepared to resist any attack thereon at this city he ar-\\nrested Swartwout, Peter V. Ogden, M ho was discharged, how-\\never, on Habeas Corpus, and Dr. Erick Bollman, who had also\\nborne messages from Burr and Dayton. f\\nWhat Burr may have felt or intended after he met his fugi-\\ntive followers at the mouth of Cumberland river, late in De-\\ncember, 1806, it is impossible to say, but it is certain that he\\nwent on openly and boldly, protesting against the acts of\\nOhio, and avowing his innocence. If he had relied on Wil-\\nkinson, he was as yet undeceived with regard to him. On\\nthe 4th of January, 1807, he was at Fort Pickering, Chicka-\\nsaw BtufTs, and soon after at Bayou Pierre. From this point\\nSee Governor TifiBn s Letters. Cist s Cincinnati Miscellany, i. 259, 260. His message\\nof December 15th. Journal of Senate, 36.\\nt American State Papers, xx. from 466 to 600. Wilkinson s Memoirs, ii. 31S, anj va-\\nrious appendices to the volume.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0563.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "660 Burr s Trial and Purposes. 1807.\\nhe wrote to the authorities below, referring to the rumors re-\\nspecting him, alledging his innocence, and begging them to\\navoid the horrors of civil war. Word hud just been received\\nfrom Jefferson, however, of the supposed conspiracy the mi-\\nlitia were under arms; and the acting Governor of the Mis-\\nsissippi Territory, Covvles Mead, on the 16th of January, sent\\ntwo aids to meet Colonel Burr; one of these was Geo. Poin-\\ndexter. At this meeting, an interview between the acting\\nGovernor was arranged, which took place on the 17th; at\\nwhich time Burr yielded himself to the civil authority. He\\nwas then taken to Washington, the capital of the territory,\\nand legal proceedings commenced. Mr. Poindexter was him-\\nself Attorney-General, and as such advised that Burr had been\\nguilty of no crime within Mississippi, and wished to have him\\nsent to the seat of government of the United States: the pre-\\nsiding Judge, however, summoned a Grand Jury, which, upon\\nthe evidence before them, presented not Burr for treason\\nbut the acting Governor for calling out the militia That\\nevening. Colonel Burr, fearing an arrest by officers sent by\\nWilkinson, forfeited his bonds and disappeared. A proclama-\\ntion being issued by the Governor for his apprehension, he\\nwas seized on the Tombigbee river on his way to Florida,\\nand was sent at once to Richmond, where he arrived March\\n26th.* On the 22d of JNIay, Burr s examination began in the\\nCircuit Court of the United States at Kichmond, before Judge\\nMarshall; two bills were found against him, one for treason\\nagainst the United States, the other for a misdemeanor in or-\\nganizing an enterprise against Mexico, while at peace with\\nthe United States: but on both these charges the jury found\\nhim not guilty, upon the principle that the offence, if\\ncommitted anywhere, was committed out of the jurisdiction of\\nthe Court. The Chief Justice, however, upon the latter\\ncharge, subsequently ordered his commitment for trial within\\nthe proper jurisdiction. This commitment, however, being\\nimpliedly upon the supposition that the United States wished,\\nunder the circumstances, to prosecute the accused, and the at-\\ntorney for the government declining to do so, no further steps\\nwere taken to bring the supposed culprit to justice, and the\\ndetails of his doings and plans have never yet been made\\nknown.\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 477, 47S, 530, 531, 545, 5GS to 570, 602.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Davis u. 389.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nButler 318.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0564.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "1807. The Purposes of Burr. 661\\nAlthough a mystery still hangs about Burr s plans, in con-\\nsequence of the discontinuance of the suit by the United\\nStates, we think it has been clearly proved by the trial at\\nRichmond and other evidence 1st, that Burr went into the\\nWest in 1805 with the feeling that his day at the East was\\nover; in New York he feared even a prosecution if he re-\\nmained there.*\\n2nd, That his plans, until late in that year, were undefin-\\ned speculations of various kinds, a residence in Tennessee,\\nan appointment in the South-west, were under consideration,\\nbut nothing was determined\\n3d, That he at length settled upon three objects, to one or\\nthe other of which, as circumstances might dictate, he meant\\nto devote his energies these were\\nA separation of the West from the East under himself and\\nWilkinson\\nShould this be, upon further examination, deemed impossi-\\nble, then an invasion of Mexico by himself and Wilkinson,\\nwith or without the sanction of the federal government:\\nIn case of disappointment in reference to Mexico, then the\\nfoundation of a new state upon the Washita, over which he\\nmight preside as founder and patriarch.f\\nThat the Washita scheme was not a mere pretence, we\\nthink evident from the fact that Burr actually paid toward the\\npurchase four or five thousand dollars that it was not the\\nonly object, and that the conquest of Mexico, if it could be\\neffected, was among his settled determinations, his friends all\\nacknowledged, but said this conquest was to take place upon\\nthe supposition of a war with Spain, and in no other case\\nthat Barr may have thought the government would wink at\\nhis proceedings, is very possible and that Wilkinson either\\nmeant to aid him, or pretended he would, in order to learn his\\nplans, is certain but the secrecy of his movements, the lan-\\nguage of his letter to Wilkinson in July, 1806, and his whole\\ncharacter, convinces us that he would, if he could, have inva-\\nded Mexico, whether the United States were at war or peace\\nwith Spain.\\nBut we cannot doubt that, going beyond a violation of the\\nDavis Memoirs, ii. 385, 412. American State Paper?, xx. 641 to 615.\\nt See American State Papers, xx. 530, wliere Eurr speaks to Graham of the Wastita\\nlinds and a separate government.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0565.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "562 The purposes of Burr. 1807\\nlaws of the Union, he was disposed to seek a separation of that\\nUnion itself. During his visit of 1805, he was undoubtedly\\nmade fully acquainted with the old schemes for independence\\nentertained in Kentucky, and was led to question the real at-\\ntachment of the western people to the federal government.\\nSo long as he thought there was a probability of disunion, it\\nwould naturally be his first object to place himself at the head\\nof the republic beyond the mountains, and should he find him-\\nself deceived as to the extent of disafiection in the Great Val-\\nley, all his means could be brought to bear upon Mexico. His\\nconversations with the Morgans at Pittsburgh, the views of\\nthe Querist prepared by Blennerhassett under Burr s eye,\\nand the declarations of Blennerhassett to Henderson and Gra-\\nham, seem to leave no room for doubting the fact that a disso-\\nlution of the United States had been contemplated by the cx-\\nVice-President, although we think there is as little reason to\\ndoubt that it had been abandoned as hopeless, long before his\\narrest.* [Judge Marshall said, (American State Papers, xx.\\n644,) that the object of these writings, (the Querist, was\\nto prepare the western states for a dismemberment, is appa-\\nrent on the face of them.\\nIt appears to the editor^ that every unprejudiced mind, who\\nanalyzes the character of Aaron Burr, from the voluminous\\nworks to which our references direct, and traces out his history,\\nmust regard him as devoid of all virtuous principles. His\\nhistory, with that of Benedict Arnold, should be held forth as\\na beacon light to young men, of the dangerous rocks and quick-\\nsands of unbridled ambition.]\\nWith regard to Wilkinson, it is not easy to form a decided\\nopinion the strongest fact in his favor is that he informed the\\ngovernment of Burr s projects, in the fall of 1805 the strongest\\nfact against him is, that if innocent, he was able to outwit and\\nentrap so subtle a man as the conspirator. It has been charg-\\ned against Wilkinson that he altered the letter sent him by\\nBurr, and then swore that the copy was a true copy: this, how-\\never, is fully explained by the deposition of Mr. Duncan,\\nWilkinson s legal adviser at New Orleans, by whom indeed\\nthe omission was suffered designedly to remain, in opposition\\nto the General s repeated and strong expression of his wish\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6See Lynch a Testimony in American State Papers, xx. 599,; same vol. pages 501, 503,\\n526 to 631.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0566.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "1807 Governor Hull buys the East of Michigan. 563\\nthat it should be supplied. Another charge has been brought\\nagainst Wilkinson since his death, that he claimed of Mexico\\ntwo hundred thousand dollars for stopping Burr. This charge\\nseems improbable, and it seems equally improbable that dur-\\ning the persecution of the General in 1810, no knowledge of\\nso strange an act, and one of so public a nature, should have\\nbeen reached by his enemies. As it was not brought forward\\ntill 1836, eleven years after his death, no opportunity has oc-\\ncurred for explaining or disproving it,but it ought not to weigh\\nagainst his memory until further evidence is offered in its sup-\\nport.f\\nOn the 27th of January, 1807, Governor Hull, of Michigan\\nTerritory, had been authorized by the federal government, to\\nenter into a treaty with the north-western Indians, for the lands\\nupon the eastern side of the Peninsula, and for those west of\\nthe Connecticut Reserve, as far as the Auglaise. The direc-\\ntions then given having been repeated in September, a council\\nwas held at Detroit, and a treaty made November 17th, with\\nthe Ottawas, Chippeways, Wyandots and Pottawatomies, by\\nwhich the country from the Maumee to Saginaw Bay, on the\\neastern side of Michigan, w^as transferred, with certain reser-\\nvations, to the United States.J\\nCongress confirmed the old French claims to land in the\\nwest, during this year.\\nA stockade was built round the new town of Detroit.^\\n*See his deposition, American State Papers, xx. 560. Wilkinson s Memoirs, ij. 333.\\nfDavis, ii. 400.\\nJAmerican State Papers, v. 745, 747, 743.\\n\u00c2\u00a7Lauman, 132, 1S3.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0567.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVIT.\\nTHE INDIAN WAR OF 1811.\\nExpeditions of Lieutenant Z. M. Pike. Movements of Tecumthe and the Prophet.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nOrganization of Indiana Territory. British Intrigue and Influence with the Indians.\\nConference at Vincennes. Fort Harrison built. Battle of Tippecanoe. Earth ^uakes\\nat New Madrid. First AYestern Steam-boat.\\n[It is here necessary to take a brief retrospect of some of\\nthe years passed over in the preceding chapter. The district\\nof country comprised in the Territories of Indiana and Up-\\nper Louisiana, for a number of years after their organization,\\nwas too remote, too much exposed to Indian depredations, and\\ntoo destitute of the comforts of civilized life, to attract many\\nemigrants.\\nMr. Monette says\\nLands equally good, and much more secure from danger\\nwere more convenient. Hence the settlements on the Wa-\\nbash, on the Illinois, on the Upper Mississippi, and near the\\nDetroit river, increased in numbers slowly. The Indians still\\nlingered around their houses and familiar hunting grounds, as\\nif reluctant to abandon the scenes of their youth and the\\ngraves of their ancestors, although they had received the stip-\\nulated payment, and had consented to retire from them.*\\nMr. Lanman says of Detroit and Michigan, 1807\\nEnterprise had not then pushed its energies so far into the\\nwilderness as in modern times, and capital floated along the\\nshores of the eastern States. In fact a great portion of that\\nuncultivated tract of countr} which constitutes the splendid\\nscenery of western New York, adorned, as it now is, with\\nlarge cities and villages, and intersected by rail-roads and ca-\\nnals, was a dense forest. The principal business of the set-\\ntlements in Michigan was the fur trade; and the wilderness\\naround, instead of revealing its treasures to the substantial\\nlabor of agriculture, was preserved a waste, for the propaga-\\ntion of wild game, and the fur-bearing animals.\\nNo permanent settlements of any considerable importance\\nhad been made throughout this section of the country, besides\\nthose at Detroit, Michillimackinac, a small establishment at\\nSt. Mary s river. Fox river of Green Bay, Prairie du Chein,\\nand certain trading posts of eastern companies, some of which\\nValley of the Mississippi, ii. 523.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0568.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "1805. Expedition of Lieutenant Pike. 566\\nare now in ruins. Grim-visaged war had smoothed her\\nwrinkled front and the country which had been for so long\\na period drenched in blood, now shone out in the mild but\\nglorious light of peace.*\\nAmongst the occurrences of 1805, 1806 and 1807, are the\\nexpeditions of Lieutenant Z. M. Pike the first to the sources\\nof the Mississippi, and the second to the sources of the Ar-\\nkansas, Kanzas, Platte, and Pierre Jaune rivers, and into the\\nprovinces of New Spain. These expeditions were conducted\\nunder the order of Government, through General James Wilk-\\ninson. The journals kept by Lieutenant Pike, (as his official\\ntitle then was) were by him prepared for the press, and issued\\nin octavo volume, with an atlas of maps and charts, in Phila-\\ndelphia, 1810. From this volume we give the following brief\\nabstract:\\nThe party, consisting of Major Pike, with one servant,\\ntwo corporals and seventeen privates, in a keel boat, seventy\\nfeet long, provisioned for four months, left the encampment,\\nnear St. Louis, on the 9th of August, 1805. On the 1st of\\nSeptember they reached Dubuque, where the Spanish trader\\nM. Dubuque then resided. The party reached Prairie du\\nChein on the 4th. From the Appendix to part first, (p. 46,)\\nwe make the following extract:\\nThe present village of Prairie du Chein, was first settled in\\nthe year 1783, and the first settlers were M. Girard, M. An-\\ntaya, and M. Dubuque. The old village is about a mile be-\\nlow the present one, and had existed during the time the\\nFrench were possessed of the country. It derives its name\\nfrom a family of Reynards [Fox Indians] who formerly lived\\nthere, distinguished by the appellation of Dogs. The present\\nvillage was settled under the English Government, and the\\nground was purchased from the Reynard Indians.\\nThere are eight houses scattered round the country, at the\\ndistance of one, two, three, and five miles.\\nOn the west side of the Mississippi are three houses, situa-\\nted on a small stream called the Giard s river, making, in the\\nvillage and vicinity, thirty-seven houses, which it will not be\\ntoo much to calculate ten persons each making the popula-\\ntion three hundred and seventy souls. But this estimate will\\nnot answer for the spring and autumn, as there are then, at\\nleast five or six hundred white persons. This is owing to the\\nconcourse of traders and their engagees from Michillimacki-\\nnac and other parts, who make this their last stage, previous\\nto their launching into the savage wilderness. They again\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6History of Michigan, 183.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0569.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "566 Expedition of Lieutenant Pike. 1805.\\nmeet here in the spring, on their return from their wintering\\ngrounds, accompanied by three or four hundred Indians, when\\nthey hold a fair the one [party] disposes of remnants of\\ngoods, and the other reserved peltries.\\nIt is astonishing there are not more murders and affrays at\\nthis place, as there meet such a heterogeneous mass to trade\\nthe use of spirituous liquors being in no manner restricted\\nBut since the American Government has become known, such\\naccidents are much less frequent than formerly.\\nThere are a few gentlemen residing at the Prairie du Cheins,\\nand many others claiming that appellation; but the rivalship\\nof the Indian trade, occasions them to be guilty of acts at\\ntheir wintering grounds, which they would blush to be guilty\\nof in the civilized world. They possess the spirit of generos-\\nity and hospitality in an eminent degree but this is the lead-\\ning feature in the character of frontier inhabitants. Their\\nmode of living had obliged them to have transient connection\\nwith the Indian women and what was at first policy is now\\nso confirmed by habit and inclination, that it has become (with\\na few exceptions) the ruling practice of all the traders and,\\nin fact, almost half of the inhabitants under twenty years,\\nhave the blood of the aborigines in their veins.\\nThe party reached the St. Peters on the 22d of September.\\nHere a cduncil was held with the Sioux Indians, and a tract\\nof land purchased, of about one hundred thousaiid acres, for\\na military post. This eventually provided for the military\\npost of St. Peters. Peace was also negotiated between the\\nSioux and Chippeways, who had been at war for many years.\\nAt the foot of the Falls of St. Anthony the boats were un-\\nloaded, and with great difficulty and labor raised above the\\nfalls and again launched and reloaded.\\nOn the 16th of October, they met a snow storm, and soon\\nafter, found they could not get their boats up the rapids be-\\nfore them. They were now two hundred and thirty-three\\nmiles above the falls of St. Anthony Several of the men\\nwere sick, and one broke a blood-vessel, and was in a dan-\\ngerous state. Tlie snow continuing to fall, tiiey constructed\\nlog houses, excavated canoes, and provided a supply of pro-\\nvisions by hunting. Here the sick and a few other men of\\nthe party were left, while Major Pike, and the rest of the par-\\nty, attempted to proceed up the river in canoes. The attempt\\nhaving failed, and the river being frozen, sleds were construct-\\ned on which the baggage was transported, partly on the ice,\\nand partly on the lane After sustaining various privations", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0570.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "1806. Expedition of Lieutenant Pike. 567\\nand experiencing no small degree of difficulty in this inhos-\\npitable wintry region, Major Pike and his little party, with\\none or two British traders, reached Red Lake, then supposed\\nto be the head of the IMississippi, about the middle of Febru-\\nary, 1806. At Lake Winipec, fifteen miles below, was a Bri-\\ntish trading post, and the flag of that nation flying from the\\nfort. The North-western company then had their posts in all\\nthis wild region.\\nOn the 28th of February, the party set out on their home-\\nward march, but were detained on the route by ice, and hold-\\ning talks with bands of Indians, so that they did not reach\\nthe Falls of St. Anthony until the 10th of April. At the mouth\\nof the St. Peters, another council was held with the Sioux and\\nSauteurs a branch of the Chippeways.\\nAfter holding conferences with several bands of Indians at\\nPrairie du Chein, and other places, Major Pike and his party\\nreached St. Louis, on the 30th of April, after an absence of\\neight months and twenty-two days. This w^as the first explo-\\nration ever made of the Upper Mississippi, by authority of the\\nUnited States. The objects of the expedition were accom-\\nplished, in the selection of positions for military posts, in mak-\\ning peace among hostile Indian nations, and in tracing the\\nMississippi to its source.\\nThe second expedition had for its primary object, the pro-\\ntection and safe delivery of a deputation of Osages and\\nsome captives, to the town of the GrandOsage nation. The\\nnext was, to promote peace and a good understanding be-\\ntvveen the Kanzas* and Osage nations, and the Yanctons, Te-\\ntons and Camanches. The exploration of the country on the\\nhead waters of the Arkansas and Red Rivers, would follow\\nthe efl^ort to negotiate with the Camanches.\\nThe party consisted of two lieutenants, one surgeon, one\\nsergeant, two corporals, sixteen privates and one interpreter.\\nUnder their charge were several chiefs of the Osages and\\nPawnees, who, with a number of women and children, had\\nbeen to Washington city. These Indians had been redeemed\\nfrom captivity from among the Pottawatomies. The whole\\nnumber of Indians amounted to fifty-one.\\nThe party left Belle Fontaine, near the mouth of the Mis-\\nsouri, on the 15th of July, 1806. In the company was Dr.\\n*This i? pronouLced Kauzau, and by abbreviation, Kaw nation.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0571.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "568 Lieut. Pikers Exploration in the West. 1806.\\nJohn II. Ptobinson, a volunteer, and a gentleman of scientific\\nattainments a Mr. Henr}^ from New Jersey, also a volunteer,\\nwho spoke French, and a little Spanish, and lieutenant James\\nWilkinson, son of General Wilkinson. The Indians generally\\nwalked on the land. On the 28th of July they arrived at the\\nmouth of the Osage river, and proceeded up that stream, to\\nthe village of the Grand Osages, which they reached on the\\n19tli of August. Having provided horses, the party set off by\\nland on the 1st of September for the heads of the Arkansas,\\nholding councils with the various tribes of Indians through\\nwhich they passed. They learned that troops from Mexico\\nhad visited the Pawnee villages.\\nAt that period there was an old trace, known as the Span-\\nish trace, made in 1720, by a party who left Santa Fe, to ex-\\nterminate the Missouries.\\nLieutenant Pike and his party, after much search, could not\\nfind this trace, but reached the Arkansas on the 18th of Octo-\\nber. They found the water only twenty feet wide and six\\ninches deep, though from bank to bank was two hundred and\\nfifty yards. Here lieutenant Wilkinson constructed canoes\\nwith pieces of wood and buffaloe hides, and with three sol-\\ndiers and an Osage, descended the river to the Mississippi,\\nand from thence to New Orleans.\\nLieutenant Pike and his party proceeded onward up the\\nArkansas until they got entangled in the range of mountains\\nand in the depth of a severe winter. Here they wandered,\\nhalf frozen and half starved, until the first week in February,\\nwhen, getting into a grove of timber in a sheltered spot, they\\nproceeded to erect a stockade as a protection from the In-\\ndians.\\nDr. Robinson having received claims against a certain per-\\nson in iNIcxico, parted from the expedition and attempted to\\nfind his way alone to Santa Fe. This claim of the Doctor\\nwas merely a ruse to gain information of the country and the\\nintentions of the Mexican Spaniards. The claim was this.\\nIn the year 1804, William Morrison, Esq., an enterprising\\nmerchant of Kaskaskia, sent Baptiste La Lande, a Creole, up\\nthe Missouri and Platte rivers, and directed him, if possible,\\nto push into Santa Fe. He sent in some Indians, and the\\nSpaniards came out with horses and carried him and his", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0572.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "1806. Expedition to the Head of the Arkansas 569\\ngoods into the province. Finding he could sell his goods at\\na high price, and having land and a wife offered him, he con-\\ncluded to expatriate himself and convert the property of Mr.\\nMorrison to his own benefit. Mr. M., supposing Lieutenant\\nPike might meet with some Spanish factor on his route, en-\\ntrusted him with his claim, with orders to collect it. Pike\\nmade this claim a pretext for the visit of Dr. Robinson to\\nSanta Fe, while the real object was to gain knowledge of the\\ncountry and people.*\\nOn the 16th of February, Lieutenant Pike, while out on a\\nhunting excursion with one man, was discovered by a Spanish\\ndragoon and a Mexican Indian, w^ho were sent out as spies.\\nAfter a friendly interview they left, and by the 26th instant\\nreturned with one hundred officers and soldiers, who took the\\nparty prisoners. Unfortunately, being ignorant of the geo-\\ngraphy of the country, and having no guide, Lieutenant Pike\\nwas on the Rio del Norte instead of the Red river, as he sup-\\nposed. He was in Mexico instead of the United States.\\nAfter undergoing an examination before the Governor of\\nSanta Fe, w^hose name was Allencaster, Lieut. Pike with his\\ncomrades were allowed to retain their arms, but were marched\\nthrough Albuquerque, St. Fernandez, El Paso, to Chihauhua,\\nwhere he underwent another examination before Governor\\nSalcedo. After various embarrassments, accompanied by Dr.\\nRobinson, he had leave to depart, by Monclova to San Anto-\\nnio in Texas.\\nThe party commenced the march on the last of April and\\nreached San Antonio, in Texas, where they arrived on the 7th\\nof June. Here they tarried one week, and proceeding through\\nTexas reached Nachitoches on the first day of July, 1807.\\nThis expedition, unfortunate as it was to Lieutenant Pike,\\nbrought to the knowledge of the United States, the plains of the\\nArkansas, and the Mexican region, a large part of which now\\nbelongs to the United States.\\nDuring the year 1808, Tecumthe and the Prophet continued\\nquietly to extend their influence, professing no other end than\\na reformation of the Indians. Before the month of June they\\nhad removed from Greenville to the banks of the Tippecanoe,\\nPike s Expedition, p. 195. Note.\\n36", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0573.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "570 Pike s Expedition to New Mexico. 1807.\\na tributary of the Upper Wabash, where a tract of land had\\nbeen granted them by the Pottawatomies and Kickapoos.\\nIn July the Prophet sent to General Harrison a messenger\\nbegging him not to believe the tales told by his enemies, and\\npromising a visit: in August, accordingly, he spent two weeks\\nat Yincennes, and by his words and promises led the Governor\\nto change v.ery much his previous opinion, and to think his\\ninfluence might be beneficial rather than mischievous.*\\n[To explain more fully the designs of this Chieftain, we\\nquote from Brown s History of Illinois.]\\nTecumthe entered upon the great work he had long con-\\ntemplated, in the year 1805 or 1806. He was then about\\nthirty-eight years of age. To unite the several Indian tribes,\\nmany of which were hostile to, and had often been at war\\nwith each other, in this great and important undertaking, pre-\\njudices were to be overcome, their original manners and cus-\\ntoms to be re-established, the use of ardent spirits to be\\nabandoned, and all intercourse with the whites to be suspend-\\ned. The task was herculean in its character, and beset with\\ndifficulties on every side. Here was a field for the display of\\nthe highest moral and intellectual powers. He had already\\ngained the reputation of a brave and sagacious warrior, and\\na cool-headed, upright, wise, and efficient counsellor. He\\nwas neither a war nor a peace chief, and yet he wielded the\\npower and influence of both. The time havi/ig now arrived\\nfor action, and knowing full well, that to win savage atten-\\ntion, some bold and striking movement was necessary, he\\nimparted his plan to his brother, the Prophet, who adroitly\\nand without a moment s dehiy, prepared himself for the part\\nhe was appointed to play in this great drama of savage life.\\nTecumthe well knew that excessive superstition was every-\\nwhere a prominent trait in the Indian character; and there-\\nfore, with the skill of another Cromwell, brought superstition\\nto his aid.\\nSuddenly, his brother began to dream dreams, and see\\nvisions; he became afterward an inspired prophet, favored\\nwith a divine commission from the Great Spirit the power of\\nlife and death was placed in his hands he was appointed\\nagent for preserving the property and lands of the Indians,\\nand for restoring them to their original hap])y condition. He\\nthereupon commenced his sacred work. The public mind\\nwas aroused, unbelief gradually gave way; credulity and\\nwild fanaticism began to spread its circles, widening and\\ndeepening, until the fame of the prophet and the divine char-\\nDawson, lOG.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0574.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "1807. Troubles with Great Britain. 571\\nacter of his mission had reached the frozen shores of the lakes,\\nand overran the broad planes which stretched far beyond the\\ngreat Father of Waters. Pilgrims from remote tribes, sought\\nwith fear and trembling the head-quarters of the prophet and\\nthe sage. Proselytes were multiplied, and his followers in-\\ncreased beyond all former example. Even Tecumthe became\\na believer, and seizing upon the golden opportunity, he min-\\ngled with the pilgrims, won them by his address, and on their\\nreturn sent a knowledge of his plan of concert and union to\\nthe most distant tribes.\\nThe bodily and mental labors of Tecumthe next commenced.\\nHis life became one of ceaseless activity. He travelled, he\\nargued, he commanded. His persuasive voice was one day\\nlistened to by the Wyandots, on the plains of Sandusky on\\nthe next, his commands were issued on the banks of the Wa-\\nbash. He was anon seen paddling his canoe across the Mis-\\nsissippi, then boldly confronting the Governor of Indiana, in\\nthe council-house at Vincennes. Now carrying his banner of\\nunion among the Creeks and Cherokees of the South, and\\nfrom thence to the cold and inhospitable regions of the north,\\nneither intoxicated by success, nor discouraged by failure.\\nThe year 1808, made a change in the Presidency of the\\nUnited States, though not in political measures. Mr. Jeffer-\\nson, who had administered the affairs of the country with\\npre-eminent success through two terms, and who was gene-\\nrally popular throughout the west, retired to private life, and\\nMr. Madison became his successor in March, 1809.\\nIn order that the general reader may have a full under-\\nstanding of the series of events that led to the war with Great\\nBritain, (the subject of our next chapter) we give the follow-\\ning preliminary facts.\\nEngland and France, and indeed most of the European\\ngovernments, had been in a state of hostility for some years.\\nNapoleon had introduced and carried into effect what has\\nbeen called the Continental System. This was designed to\\nexclude England from all intercourse with the continent of\\nEurope, All importation of English manufactures and pro-\\nduce was prohibited. This system involved the rights of neu-\\ntral powers, and both England and France commenced de-\\npredations on the commerce of the United States.\\nIn November, 1806, Napoleon issued the famous decree of\\nBerlin, by which the British Islands were declared to be in a\\nstate of blockade. Immediately England directed reprisals", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0575.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "572 Ti ouhles with Great Britain. 1808.\\nagainst the Berlin decree, and issued her Orders in Council\\nin 1807. Every neutral vessel with its cargo was confiscated\\nwhich violated these orders. England also claimed the right\\nto search all neutral vessels, in order to execute the orders in\\nCouncil. With this odious practice was connected the right\\nof search on neutral vessels, for British seamen, and alj\\nwere claimed as such, who could not show official papers of\\ntheir birth, and regular shipment under a neutral government.\\nHundreds of naturalized citizens and even native born Amer-\\nicans were thus taken under our flag and impressed on board\\nof British ships of war. These orders were followed on\\nthe part of France by the decree of Milan, December, 1807,\\nand a more aggravated one of the Tuilleries, in January,\\n1808.\\nThese decrees denationalized and confiscated every neu-\\ntral vessel, which had been searched by an English ship.\\nThese difficulties with England were greatly increased by the\\nwanton attack on the frigate Chesapeake in the waters of\\nthe United States. This produced a call upon the militia of\\nthe United States.\\nThe Imperial decrees of France, and the aggressions of\\nGreat Britain, induced Congress, by recommendation of the\\nPresident, to lay an embargo prohibiting the exportation of\\nall articles from the United States, in December, 1807. This\\nmeasure met with so much opposition that it was repealed in\\n1809, and at the same time all trade and intercourse with\\nFrance and England was prohibited by an act of Congress.*\\nDuring the same period, British officers and traders were\\nencouraging the Indians to contend for their rights, by instill-\\ning into their minds the notion that they had sovereignty over\\nall the country not ceded by the treaty of Greenville. These\\nlessons were relished by Tecumthe and his brother, the\\nProphet. In reference to the hostilities of 1811, but which\\nhad existed in feelmgs and plans at an early period, Mr. Lan-\\nmanf says\\nThe basis of these hostilities was the fact that Elshwata-\\nwa the Prophet, who pretended to certain supernatural pow-\\ners, had formed a league with Tecumthe, to stir up the jeal-\\nSee Encyclopoedia Americana, articles, Continental System, rol. iii. 499; and Uni-\\nt\u00c2\u00abd States History, vol. xii. 419. Butler s Kentucky, 327.\\nt History of Michigan, 184.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0576.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "1808. Remarks of Mr. Lanman. 573\\nousy of the Indians against the United States. It seems that\\nthis was an act of pre-concert on the part of these brothers, in\\norder to produce a general confederacy of Indians against the\\nUnited States. Mutual complaints were urged on both sides.\\nIt was maintained by Governor Harrison that the Indians had\\nendeavored to excite insurrection against the Americans, had\\ndepredated upon their property, and murdered their citizens;\\nand that they were, moreover, in league with the British. He\\nordered them, therefore, to return to their respective tribes,\\nand to yield up the property which they had stolen, and also\\nthe murderers. Tecumthe, in answer, denied the league. He\\nalleged that his only design, and that of his brother, was to\\nstrengthen the amity between the different tribes of Indians,\\nand to improve their moral condition. In answer to Gover-\\nnor Harrison s demand for the murderers of the whites who\\nhad taken refuge among their tribes, he denied that they were\\nthere and secondly, that if they were there, it was not right\\nto punish them, and that they ought to be forgiven, as he had\\nforgiven those who had murdered his people in Illinois. The\\nIndians, comprised of seceders from the various tribes, were\\nincited by the conviction that their domain was encroached\\nupon by the Americans that they were themselves superior\\nto the white men and that the Great Spirit had directed them\\nto make one mighty struggle in throwing off the dominion of\\nthe United States. British influence, which had before exerted\\nits agency in the previous Indian war, was active on the Amer-\\nican side of the Detroit River and it must be admitted that it\\nhad strong ground of action. An ardent correspondence had\\nfor some time existed regarding the conduct of the savages,\\nand powerful efforts were made to dissuade them from ad-\\nvancing in their projects. In a speech which was sent to\\nTecumthe and his brother, complaining of injuries which had\\nbeen committed by the Indians, and demanding redress. Gov.\\nHarrison, who then resided at Vincennes, remarks, Broth-\\ners, I am myself of the Long Knife fire as soon as they hear\\nmy voice, you will see them pouring forth their swarms of\\nhunting-shirt men, as numerous as the musquitoes on the\\nshores of the Wabash. Brothers, take care of their stings.\\nOn the 25lh of November, Governor Hull met at Browns-\\ntown the Chippeways, Ottowas, Pottawatomies, Wyandots,\\nand Shawanese, and obtained from them a grant of a strip of\\nland connecting the Maumee with the Western Reserve, and\\nanother strip connecting Lower Sandusky with the country\\nsouth of the line agreed upon in 1795. These strips were to\\nbe used for roads.*\\n[The white settlements in Upper Louisiana, in the begin-\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 727.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0577.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "574 Organization of Illinois Territory. 1809.\\nning of 1808, had not extended much beyond the boundaries\\nclaimed by the Spanish authorities in virtue of former trea-\\nties with native tribes.\\nOn the 10th of November of that year, a grand council of\\nthe nation of Osages was held at Fort Clark, on the right\\nbank of the Missouri river, where a treaty was made in M hich\\nthe Osages relinquish their claims to all their lands between\\nthe Missouri and Arkansas rivers, as far west as a line drawn\\nfrom Fort Clark due South to the Arkansas. This treaty threw\\nopen the territory to settlements to this boundary.\\nFrom 1804 to 1809, there was considerable emigration to\\nthe territory, especially into the counties of Cape Girardeau,\\nSte. Genevieve, St. Louis,and St. Charles. Even as early as\\n1794, a German Colony was commenced in the interior of this\\ncounty. Their descendants are among some of the first class\\nof farmers in Missouri.]\\nThroughout the year 1809, we find Tecumthe and his broth-\\ner strengthening themselves both openly and secretly. Gov-\\nernor Harrison, however, had been once more led to suspect\\ntheir ultimate designs, and was preparing to meet an emer-\\ngency whenever it might arise. The probability of its being\\nat hand was very greatly increased by the news received from\\nthe Upper Mississippi of hostile movements there among the\\nsavages. In reference to these movements and the position\\nof the Shavvanese brothers. Governor Harrison wrote to the\\nSecretary of War on the 5th of July as follows\\nThe Shawanese prophet and about 40 followers arrived\\nhere about a week ago. He denies most strenuously any par-\\nticipation in the late combination to attack our settlements,\\nwhich he says was entirely confined to the tribes of the Mis-\\nsissippi and Illinois rivers and he claims the merit of having\\nprevailed upon them to relinquish their intentions.\\nI must confess that my suspicions of his guilt have been\\nrather strengthened than diminished at every interview I have\\nhad with him since his arrival. He acknowledged tliat he re-\\nceived an invitation to war against us, from the British, last\\nfall, and that he was apprised of the intention of the Sacs,\\nFoxes, c., early in the spring, and warmly solicited to join\\nin their league. But he could give no satisfactory explana-\\ntion of his neglecting to communicate to me circumstances so\\nextremely interesting to us, and towards which, I had a few\\nmonths before directed his attention, and received a solemn", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0578.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "1809. Organization of Illinois Territory. 575\\nassurance of his cheerful compliance with the injunctions I\\nhad impressed upon him.\\nThe result of all my inquiries on the subject, is, that the\\nlate combination was produced b} British intrigue and influ-\\nence, in anticipation of war between them and the United\\nStates. It was, however, premature and ill-judged, and the\\nevent sufficiently manifests a great decline in their influence,\\nor in the talents and address, with which they have been ac-\\ncustomed to manage their Indian relations.\\nThe warlike and well armed tribes of the Pottawatomies,\\nOttawas, Chippewas, Delawares and Miamis, I believe neither\\nhad, nor would have joined in the combination and although\\nthe Kickapoos, whose warriors are better than those of any\\nother tribe, the remnant of the Wyandot excepted, are much\\nunder the influence of the prophet, I am persuaded that they\\nwere never made acquainted with their intentions, if these\\nwere really hostile to the United States.*\\nIn this same letter the Governor, at the request of the Se-\\ncretary, Dr. Eustis, gives his views of the defence of the fron-\\ntiers, in which portion of his epistle many valuable hints are\\ngiven in relation to the course proper to be pursued in case of\\na war with England.\\nIn September, October and December, the Governor of In-\\ndiana succeeded in extinguishing the claims of the Delawares,\\nPottawatomies, Miamies, Eel river Indians, Weas, and Kicka-\\npoos, to certain lands upon the Wabash which had not yet\\nbeen purchased, and which were believed to contain copper\\nore t\\nThe treaties with the Delawares, Pottawatomies, Miamies,\\nand Eel river Indians, were made at Fort Wayne the others\\nat Vincennes they were protested against by Tecumthe in\\nthe following year.\\nOn the I7th of February the Legislature of Ohio passed\\nthe charter of the Miami University. With regard to this in-\\nstitution, a question at once arose, whether it should be with-\\nin Symmes Purchase, as it had been originally intended it\\nshould be, and as the charter required or placed upon the\\nlands with which it was endowed, which lands it had been\\nfound necessary to select out of the Purchase, as has been al-\\nready related. The Legislature decided that the University\\n*Daw8on, 130.\\n-j- American State Papers, v. 700, to 763. Dawson, 135 to 137.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0579.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "576 Organization of Illinois Territory. 1809.\\nshould be upon the lands which had been appropriated to its\\nsupport in the township of Oxford, and there accordingly it\\nwas placed. J\\n[One of the events of 1809, which claims special notice,\\nwas the organization of the Territory of Illinois.\\nThe people of Illinois, as has happened to others more re-\\ncently, at several periods were left without a regularly consti-\\ntuted government. Originally it was a portion of ancient\\nLouisiana, under the French monarchy. By the treaty of\\nFrance with Great Britain in 1763, all Canada, including the\\nIllinois country, was ceded to the latter power.\\nBut British authority and laws did not reach Illinois until\\n1765, when Captain Sterling, in the name, and by the author-\\nity of the British crown, established the provisional govern-\\nment at Fort Chartres.\\nIn 1766, the Quebec Bill, as it was called, passed the Bri-\\ntish Parliament, which placed Illinois and the North-western\\nterritory under the local administration of Canada.\\nThe conquest of the country by General Clark in 177S\\nbrought it under the jurisdiction of Virginia, and in the month\\nof October the Legislature of that State organized the county\\nof Illinois.\\nThe cession of the country to the Continental Congress was\\nmade in 1784, and the ordinance to organize the North-west-\\nern Territory, which provided for aT erritorial Government,\\nwas not passed until 1787, and the Governor and Judges who\\nexercised, in one body, Legislative and Judicial authority, did\\nnot go into operation until July, 1788. Still the Illinois coun-\\ntry remained without any organized government till IMarch,\\n1790, when Governor St. Clair organized the county that\\nbears his name. Hence, for more than six years at one pe-\\nriod, and for a shorter time at other periods, there was no\\nExecutive, Legislative, and Judicial authority in the country.\\nThe people were a law unto themselves, and good feel-\\nings, harmony and fidelity to engagements predominated.\\nFrom 1800 they had been a part of the territory of Indi-\\nana. In all the territories at that period, there were two grades\\nof Territorial Government. The first was that of Governor\\nand Judges. These constituted the law-making power. Such\\nX Burnett s Letters, 155, 156. American Pioneer, i. 269.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0580.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "1809 Organization of Illinois Territory. 577\\nwas the organization of Illinois in 1809. The next grade wa\\na Territorial Legislature; the people electing the House of\\nRepresentatives, and the President and Senate appointing the\\nCouncil.\\nBy an act of Congress of February 3d, 1809, all that part of\\nIndiana Territory which lies west of the Wabash river, and a\\ndirect line drawn from that river and Post Vincennes, due\\nnorth, to the territorial line between the United States\\nand Canada, was constituted into a separate Territory, by the\\nname of Illinois; and the first grade of Territorial Govern-\\nment was established.\\nHon. Ninian Edwards, then Chief Justice of Kentucky,\\nwas appointed Governor, and Nathaniel Pope, Esq., then a\\nresident of Kaskaskia, Secretary of the Territory.\\nEarly in March, as the acting Governor, Judge Pope organ-\\nized the Territory. Governor Edwards arrived from Ken-\\ntucky and entered the Executive department in the month of\\nJune. As we have much to bring up in the Annals of Illinois,\\nwe shall defer details for the Appendix.\\nThe hostile intentions of Tecumthe and his followers to-\\nwards the United States, were placed beyond adoubtin 1810.\\nThe exciting causes were the purchase at Fort Wayne in\\n1809, which the Shawanese denounced as illegal and unjust;\\nand British influence. And here, as in 1790 to 1795, it is al-\\nmost impossible to learn what really was the amount of\\nBritish influence, and whence it proceeded whether from the\\nagents merely, or from higher authority. On the one hand\\nwe have many assertions like the following:\\nFort Wayne, August 7, 1818.\\nSince writing you on the 25th ultimo, about one hundred\\nmen of the Saukies have returned from the British agent,\\nwho supplied them liberally with every thing they stood in\\nwant of The party received 47 rifles, and a number of fusils,\\nwith plenty of powder and lead. This is sending firebrands\\ninto the Mississippi country, inasmuch as it will draw num-\\nbers of our Indians to the British side, in the hope of being\\ntreated with the same liberality.\\nJOHN JOHNSTON, Indian Agent.\\nVincennes, September, 17, 1811.\\nstates that almost every Indian from the country\\nabove this had been, or were then gone to Maiden, on a visit", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0581.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "578 Assistance given the Indians by England. 1810.\\nto the British agent. We shall probably gain our destined\\npoint at the moment of their return. If, then, the British\\nagents are really endeavoring to instigate the Indians to\\nmake war upon us, we shall be in their neighborhood at the\\nvery moment when the impressions which have been made\\nagainst us are most active in the minds of the savages.\\nsucceeded in getting the chiefs together at Fort\\nAVayne, though he found them all preparing to go to Maiden.\\nThe result of the council discovered that the whole tribes (in-\\ncluding the Weas and Eel rivers, for they are all jMiamies,)\\nwere about equally divided in favor of the Prophet and the\\nUnited States. Lapousicr, the Wea chief, whom I before\\nmentioned to you as being seduced by the Prophet, was re-\\npeatedly asked by what land it was that he was de-\\ntermined to defend with his blood whether it was that which\\nwas ceded by the late treaty or not, but he would give no an-\\nswer]\\nreports that all the Indians of the Wabash have\\nbeen, or now are, on a visit to the British agents at Maiden.\\nHe had never known one-fourth as many goods given to the\\nIndians, as they are now distributing. He examined the share\\nof one man (not a chief,) and found that he had received an\\nelegant rifle, 25 pounds of powder, 50 pounds of lead, 3\\nblankets, 3 strouds of cloth, 10 shirts and several other articles.\\nHe says every Indian is furnished with a gun (either rifle\\nor fusil) and an abundance of ammunition. A trader of\\nthis country was lately in the King s stores at Maiden,\\nand was told that the quantity of goods for the Indian\\ndepartment, which had been sent out this year, exceeded that\\nof common years by 20,000 pounds sterling. It is impossible\\nto ascribe this profusion to any other motive than that of in-\\nstigating the Indians to take up the tomahawk. It cannot be\\nto secure their trade for all the peltry collected on the wa-\\nters of the Wabash in one year, if sold in the London market,\\nwould not pay the freight of the goods which have been given\\nto the Indians.*\\nOn the other hand we know that Sir James Craig, the Gov-\\nernor of Canada, wrote on the 25th of November, 1810, to\\nMr. Morier, the British Minister at Washington, authorizing\\nhim to inform the United States Government that the north-\\nern savages were meditating hostilities :t we know also that\\nin the following March, Sir James wrote to Lord Liverpool\\nin relation to the Indians, and spoke of the information he\\nhad given the Americans, and that his conduct was approv-\\nAmerican State Papers, v. 799, 801 to 801.\\ntAiuericau State Papers, iii. 453. Gaston in Congress; quoted by Dawson, 175.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0582.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": "1810. Assistance given the Indians by England. 579\\ned we have farther the repeated denial by the English Min-\\nister at Washington, of any influence having been exerted over\\nthe frontier tribes adverse to the States, by the authority, or\\nwith the knowledge of the English Ministry or the Governor of\\nCanada. t These things, we think, must lead us to acquit the\\nrulers of Great Britain, but they do not show who, nor how\\nhigh in authority the functionaries were who tried, as Tecum-\\nthe told Harrison, to set the red men, as dogs, upon the whites\\nBut, however we may think the evil influence originated,\\ncertain it is that the determination was taken by the succes-\\nsor of Pontiac, to unite all the western tribes in hostility to\\nthe United States, in case that power would not give up the\\nlands bought at Fort Wayne, and undertake to recognize the\\nprinciple, that no purchases should be thereafter made unless\\nfrom a Council representing all the tribes united as one na-\\ntion. By various acts the feelings of Tecum the became more\\nand more evident, but in August, he having visited Vincennes\\nto see the Governor, a Council was held at which, and at\\na subsequent interview, the real position of aflairs was clear-\\nly ascertained of that Council we give the account contain-\\ned in Mr. Drake s life of the Great Chieftain.\\nGovernor Harrison had made arrangements for holding the l\\nCouncil on the portico of his own house, which had been\\nfitted up with seats for the occasion. Here, on the morning\\nof the fifteenth, he awaited the arrival of the chief, being at-\\ntended by the judges of the Supreme Court, some officers of\\nthe army, a sergeant and twelve men, from Fort Knox, and a\\nlarge number of citizens. At the appointed hour Tecumthe,\\nsupported by forty of his principal warriors, made his ap-\\npearance, the remainder of his followers being encamped in\\nthe village and its environs. When the chief had approach-\\ned within thirty or forty yards of the house, he suddenly stop-\\nped, as if awaiting some advances from the Governor. An\\ninterpreter was sent requesting him and his followers to take\\nseats on the portico. To this Tecumthe objected he did not\\nthink the place a suitable one for holding the conference, but\\npreferred that it should take place in a grove of trees to\\nwhich he pointed standing a short distance from the house.\\nThe Governor said he had no objection to the grove, except\\nthat there were no seats in it for their accommodation. Te-\\ncumthe replied, that constituted no objection to the grove, the\\nearth being the most suitable place for the Indians, who lov-\\nAmerican State Papers, ii.. 462.\\nfAmerican State Papers, 453, iii. 453, 462.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0583.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "580 Tecumthe meets Hai-nson in Council. tSlO.\\ned to repose upon the bosom of their mother. The governor\\nyielded the point, and the benches and chairs having been\\nremoved to the spot, the conference Nvas begun, the Indians\\nbeing seated on the grass.\\nTecumthe opened the meeting by stating, at length, his ob-\\njections to the treaty of Fort Wayne, made by Governor Har-\\nrison in the previous year and in the course of his speech,\\nboldly avowed the principle of his party to be, that of resis-\\ntance to every cession of land, unless made by all the tribes,\\nwho, he contended, formed but one nation. He admitted\\nthat he had threatened to kill the chiefs who signed the\\ntreaty of Fort Wayne and that it was his fixed determina-\\ntion not to permit the village chiefs, in future, to manage their\\naffairs, but to place the power with which they had been\\nheretofore invested, in the hands of the war chiefs. The\\nAmericans, he said, had driven the Indians from the sea coast,\\nand would soon push them into the lakes; and, while he dis-\\nclaimed all intention of making war upon the United States,\\nhe declared it to be his unalterable resolution to take a stand,\\nand resolutely oppose the further intrusion of the whites upon\\nthe Indian lands. He concluded, by making a brief but im-\\npassioned recital of the various wrongs and aggressions in-\\ndicted by the white men upon the Indians, from the commence-\\nment of the revolutionary war down to the period of that\\nCouncil; all of which was calculated to arouse and inflame\\nthe minds of such of his followers as were present.\\nTo him the Governor replied, and having taken his seat,\\nthe interpreter commenced explaining the speech to Tecum-\\nthe, who, after listening to a portion of it, sprung to his feet\\nand began to speak with great vehemence of manner.\\nThe Governor was surprised at his violent gestures, but as\\nhe did not understand him, thought he was making some ex-\\nplanation, and suffered his attention to be drawn towards\\nWinncmac, a friendly Indian lying on the grass before him,\\nwho was renewing the priming of his pistol, which he had\\nkept concealed from the other Indians, but in full view of the\\nGovernor. His attention, however, was again directed to-\\nwards Tecumthe, by hearing General Gibson, who was inti-\\nmately acquainted with the Shawanee language, say to Lieu-\\ntenant .Jennings, those fellows intend mischief; you had\\nbetter bring up the guard. At that moment, the followers of\\nTecumthe seized their tomahawks and war clubs, and sprung\\nupon their feet, their eyes turned upon the Governor. As\\nsoon as he could disengage himself from the arm choir in\\nwhich he sat, he rose, drew a small sword which he had by\\nliisside, and stood on the defensive. Captain G. R. Floyd, of\\nthe army, who stood near him, drew a dirk, and the chief\\nWinncmac cocked his pistol. The citizens present were more\\nnumerous than the Indians, but were unarmed; some of them", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0584.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "1811. Building of Fort Harrison. 581\\nprocured clubs and brick-bats, and also stood on the defen-\\nsive. The Rev. Mr. Winans, of the Methodist church, ran\\nto the Governor s house, got a gun, and posted himself at\\nthe door to defend the family. During this singular scene,\\nno one spoke, until the guard came running up, and appear-\\ning to be in the act of firing, the Governor ordered them not\\nto do so. He then demanded of the interpreter, an explana-\\ntion of what had happened, who replied that Tecumthe had\\ninterrupted him, declaring that all the Governor had said\\nwas false and that he and the Seventeen Fires had cheat-\\ned and imposed on the Indians.\\nThe Governor then told Tecumthe that he was a bad man,\\nand that he would hold no further communication with him;\\nthat as he had come to Vincennes under the protection of\\na Council-fire, he might return in safety, but that he must\\nimmediately leave the village. Here the Council termina-\\nted.\\nThe now undoubted purposes of the Brothers being of a\\ncharacter necessarily leading to war, Governor Harrison pro-\\nceeded to strengthen himself for the contest by preparing\\nthe militia, and posting the regular troops that were with\\nhim, under Captains Posey and Cross, at Vincennes*.\\nMessengers were sent out as proposed, and deputations\\nfrom the natives followed, promising peace and compliance,\\nbut the Governor, having received his reinforcements, com-\\nmenced his proposed progress. On the 5th of Oct. he was\\non the Wabash, sixty or sixty-five miles above Vincennes, at\\nwhich point he built Fort Harrison. Here one of his senti-\\nnels was fired upon, and news were received from the friendly\\nDelawares which made the hostile purposes of the Prophet\\nplain. The Governor then determined to move directly upon\\nTippecanoe, still offering peace, however. Upon the Slst of\\nOctober he was near the mouth of the Vermillion river, where\\nhe built a block-house for the protection of his boats, and a\\nplace of deposite for his heavy baggage from that point he\\nadvanced without interruption into the immediate vicinity of\\nthe Prophet s town, where he was met by ambassadors; he\\ntold them he had no hostile intentions in case the Indians\\nwere true to existing treaties, and made preparations to\\nencamp.f\\nIn a few moments the man who had been with me before\\nmade his appearance. I informed him that my object for the\\nDawson s Historical Narrative, 139, 160, 170, 173.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Drake s Life of Tecumthe, 125.\\nt Dawson, 192, 199, and 203. Am erican State Papers, t. 776.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0585.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "582 Battle of Tippecanoe. 1811.\\npresent was to procure a good piece of ground to encamp on,\\nwhere we could get wood and water; he informed me that\\nthere was a creek to the northwest which he thought would\\nsuit our purpose. 1 immediately despatched two officers to\\nexamine it, and they reported that the situation was excel-\\nlent. I then took leave of the chief, and a mutual promise\\nwas again made for a suspension of hostilities until we could\\nhave an interview on the following day. I found the ground\\ndestined lor the encampment not altogether such as 1 could\\nwish it it was indeed admirably calculated for the encamp-\\nment of regular troops, that were opposed to regulars, but it\\nafl orded great facility to the approach of savages. It was a\\npiece of dry oak land, rising about ten feet above the level\\nof a marshy prairie in front (to\\\\\\\\ards the Indian town) and\\nnearly twice that height above a similar prairie in the rear,\\nthrough which and near to this bank, ran a small stream\\nclothed with willows and brushwood. Towards the left Hank\\nthis bench of high land widened considerably, but became\\ngradually narrow^ in the opposite direction, and at the dis-\\ntance of one hundred and Hfty yards from the right flank,\\nterminated in an abrupt point. The tw o columns of infan-\\ntry occupied the front and rear of this ground, at the^distance\\nof about one hundred and fifty yards from each other on the\\nleft, and something more than half that distance on the right\\nflank these flanks were filled up, the first by two companies\\nof mounted riflemen amounting to about one hundred and\\ntwenty men, under the command of Major-Gencral Wells, of\\nthe Kentucky militia, who served as a Major; the other by\\nSpencer s company of mounted riflemen, which amounted to\\neighty men. The front line was cmposed of one battalion of\\nUnited States infantry under the command of JNIajor Floyd,\\nflanked on the right by two companies of militia, and on the\\nleft by one company. The rear line was composed of a bat-\\ntallion of United States troops under the command of Capt.\\nBean, acting as major, and four companies of militia infantry\\nunder Lieutenant-Colonel Decker. The regular troops of this\\nline joined the mounted riflemen under General Wells on the\\nleft llank, and Col. Deckers battalion formed an angle with\\nSpencer s company on the left.\\nTwo troops of dragoons, amounting to, in the aggregate,\\nabout sixty men, were encamped in the rear of the kit flank,\\n.and Capt. Parke s troop, which was larger than the other\\ntwo, in the rear of the front line. Our order of encampment\\nvaried little from that abvive described, excepting when some\\npeculiarity of the ground made it necessary. For anight at-\\ntack the order of encampment was the order of battle, and\\neach man slept immediately opposite to his post in the line.\\nIn the formation of my troops, 1 used a single rank, or what is\\ncalled Indian file\u00e2\u0080\u0094 because in Indian warfare where there is no", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0586.jp2"}, "587": {"fulltext": "1811. Battle of Tippecanoe. 583\\nshock to resist, one rank is nearly as good as two, and in that\\nkind of warfare the extension of line is of the first impor-\\ntance. Raw troops also manoBUvre with much more facility\\nin single than ^in double ranks. It was my constant custom\\nto assemble all the field officers at my tent every evening by\\nsingle, to give them the watchword and their instructions for\\nthe night those given for the night of the 6th were, that\\neach troop which formed a part of the exterior line of the\\nencampment, should hold its own ground until relieved. The\\ndragoons were ordered to parade in case of a night attack,\\nwith their pistols in their belts, and to act as a corps de reserve.\\nThe camp was defended by two captains guards, consisting\\neach of four non-commissioned officers and forty-two privates\\nand two subalterns guards of twenty non-commissioned of-\\nficers and privates. The whole under the command of afield\\nofficer of the day. The troops were regularly called up an\\nhour before day, and made to continue under arms until it\\nwas quite light. On the morning of the 7th, 1 had risen at a\\nquarter after four o clock, and the signal for calling out the\\nmen would have been given in two minutes, when the attack\\ncommenced. It began on our left flank but a signal gun\\nwas fired by the sentinels or by the guard in that direction,\\nwhich made not the least resistance, but abandoned their\\nofficer and fled into camp, and the first notice which the\\ntroops of that flank had of the danger, was from the yells of\\nthe savages within a short distance of the line but even\\nunder those circumstances the men were not wanting to them-\\nselves or the occasion. Such of them as were awake, or\\nwere easily awakened, seized their arms and took their sta-\\ntions; others which were more tardy, had to contend with the\\nenemy in the doors of their tents. The storm first fell upon\\nCapt. Barton s company of the 4th U. S. regiment, and Capt.\\nGeiger s company of mounted riflemen, which formed the left\\nangle of the rear line. The fire upon these was exceedingly\\nsevere, and they suflered considerabl}^ before relief could be\\nbrought to them. Some few Indians passed into the encamp-\\nment near the angle, and one or two penetrated to some dis-\\ntance before they were killed. I believe all the other compa-\\nnies were under arms and tolerably formed before they were\\nfired on. The morning was dark and cloudy; our fires afforded\\na partial light, which, if it gave us some opportunity of taking\\nour positions, was still more advantageous to the enemy, af-\\nfording them the means of taking a surer aim they were\\ntherefore extinguished. Under all these discouraging circum-\\nstances, the troops (19 20ths of whom never had been in ac-\\ntion before) behaved in a manner that can never l)e too much\\napplauded. They took their places without noise and less\\nconfusion than could have been expected from veterans placed\\nin the same situation. As soon as I could mount my horse, I", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0587.jp2"}, "588": {"fulltext": "584 Battle of Tippecanoe. 1811.\\nrode to the angle that was attacked I found that Barton s\\ncompany had suffered severely and the left ofGeiger s entire-\\nly broken. 1 immediately ordered Cook s company and the\\nlate Capt. Wentworth s, under Lieut. Peters, to be brought up\\nfrom the centre of the rear line, where the ground was much\\nmore defensible, and formed across the angle in support of\\nBarton s and Geiger s. My attention was then engaged by a\\nheavy firing upon the left of the front line, where were sta-\\ntioned the small company of United States riflemen (then,\\nhowever, armed with muskets) and the companies of liean,\\nSnelling, and Prcscott of the 4th regiment. I found Major\\nDaviess forming the dragoons in the rear of those companies,\\n*and understanding that the heaviest part of the enemy s fire\\nproceeded from some trees about fifteen or twenty paces in\\nfront of those companies, I directed the major to dislodge them\\nwith apart of the dragoons. Unfortunately the Major s gal-\\nlantry determined him to execute the order with a smaller\\nforce than was sufficient, which enabled the enemy to avoid\\nhim in front and attack his flanks. The major was mortally\\nWounded, and his party driven back. The Indians were, how-\\never, immediately and gallantly dislodged from their advan-\\ntageous position, by Capt. Snelling, at the head of his compa-\\nny. In the course of a few minutes after the commencement\\nof the attack, the fire extended along the left flank, the whole\\nof the front, the right flank, and part of the rear line. Upon\\nSpencer s mounted riflemen, and the right of Warwick s com-\\npany, which was posted on the riglit of the rear line, it was\\nexcessively severe Capt. Spencer and his first and second\\nlieutenants, were killed, and Captain Warwick was mortally\\nwounded those companies, however, still bravely maintained\\ntheir posts, but Spencer had suflered so severely, and having\\noriginally too much ground to occupy, I reinforced them with\\nllobb s company of riflemen, which had been driven, or by mis-\\ntake ordered from their position on the left flank, towards the\\ncentre of the carap, and filled the vacancy that had been oc-\\ncupied by Robb with Prescott s company of the 4th United\\nStates regiment. My great object was to keep the lines en-\\ntire, to prevent the enemy from breaking into the camp until\\ndaylight, which should enable me to make a general and ef-\\nfectual charge. With this view, I had reinforced every part\\nof the line that had suflered much; and as soon as the ap-\\nproach of morning discovered itself, I withdrew from the front\\nline, Snelling s, Posey s (under Lieut. Albright,) aad Scott s,\\nand from the rear line, Wilson s companies, and drew them up\\nupon the left flank, and at the same time, I ordered Cook s\\nand Bean s companies, the former from the rear, and the lat-\\nter from the front line, to reinlorce the right flank; forseeing\\nthat at these points the enemy would make their last efforts.\\n]Maj. Wells, who commanded on the left flank, not knowing", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0588.jp2"}, "589": {"fulltext": "1811. Battle of Tippecanoe. 585\\nmy intentions precisely, had taken command of these compa-\\nnies, had charged the enemy before I had formed the body of\\ndragoons with which I meant to support the infantry a small\\ndetachment of these were, however, ready, and proved amply\\nsufficient for the purpose. The Indians were driven by the\\ninfantry, at the point of the bayonet, and the dragoons pursued\\nand forced them into a marsh, where they could not be followed.\\nCapt. Cook and Lieut. Larabee had, agreeable to my order,\\nmarched their companies to the right flank, had formed them\\nunder the fire of the enemy, and being then joined by the\\nriflemen of that flank, had charged the Indians, killed a num-\\nber, and put the rest to precipitate flight. A favorable oppor-\\ntunity was here offered to pursue the enemy with dragoons,\\nbut being engaged at that time on the other flank, I did not\\nobserve it till it was too late.\\nI have thus, sir, given you the particulars of an action,\\nwhich was certainly maintained with the greatest obstinacy\\nand perseverance, by both parties. The Indians manifested a\\nferocity uncommon even with them to their savage fury our\\ntroops opposed that cool, and deliberate valor, which is char-\\nacteristic of the Christian solder.*\\nThe Americans in this battle had not more than 700 effi-\\ncient men, non-commissioned officers and privates the In-\\ndians are believed to have had 700 or 1000 warriors. The\\nloss of the American army was 37 killed on the field, 25 mor-\\ntally wounded, and 126 wounded; that of the Indians about\\nforty killed on the spot, the number of wounded being un-\\nknown.\\nGovernor Harrison, although very generally popular, had\\nenemies, and after the battle of Tippecanoe they denounced\\nhim, 1st, for suffering the Indians to point out his camping\\nground 2d, for allowing himself to be surprised by his ene-\\nmy and 3d, because he sacrificed either Daviess or Owen,\\n(accounts differed) by placing one or the other on a favorite\\nwhite horse of his own, which caused the savages to make\\nthe rider an especial mark. To these charges elaborate re-\\nplies have been made we cannot do more than say, to the\\n1st, that although as Harrison relates, the Indians pointed out\\nthe creek upon which was the site of his encampment, his\\nown officers found, examined, and approved that particular\\nsite, and other military men have since approved their selec-\\ntion to the 2d, the only reply needed is, that the facts were\\n^American State Papers, t. 777, 778.\\n37", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0589.jp2"}, "590": {"fulltext": "586 Great Earthquake. 1811.\\njust as stated in the dispatch we have quoted; and to the\\n3d, that Daviess was killed on foot, and Owen on a horse not\\nGeneral Harrison s the last story probably arose from the\\nfact that Taylor, a fellow aid of Owen, was mounted on a\\nhorse of the Governor s but Taylor w^as not killed, though\\nthe horse he rode was.\\nThe battle\u00c2\u00bbof Tippecanoe was fought upon the 7th of No-\\nvember, and upon the 4th of the following month Harrison\\nwrites that the frontiers never enjoyed more perfect repose\\nthough it seems to be clear that the disposition to do mischief\\nwas by no means extinguished among the savages.*\\nDuring this year two events took place, beside the battle of\\nTippecanoe, which make it especially noticeable in the history\\nof the West the one was, the building of the steamer New\\nOrleans, the first boat built beyond the Alleghanies the other\\nwas the series of Earthquakes which destroyed New Madrid,\\nand affected the whole valley. Of the latter event, we give\\nthe following description from the pen of Dr. Hildreth.f\\nThe centre of its violence was thought to be near the Little\\nPrairie, twenty-five or thirty miles below New Madrid the\\nvibrations from which were felt all over the valley of the\\nOhio, as high up as Pittsburgh. The first shock was felt in\\nthe night of the l6th of December, 1811, and was repeated\\nat intervals, with decreasing violence, into February follow-\\ning. New Madrid, having suffered more than any other town\\non the Mississippi from its effects, was considered as situated\\nnear the focus Irom whence the undulations proceeded.\\nFrom an eye-witness, who was then about forty miles be-\\nlow that town, in a flat boat, on his way to New Orleans\\nwith a load of produce, and who narrated the scene to me,\\nthe agitation which convulsed the earth and the waters of the\\nmighty Mississippi filled every living creature with horror.\\nThe first shock took place in the night, while the boat was\\nlying at the sliorc in company with several others. At this\\nperiod there was danger apprehended from the southern In-\\ndians, it being soon after the battle of Tippecanoe, and for\\nsafety several boats kept in company, for mutual defence in\\ncase of an attack. In the middle of the night there was a\\na terrible shock and jarring of the boats, so that the crews\\nDawson 204 to 208.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 McAffee s History of tlic Wiir., IS to .38.-^Tadd and Drake s\\naccount, 34 to 37.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Cist s Miscellany, ii. 298. American State Papers, v. 779.\\nt In Carey s Museum for April 1789, p. 3fi3, is an account of the Great Earthquake of\\n1727.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 On thoso of 1811, see also Senator Linn letter in Wetmore s Missouri Gazetteer,\\n(St Louia, 1337,) 134 to 142.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Drake s Picture of Cincinnati.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 FUnt s Recollections.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0590.jp2"}, "591": {"fulltext": "1811. Great Earthquake. 58 7\\nwere all awakened and hurried on deck with their weapons\\nof defence in their hands, thinking the Indians were rushing\\non board. The ducks, geese, swans, and various other aquatic\\nbirds, whose numberless flocks were quietly resting in the ed-\\ndies of the river, were thrown into the greatest tumult, and\\nwith loud screams expressed their alarm in accents of terror.\\nThe noise and commotion soon became hushed, and nothing\\ncould be discovered to excite apprehension, so that the boat-\\nmen concluded that the shock was occasioned by the falling\\nin of a large mass of the bank of the river near them. As\\nsoon as it was light enough to distinguish objects, the crews\\nwere all up making ready to depart. Directly a loud roaring\\nand hissing was heard, like the escape of steam from a boiler,\\naccompanied by the most violent agitation of the shores and\\ntremendous boiling up of the waters of the Mississippi in huge\\nswells, rolling the waters below back on the descending\\nstream, and tossing the boats about so violently that the men\\nwith difficulty could keep on their feet. The sandbars and\\npoints of the islands gave way, swallowed up in the tumultu-\\nous bosom of the river carrying down with them the cotton-\\nwood trees, cracking and crashing, tossing their arms to and\\nfro, as if sensible of their danger, while they disappeared be-\\nneath the flood. The water of the river, M^hich the day be-\\nfore was tolerably clear, being rather low, changed to a red-\\ndish hue, and became thick with mud throvi^n up from its bot-\\ntom while the surface, lashed violently by the agitation of\\nthe earth beneath, was covered with foam, which, gathering\\ninto masses the size of a barrel, floated along on the trem-\\nbling surface. The earth on the shores opened in wide fis-\\nsures, and closing again, threw the water, sand and mud, in\\nhuge jets, higher than the tops of the trees. The atmosphere\\nwas filled with a thick vapor or gas, to which the light im-\\nparted a purple tinge, altogether different in appearance from\\nthe autumnal haze of Indian summer, or that of smoke.\\nFrom the temporary check to the current, by the heaving\\nup of the bottom, the sinking of the banks and sandbars into\\nthe bed of the stream, the river rose in a few minutes five or\\nsix feet and, impatient of the restraint, again rushed for-\\nward with redoubled impetuosity, hurrying along the boats,\\nnow set loose by the horror-struck boatmen, as in less danger\\non the water than at the shore, where the banks threatened\\nevery moment to destroy them by the falling earth, or\\ncarry them down in the vortices of the sinking masses.\\nMany boats were overwhelmed in this manner, and their\\ncrews perished with them. It required the utmost exertions\\nof the men to keep the boat, of which my informant was the\\nowner, in the middle of the river, as far from the shores, sand-\\nbars and islands as they could. Numerous boats were\\nwrecked on the snags and old trees thrown up from the bot-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0591.jp2"}, "592": {"fulltext": "588 Great Earthquake. 1811.\\ntorn of the Mississippi, where they had quietly rested for ages,\\nwhile others were sunk or stranded on the sandbars and Is-\\nlands. At New Madrid several boats were carried by the re-\\nflux of the current into a small stream that puts into the\\nriver just above the town, and left on the ground by the re-\\nturning water a considerable distance from the Mississippi.\\nA man who belonged to one of the company boats was left\\nfor several hours on the upright trunk of an old snag in the\\nmiddle of the river, against which his boat was wrecked and\\nsunk. It stood with the roots a few feet above the water,\\nand to these he contrived to attach himself, while every fresh\\nshock threw the agitated waves against him, and kept gradu-\\nally settling the tree deeper into the mud at the bottom, bringing\\nhim nearer and nearer to the deep muddy waters, which, to his\\nterrified imagination, seemed desirous of swallowing him up.\\nWhile hanging here, calling with piteous shouts for aid, seve-\\nral boats passed by without being able to relieve him, until\\nfinally a skiif was well manned, rowed a short distance above\\nhim, and dropped down stream close to the snag, from which\\nhe tumbled into the boat as she floated by. The scenes which\\noccurred for several days, during the repeated shocks, were\\nhorrible. The most destructive took place in the beginning,\\nalthough they were repeated for many weeks, becoming\\nlighter and lighter until they died away in slight vibra-\\ntions, like the jarring of steam in an immense boiler. The\\nsulphurated gases that were discharged during the shocks,\\ntainted the air with their noxious elfluvia, and so strongly im-\\npregnated the water of the river, to the distance of one hun-\\ndred and fifty miles below, that it could hardly be used for\\nany purpose for a number of days. New Madrid, which\\nstood on a bluff bank, fifteen or twenty feet above the sum-\\nmer floods, sunk so low that the next rise covered it to the\\ndepth of five feet. The bottoms of several fine lakes in the\\nvicinity were elevated so as to become dry land, and have\\nsince been planted with corn\\n[To this interesting sketch by Dr. Ilildreth, we append a\\nfew particulars.\\nIn the town of Cape Girardeau, were several edifices of\\nstone and brick. The walls of these buildings were cracked,\\nin some instances from the ground to the top, and wide fis-\\nsures were left.\\nThe great shake, as the people called it, was so severe\\nin the county of St. Louis, that the fowls fell from the trees\\nas if dead crockery fell from the shelves and was broken,\\nAmerican Pioneer, i. 129.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0592.jp2"}, "593": {"fulltext": "1811. Great Earthquake. 589\\nand many families left their cabins, from fear of being crushed\\nbeneath their ruins.\\nMr. Bradbury, an English scientific explorer, was on a\\nkeel boat passing down the river at the time. On the night\\nof the 14th they called at New Madrid for some necessary\\nsupplies. The writer says\\nI was much disappointed in this place, as I found only\\na few straggling houses, situated round a plain of from two\\nto three hundred acres in extent. There are only two stores,\\nand those very indifferently furnished.\\nOn the night of the 15th, the keel boat was moored to a\\nsmall Island, not far from Little Prairie, where the crew, all\\nFrenchmen, were frightened, almost to helplessness, by the\\nterrible convulsions.\\nMr. B. says:\\nImmediately after the shock, we noticed the time, and\\nfound it near two o clock. In half an hour another shock\\ncame on, terrible indeed, but not equal to the first. [This\\nshock made a chasm in the Island, four feet wide and eighty\\nyards in length. After noticing successive shocks, the writer\\nstates I had already noticed that the sound which w^as\\nheard at the time of every shock, always preceded it at least\\na second, and that it always proceeded from the same point,\\nand went off in an opposite direction. 1 now found that the\\nshock came from a little northward of east, and proceeded to\\nthe westward. At daylight we had counted twenty-seven\\nshocks, during our stay on the Island.*\\nMr. B. records a series of shocks that continued daily, as\\nhe passed down the river, until the 21st of December.\\nThe late Hon. L. F. Linn, in a letter to the Hon. Mr. Da-\\nvis, Chairman of the Committee on Commerce, dated Febru-\\nary 1st, 1836, relative to the obstructions to the navigation\\nof the White, Big Black, and St. Francis rivers, has given a\\nlucid geographical and descriptive sketch of this part of Mis-\\nsouri, from which we have room for a brief extract.\\nThe memorable earthquake of December, 1811, after shak-\\ning the valley of the Mississippi to its centre, vibrated along\\nthe courses of the rivers and valleys, and passing the primi-\\ntive mountain barriers, died away along the shores of the At-\\nlantic Ocean. In the region now under consideration, during\\nthe continuance of so appalling a phenomenon, which com-\\nTravels in the Interior of Americaj by John Bradbury, pp. 199 to 207.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0593.jp2"}, "594": {"fulltext": "590 Great Earthquake. 1811.\\nmenced by distant rumbling sounds, succeeded by discharges\\nas if a thousand pieces of artillery were suddenly exploded,\\nthe earth rocked to and fro, vast chasms opened, from whence\\nissued columns of water, sand, and coal, accompanied by hiss-\\ning sounds, caused, perhaps, by the escape of pent-up steam,\\nwhile ever and anon flashes of electricity gleamed through the\\ntroubled clouds of night, rendering the darkness doubly hor-\\nrible. The current of the Mississippi, pending this elemental\\nstrife, was driven back upon its source with the greatest ve-\\nlocity for several hours, in consequence of an elevation of\\nits bed. But this noble river was not thus to be stayed in\\nits course. Its accumulated M aters came booming on, and,\\no erlopping the barrier thus suddenly raised, carried every-\\nthing before them with resistless power. Boats, then float-\\ning on its surface, shot down the declivity like an arrow from\\na bow, amid roaring billows and the wildest commotion. A\\nfew days action of its powerful current sufficed to wear\\naway every vestige of the barrier thus strangely interposed,\\nand its waters moved on in their wonted channel to the\\nocean. The day that succeeded this night of terror brought\\nno solace in its dawn. Shock followed shock a dense black\\ncloud of vapor overshadowed the land, through which no\\nstruggling sunbeam found its wa} to cheer the desponding\\nheart of man, who, in silent communion with himself, was\\ncompelled to acknowledge his weakness and dependence on\\nthe everlasting God. The appearances that presented them-\\nselves after the subsidence of the principal commotion were\\nsuch as strongly support an opinion heretofore advanced.\\nHills had disappeared, and lakes were found in their stead\\nand numerous lakes became elevated ground, over the surface\\nof which vast heaps of sand were scattered in every direction,\\nwhile in many places the earth for miles was sunk below the\\ngeneral level of the surrounding country, without being cov-\\nered with water, leaving an impi-cssion in miniatiwe of a catas-\\ntrophe much more important in its effects, which had,per}iap$,j)rc-\\ncedcd it ages before. One of the lakes formed on this occasion\\nis sixty or seventy miles in length, and from three to twenty\\nin breadth. It is in some places very shallow in others from\\nfifty to one hundred feet deep, which is much more than the\\ndepth of the Mississippi river in that quarter. In sailing over\\nits surface in the light canoe, the voyager is struck with as-\\ntonishment at beholding the giant trees of the forest standing\\npartially exposed amid a waste of waters, branchless and\\nleafless. But the wonder is still further increased on casting\\nthe eye on the dark-blue profound, to observe cane-brakes\\ncovering its bottom, over which a mammoth species of testu-\\ndo is seen dragging his slow length along, while countless\\nmyriads of fish are sporting through the aquatic thickets.]*\\nYTetmore s Gazetteer, p. 139, 140.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0594.jp2"}, "595": {"fulltext": "1811. First Western Steamer. 591\\nIn the midst of this terrible convulsion, the first of western\\nsteamers was pursuing her way toward the south. But before\\nwe give a sketch of her progress, let us re-call to the minds\\nof our readers the previous steps taken in regard to steam\\nnavigation.\\nIn 1781, the invention of Watts double-acting engine was\\nmade public and in 1781 it was perfected.* Previous to this\\ntime many attempts had been made to apply steam to navi-\\ngation, but, from want of a proper engine, all had been fail-\\nures and the first efforts to apply the new machine to boats\\nwere made in America by John Fitch and James Rumsey.\\nThe conception by Fitch, if we may trust the statement made\\nby Robert Wickliffe, was formed as early as June, 1780, ante-\\nrior to the announcement of Watts discovery of the double-\\nacting engine, though eleven years after his single engine had\\nbeen patented.\\nThis conception Fitch said he communicated to Rumsey.\\nThe latter gentleman, however, proposed a plan so entirely\\ndifferent from that of his fellow countrymen, (a plan which\\nhe is said to have originated in 1782, or 83,) that we cannot\\nthink him a plagiarist. The idea of steam navigation was\\nnot new; it was the question, How shall we use the steam?\\nwhich was to be so answered as to immortalize the successful\\nrespondent and to this question Fitch replied. By using\\nWatts engine so as to propel a system of paddles at the sides\\nof the boat while Rumsey said, By applying the old atmos-\\npheric engine to pump up water at the bow and force it out\\nat the stern of your vessel, and so drive her by water acting\\nupon water. Referring our readers, therefore, to the authori-\\nties quoted below, relative to Fitch and others, we must be\\ncontent with saying that all failed until Fulton, in 1807,\\nlaunched his vessel upon the Hudson. Fitch s failure, how-\\never, was not from any fault in his principle, and had his know-\\nledge of mechanics equalled Fulton s, or had his means been\\nmore ample, or had he tried his boat on the Hudson where\\ncoaches could not compete with him, as they did on the level\\nbanks of the Delaware, we cannot doubt he would have en-\\ntirely succeeded twenty years before his plans were realized\\nby another.|\\nRenwick on steam engine, 260.\\nt American Pioneer, i. 33 to 36. Sparks Amer. Biography, New Series, vol. ri. 790, 104,\\n111, 115. Renwick on the Steam Engine, 209. 260. Sparks Washington, i 63, 104,\\nCincinnati Directory, for 1819, p. 64. Howe s Virginia, 336 to 340. Collin s Kentucky, 479.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0595.jp2"}, "596": {"fulltext": "693 First Wcslei-n Steamer. 1811.\\n[In the Columbian Magazine, published in Philadelphia, in\\n(we think) 1786, is a plate showing the steamboat made by\\nFitch with its paddles, and a description of its action on the\\nDelaware. If John Fitch had received the patronage neces-\\nsary, it is probable his boat would have been successful.]\\nWhen Fulton had at length altained, by slow degrees, suc-\\ncess upon the Hudson, he began to look elsewhere for other\\nfields of action, and the west, which had attracted the atten-\\ntion of both of his American predecessors, could not fail to\\ncatch his eye. Mr. Latrobe, who spoke as will be seen by\\nauthority, says\\nThe complete success attending the experiments in steam\\nnavigation made on the Hudson and the adjoining waters\\nprevious to the year 1809, turned the attention of the principal\\nprojectors to the idea of its application on the western rivers\\nand in the month of April of that year, Mr. Roosevelt of New\\nYork, pursuant to an agreement with Chancellor Livingston\\nand Mr. Fulton, visited those rivers, with the purpose of form-\\ning an opinion whether they admitted of steam navigation or\\nnot. At this time two boats, the North River and the Cler-\\nmont, were running on the Hudson. JNIr. R. surveyed the\\nrivers from Pittsburgh to New Orleans, and as his report was\\nfavorable, it was decided to build a boat at the former town.\\nThis was done under his direction, and in the course of 1811\\nthe first boat was launched on the waters of the Ohio. It\\nwas called the New Orleans, and intended to ply between\\nNatchez, in the State of Mississippi, and the city whose name\\nit bore. In October it left Pittsburgh for its experimental\\nvoyage. On this occasion no freight or passengers were ta-\\nken, the object being merely to bring the boat to her station.\\nMr. R., his young wife and family, Mr. Baker, the engineer,\\nAndrew Jack, the pilot, and six hands, with a few domestics,\\nformed her whole burden. There were no wood-yards at that\\ntime, and constant delays were unavoidable. When, as re-\\nlated, Mr. R. had gone down the river to reconnoitre, he had\\ndiscovered two beds of coal, about one hundred and twenty\\nmiles below the Rapids at Louisville, and now took tools to\\nwork them, intending to load the ressel with the coal, and to\\nemploy it as fuel, instead of constantly detaining the boat\\nwhile wood was procured from the banks.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0596.jp2"}, "597": {"fulltext": "1811. First Western Steamer. 593\\nLate at night on the fourth day after quitting Pittsburgh, they\\narrived in safety at Louisville, having been but seventy hours\\ndescending upwards of seven hundred miles. The novel ap-\\npearance of the vessel, and the fearful rapidity with which it\\nmade its passage over the broad reaches of the river, excited\\na mixture of terror and surprise among many of the settlers\\non the banks, whom the rumor of such an invention had nev-\\ner reached and it is related that on the unexpected arrival\\nof the boat before Louisville, in the course of a fine still\\nmoonlight night, the extraordinary sound which filled the air\\nas the pent-up steam was suffered to escape from the valves,\\non rounding to, produced a general alarm, and multitudes in\\nthe town rose from their beds to ascertain the cause. I have\\nheard that the general impression among the good Kentucki-\\nans was, that the comet had fallen into the Ohio but this\\ndoes not rest upon the same foundation as the other facts\\nwhich I lay before you, and which I may at once say, I had di-\\nrectly from the lips of the parties themselves. The small\\ndepth of water in the Rapids prevented the boat from pursu-\\ning her voyage immediately and during the consequent de-\\ntention of three weeks in the upper part of the Ohio, several\\ntrips were successfully made between Louisville and Cincin-\\nnati. In fine the waters rose, and in the course of the last\\nweek in November, the voyage was resumed, the depth of\\nwater barely admitting their passage.*\\nThis steamer, after being nearly overwhelmed by the earth-\\nquakes, reached Natchez at the close of the first week of\\nJanuary, 1812.\\n[Mr. Bradbury, from whom we have quoted, and his travel-\\ning companion, Mr. Bridges, took their passage on the boat\\nfrom Natchez to New Orleans on its first downward trip.\\nHe states\\nIn the morning of the 6th inst., (Januar}^ 1812,) I went\\non board the steamboat from Pittsburgh she had passed us\\nat the mouth of the Arkansas, three hundred and forty-one\\nmiles above Natchez she was a very handsome vessel, of\\n410 tons burden, and was impelled by a powerful engine, also\\nmade at Pittsburgh, from whence she had come in less than\\ntwenty days, although 1,900 miles distance. Jf\\nRambler in North America, vol. i. 87.\\nt Travels in the Interior of America, p. 208.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0597.jp2"}, "598": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVIII.\\nBRITISH AND INDIAN WAR.\\nJiovoments of Tecumthe. Events in the North-west preceding the War. Declaration of\\nWar with Great Britain. Surrender of Michigan by Governor IIull. Operations of\\nGovernor Edwards in Illinois. Massacre at Chicago. Attack on Fort Harrison. GoT-\\nernor Harrison appointed Commander-in-Chief of the North-western Army. Expedi-\\ntion against the Illinois Indians. Defeat at French-town.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Siege of Fort Meigs.\\nGal ant Defence of Fort Stevenson. Victory of Commodore Perry on Lake Erie.\\nBattle of the Thames. Eipoditions of Captain Holmes and General McArthur. Con-\\nclusion of the AVar.\\n[At the time of the battle of Tippecanoe, Tecumthe, the\\nmaster spirit in Indian diplomacy, was amongst the southern\\nIndians, to bring them into the grand confederacy he had pro-\\njected. On his return, where he supposed he had made a\\nstrong and permanent impression, a few days after the disas-\\ntrous battle, when he saw the dispersion of his followers, the\\ndisgrace of his brother, and the destruction of his long cher-\\nished hopes, he was exceedingly angry. The rash presump-\\ntuousness of the Prophet, in attacking the American army at\\nTippecanoe, destroyed his own power and crushed the grand\\nconfederacy before it was completed.\\nWhen Tecumthe first met the prophet, he reproached him\\nin the bitterest terms, and when the latter attempted to pal-\\nliate his conduct, he seized him by the hair, shook him vio-\\nlently, and threatened to take his life.*\\nTecumthe immediately sent Avord to Governor Harrison,\\nthat he had returned from the south, and that he M-as ready\\nto visit the President as had been previously proposed. The\\nGovernor gave him permission to proceed to Washington,\\nbut not as the leader of a party of Indians, as he desired. The\\nproud chief, who had appeared at Vincennes in 1810, with a\\nlarge party of braves, had no desire to appear before his\\nGreat Father, the President, without his retinue. The pro-\\nposed visit was declined, and the intercourse between Tecum-\\nthe and the Governor terminated.\\nIn June, he sought an interview with the Indian agent at\\nFort Wayne; disavowed any intention of making war on the\\nLTnited States, and reproached General Harrison for having\\nmarched against his people during his absence. The agent\\nreplied to this; Tecumthe listened with frigid indifierence,\\nBrown s Illinois, p. 282. Billy CaldweU a verbal statement to the editor.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0598.jp2"}, "599": {"fulltext": "1812. Events Preceding the War of 1812. 595\\nand after making a few general remarks, with a haughty air,\\nleft the Council-house, and departed for Fort Maiden, in\\nUpper Canada, where he joined the British standard.f\\n[We have reserved a series of events pertaining to Missou-\\nri, the settlement of the Boone s Lick country, the Indian\\nWar, the Territorial Government, and sketches of St. Louis,\\nfor the Appendix of this volume. Much also pertaining to\\nIllinois will also appear in the same arrangement. But there\\nare some facts more directly connected with the war with the\\nBritish and Indians in 1812, that must have a place in this\\nchapter.]\\nWe have already referred to those causes of complaint on\\nthe part of the United States against England, which at length\\nled to the war of 1812: they were, the interference with\\nAmerican trade enforced by the blockade system; the impress-\\nment of American seamen the encouragement of the Indians\\nin their barbarities and the attempt to dismember the Union\\nby the mission of Henry. Through the winter of 1811-12,\\nthese causes of provocation were discussed in Congress and\\nthe public prints, and a war with Great Britain openly threat-\\nened: even in December, 1811, the proposal to invade Cana-\\nda in the following spring before the ice broke up, was deba-\\nted in the House of Representatives, and in particular was\\nurged the necessity of such operations at the outset of the\\nanticipated contest, as should wrest from the enemy the com-\\nmand of the upper lakes, and secure the neutrality or favor of\\nthe Indian tribes by the conquest of Upper Canada.\\nWhile, therefore, measures were taken to seize the Lower\\nprovince, other steps were arranged for the defence of the\\nnorth-west frontier against Indian hostility, and which, in the\\nevent of a rupture with Great Britain, would enable the Uni-\\nted States to obtain the command of Lake Erie. These step.s,\\nhowever, were by no means suitable to the attainment of the\\nobject last named; in place of a naval force upon Lake Erie,\\nthe necessity of which had been pressed upon the Executive\\nby Governor Hull of Michigan Territory, in three memorials,\\none of them as early as the year 1809, a second dated March\\n6th, and a third on or about April 11th, 1812; and although\\nthe same policy was pointedly urged upon the Se -retary o\\nWar by General Armstrong, in a private letter of January\\nBrown s History of Illinois, 283.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0599.jp2"}, "600": {"fulltext": "596 Hull sends his -papers, ^c., by water to Detroit. 1812.\\n2nd, yet the government proposed to use no other than mili-\\ntary means, and hoped by the presence of two thousand sol-\\ndiers, to effect the capture or destruction of the British fleet.\\nNay, so blind was the War Department, that it refused to in-\\ncrease the number of troops to three thousand, although in-\\nformed by General Hull, that that was the least number from\\nwhich success could be hoped.\\nWhen, therefore, Governor, now General Hull (to whom, in\\nconsideration of his revolutionary services, and his supposed\\nknowledge of the country and the natives, the command of\\nthe army destined for the conquest of the Canadas had been\\nconfided) commenced his march from Dayton on the 1st of\\nJune, it was with means which he himself regarded as utter-\\nly inadequate to the object aimed at, a fact which sufficiently\\nexplains his vascillating, nerveless conduct. Through that\\nwhole month, he and his troops toiled on toward the Mau-\\nmee, busy with their roads, bridges and block-houses.\\nOn the 24th, advices from the Secretary of War, dated on\\nthe 18th, came to hand, but not a word contained in them\\nmade it probable that the long expected war would be imme-\\ndiately declared, although Col. McArthur at the same time re-\\nceived word from Chillicothe warning him, on the authority\\nof Thomas Worthington, then Senator from Ohio, that before\\nthe letter reached him, the declaration would have been made\\npublic. This information McArthur laid before General Hull;\\nand when, upon reaching the Maumee, that Commander pro-\\nposed to place his baggage, stores, and sick on board a vessel,\\nand send them by water to Detroit, the backwoodsman warn-\\ned him of the danger, and refused to trust his own property\\non board.\\nHull, however, treated the report of war as the old story\\nwhich had been current through all the spring, and refused\\nto believe it possible that the government would not give him\\ninformation at the earliest moment that the measure was re-\\nsolved on. He, accordingly, on the 1st of July, embarked his\\ndisabled men and most of his goods on board the Cuyahoga\\nPacket, suffering his aid-de-camp in his carelessness to send\\nby her even his instructions and army-roll, and then proceed-\\ned upon his way. The next day, July 2nd, a letter of the\\nsame date with that received upon the 24th of June, reached", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0600.jp2"}, "601": {"fulltext": "1812. Declaration of War. 597\\nhim, and apprized him that the declaration of war was indeed\\nthat day made, and before his astonisliment was over, word was\\nbrought of the capture of his packet off Maiden, with all his\\nofficial papers. The conduct of the Executive at this time\\nwas certainly most remarkable having sent an insufficient\\nforce to effect a most important object, it next did all in its\\npower to ensure the destruction of that force.\\nOn tiie 1st of June, Mr. Madison recommended war to the\\nSenate; on the 3d of June, Mr. Calhoun reported in favor of\\nit, and in an able manifesto set forth the reasons; and, on the\\n19th, proclamation of the contest was made. Upon the day\\npreceding, Congress having passed the needful act, the Secre-\\ntary of War wrote to General Hull one letter saying nothing\\nof the matter, and sent it by a special messenger, and a se-\\ncond containing the vital news, which he confided to a half\\norganized post as far as Cleveland, and thence literally to ac-\\ncident. Nor is this all while the General of the Northwest-\\nern army was thus, not uninformed merely, but actually mis-\\nled, letters franked by the Secretary of the Treasury of the\\nUnited States, bore the notice of what had been done to the\\nBritish post of St. Joseph, near the north-western shore of\\nLake Huron; and also to Maiden, which place it reached up-\\non the 28th of June. And as if to complete the circle of fol-\\nly, the misled General, through neglect, suffered his official\\npapers, which he owned ought never to have been out of his\\npossession, to pass into that of the foe, and thus informed\\nthem of his purposes and his strength.*\\nThat strength, however, was such, compared with their own\\nthat no effort was made to prevent the march of the Ameri-\\ncans to Detroit, nor to interfere with their passage across the\\nriver to Sandwich, where they established themselves on the\\n12th of July, preparatory to attacking Maiden itself, and com-\\nmencing the conquest and conversion of Upper Canada. And\\nhere, at once, the incapacity of Hull showed itself; by his\\nown confession he took every step under the influence of two\\nsets of fears he dared not, on the one hand, act boldly, for\\nfear that his incompetent force would be all destroyed while,\\n*For the foregoing facts see Manifesto of the Senate, Juno 3d, 1812, American State\\nPapers, iii. 5G7.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Niles Kegister, i. 72, 311, 459, vol. ii. 5, 86, 239 and 273.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Madison s\\nMessage, November 4, 1812, in American State Papers, i. 80. Gov. Hull s Defence, 24 to\\n.S3 and 50. Armstrong Notices, i. 48 and Appendix, p. 234. Hull s Defence, pp. 7, 10,\\n11, 16. Cist d Miscellany, ii. 298. McAffee s History of the War, from 50 to 60.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0601.jp2"}, "602": {"fulltext": "598 Governor Hull retires to Detroit. 1812.\\non the other hand, he dared not refuse to act, for fear his mi-\\nlitia, already uneasy, would utterly desert him.\\nThus embarrassed, he proclaimed freedom and the need of\\nsubmission to the Canadians, held out inducements to the Bri-\\ntish militia to desert, and to the Indians to keep quiet, and sat\\nstill at Sandwich, striving to pacify his blood thirsty back-\\nwoodsmen, who itched to be at Maiden. To amuse his own\\narmy, and keep them from trying dangerous experiments, he\\nfound cannon needful to the assault of the British posts, and\\nspent three weeks making carriages for five guns. While\\nthese were under way. Colonel Cass and Colonel Miller, by\\nan attack upon the advanced parties of the enemy, demon-\\nstrated the willingness and power of their men to push their\\nconquests, if the chance were given, but Hull refused the op-\\nportunity and when at length the cannon were prepared, the\\nammunition placed in wagons, and the moment for assault\\nagreed on, the General, upon hearing that a proposed attack\\non the Niagara frontier had not been made, and that troops\\nfrom that quarter were moving westward, suddenly abandon-\\ned the enterprise, and with most of his army, on the night of\\nthe 7th of August, returned to Detroit, having effected noth-\\ning except the destruction of all confidence in himself, on the\\npart of the whole force under his control, officers and privates.\\nIMeanwhile, upon the 29th of July, Colonel Proctor had\\nreached Maiden, and perceiving instantly the power which\\nthe position of that post gave him over the supplies of the\\narmy of the United States, he commenced a series of opera-\\ntions, the object of which was to cut off the communications\\nof Hull with Ohio, and thus not merely neutralize all active\\noperations on his part, but starve him into surrender or force\\nhim to detail his whole army, in order to keep open his way to\\nthe only point from which supplies could reach him. A proper\\nforce on lake Erie, or the capture of Maiden, would have pre-\\nvented this annoying and fatal mode of warfare, but the im-\\nbecility of the government and that of the General, combined\\nto favor the plans of Proctor.*\\nHaving by his measures stopped the stores on their way to\\nDetroit, at the river Raisin, he next defeated the insufilcient\\nSee IIuU s Defence, 42 to 71. Hull s rroclaination in Brown s llijtory of Illinois, p.\\n302, Note. AlcAflfee, 61; also ibid, pp. 76, 77. Col. Cass Letter ia Niles Register, ii.\\n3S3. Artuslrong s Notices, i. 24, 23.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0602.jp2"}, "603": {"fulltext": "1812. HulVs Surrender. 599\\nband of two hundred men und^ Van Horn, sent by Hull to\\nescort them and so far withstood that of five hundred un-\\nder Miller, as to cause Hull to recall the remnant of that vic-\\ntorious and gallant band, though it had completely routed the\\nBritish and Indians. By these means, Proctor amused the\\nAmericans until General Brock reached Maiden, which he\\ndid upon the 13th of August, and prepared to attempt the\\nconquest of Detroit itself.\\nAnd here again occurred a most singular want of skill on\\nthe part of the Americans. In order to prevent the forces in\\nUpper Canada from being combined against Hull, General\\nDearborn had been ordered to make a divsersion in his favor\\n\u00c2\u00a3t\u00c2\u00a3 Niagara and Kingston, but in place of doing this, he made\\nan armistice with the British commanders, which enabled them\\nto turn their attention entirely to the more distant west, and\\nleft Hull to shift for himself On the 14th of Aug., therefore,\\nw^hile a third party, under Mc Arthur, was despatched by Hull\\nto open his communications with the river Raisin, though\\nby a new and impracticable road, Gen. Brock appeared at\\nSandwich, and began to erect batteries to protect his farther\\noperations. These batteries Hull would not suffer any to\\nmolest, saying, that if the enemy did not fire on him he would\\nnot on them, and though, when summoned to surrender upon\\nthe 15th, he absolutely refused, yet upon the 16th, without a\\nblow struck, the Governor and General crowned his course of\\nindecision and unmanly fear, by surrendering the town of De-\\ntroit and territory of Michigan, together with fourteen hundred\\nbrave men longing for battle, to three hundred English sol-\\ndiers, four hundred Canadian militia disguised in red coats,\\nand a band of Indian allies.*\\nFor this conduct he was accused of treason and cowardice,\\nand found guilty of the latter. Nor can we doubt the justice\\nof the sentence. However brave he may have been person-\\nally, he was, as a commander, a coward and moreover, he\\nwas influenced, confessedly, by his fears as a father, lest his\\ndaughter and her children should fall into the hands of\\nthe Indians. In truth, his faculties seem to have been paraly-\\nzed by fear fear that he should fail fear that his troops\\nwould be unfair to him, fear that the savages would spare\\nMcAffec, from 92 to 85. Armstrong s Notice?, i. 26 to .33 ibifl. i. Appendix, No. 10,\\np. 205. Hull s Trial. Do. Debeuse. Terms of Capitulation, McAfiFee, 90.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0603.jp2"}, "604": {"fulltext": "600 Attack on Mackinac. 1812.\\nno one if opposed with vigor; fear of some undefined and\\nhorrid evil impending. McAffee accuses him of intemperance,\\nbut no effort was made on his trial to prove this, and we have\\nno reason to think it a true charge but his conduct was like\\nthat of a drunken man, without sense or spirit.\\nBut the fall of Detroit, though the leading misfortune of this\\nunfortunate summer, was not the only one. Word, as we have\\nstated, had been sent through the kindness of some friend,\\nunder a frank from the American Secretary of the Treasury,\\ninforming the British commander at St. Joseph, of the declara-\\ntion of war while Lieut. Hanks, commanding the American\\nfortress at Mackinac, received no notice from any source. The\\nconsequence was an attack upon the key of the northern lakes\\non the 17th of July, by a force of British, Canadians and\\nsavages, numbering, in all, 1021 the garrison amounting to\\nbut fifty-seven effective men, felt unable to withstand so for-\\nmidable a body, and to avoid the constantly threatened In-\\ndian massacre, surrendered as prisoners of war and were dis-\\nmissed on parole.*\\nThe whole population of Michigan, says Gov. Hull, of\\nwhich Detroit was the Capital, was between four and five\\nthousand souls their settlements were on the Miami [Mau-\\nmee] of Lake Erie, the river Raisin, Eros Rouge, the Detroit\\nriver. Lake St. Clair, and the Isle of Mackinac. The greater\\npart were Canadians. They were miserable farmers, paid\\nlittle attention to agriculture, and depended principally on\\nhunting, fishing, and trading with the Indians, for support.\\nThe produce of the territory, in the substantial articles of liv-\\ning, was by no means sufficient for the subsistence of the in-\\nhabitants. Many were supplied with beef, pork, flour, and\\ncorn, principally from the State of Ohio, IVew York, and\\nPennsylvania. t]\\n[The Indians in northern Illinois, and the country bordering\\non Lake Michigan, had manifested hostile feelings toward the\\nAmericans before the battle of Tippecanoe. Governor Ed-\\nwards, who was indefatigable in his efforts to protect the set-\\ntlements, employed trusty Frenchmen, who had traded with\\nthese Indians, and who could still pass under that guise, as\\nspies in the Indian country. Their communications, in a\\nFor the British account of IIull s surrender, see Niles Register, iii. 14, 33, 265 to 268.\\nFor Col. Ca- s Report, Niles, iii. 37 to 39. For Gov. llull s Report, ibid, 52 to 57. For\\nArticles of Capitulation, ibid, 13; various anecdotes, ibid, 44.\\nf Copied from Brown s Illinois, p. 301. Note.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0604.jp2"}, "605": {"fulltext": "1812. The Massacre at Chicago. 601\\nplain unlettered style, have been examined on the files of the\\nState Department of Illinois. They are often particular and\\nminute in giving t]ie position of Indian villages, number of\\nthe braves, sources from whence they received their supplies,\\nthe names of head men, and other details.\\nThese facts, at short intervals, w^ere communicated to the\\nWar Department, as proofs that the Indians vi ^ere hostile,\\nand were urged in his repeated applications to the War De-\\npartment for protection to the inhabitants of that frontier ter-\\nritory.\\nWe now come to a mournful and disastrous event; the\\nmassacre at Chicago. And in this sketch, beside the State pa-\\npers and Niles Register, (iii. 155 and iv. 160) we have avail-\\ned ourselves of an address delivered at Chicago by Wm. H.\\nBrown, Esq. A Narrative of the Massacre at Chicago, by\\nJohn H. Kinzie,Esq., who was born in a trading house on that\\nspot; and the History of Illinois, by Henry Brown, Esq. A\\nlarge portion of the sketch by the last writer is made up from\\nthe simple and truthful narrative of Mr. Kinzie.\\nA small trading post had been established at Chicago in the\\nperiod of. the French explorations, but no village formed. It\\nwas one of the thoroughfares in the excursions of both traders\\nand Indians. By the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, negotia-\\nted with the Pottawatomies and Miamies, c., they agreed\\nto relinquish their right to one piece of land six miles\\nsquare, at the mouth of Chicago river, emptying into the\\nsouth-west end of Lake Michigan, ichere a fort formerly stood.\\nIn 1804, a small fort was erected here by the United States\\ngovernment. It stood on the spot where the fdrt stood in\\n1833, but it was differently constructed, having two block-\\nhouses on the southern side, and on the northern side, a sally-\\nport, or subterranean passage from the parade-ground to the\\nriver. f It was called Fort Dearborn.\\nThe officers in 1812, were Captain Heald, the\\ncommanding officer. Lieutenant Helm, and Ensign Ronan,\\n(the two last very young men) and the Surgeon, Dr. Voor-\\nhees, with seventy-five men, very few of whom were effec-\\ntive.\\nFriendly intercourse had existed between these troops and\\nIndian Treaties, Washington, 1826, p. 51.\\ntKinzie, p. 5.\\n38", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0605.jp2"}, "606": {"fulltext": "602 The Massaa-e at Chicago. 1812.\\nindividuals and bands of neighboring Indians. The principal\\nchiefs and braves of the Pottawatomie nation visited Fort\\nMaiden on the Canada side annually, received presents to a\\nlarge amount, and were in alliance with Great Britain.\\nMany Pottavratomies, Winnebagoes, Ottawas, and Shawa-\\nnese were in the battle of Tippecanoe, yet the principal\\nchiefs in the immediate vicinity were on amicable terms with\\nthe Americans, and gave proof of it, by their rescue of those\\nwho were saved.\\nBesides those persons attached to the garrison, there was\\nthe family of Mr. Kinzie, who had been engaged in the fur\\ntrade at that spot from 1804, and a few Canadians, or enga-\\nges, with their wives and children, who were attached to the\\nsame establishment.\\nOn the 7th of April, a marauding party of Winnebagoes,\\nattacked Mr. Lee s settlement, at a place called ^Ilardscrab-\\nble, about four miles from Chicago, and massacred a Mr.\\nWhite, and a Frenchman in his employ. Two other men es-\\ncaped. This was near the junction of the canal with the\\nsouth branch of the Chicago. For some days after this there\\nwere signs of hostile Indians, and repeated alarms at the gar-\\nrison, but the whole passed off in quietness until all ap-\\nprehension was dismissed.\\nOn the afternoon of the 7th of August, Winncmeg, or Cat-\\nfish, a trust-worthy Pottawatomie chief arrived at the post,\\nbringing dispatches from Governor Hull, the commander-in-\\nchief in the north-west. These dispatches announced the\\ndeclaration of war between the United States and Great Bri-\\ntain that General Hull, at the head of the army in the\\nnorth-west, was on his way fiom Fort Wayne to Detroit\\nand that the British troops had taken Mackinac.\\nHis orders to Captain Heald, were, to evacuate the post,\\nif practicable, and, in that event, to distribute the property\\nbelonging to the United Slates, in the fort, and in the factory\\nor agency, to the Indians in the neighborhood.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2After having delivered his dispatches, Winnemeg request-\\n-\u00c2\u00abd a private interview with Mr. Kinzie, who had taken up his\\nresidence in the fort. He stated to Mr. Kinzie that he was\\nacquainted with the purport of the communications he had\\nbrought, and begged him to ascertain if it were the intention\\nof Captain Heald to evacuate the post. He advised strongly\\nthat such a step should not be taken, since the garrison was", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0606.jp2"}, "607": {"fulltext": "1812. The Massacre at Chicago. 603\\nwell supplied with ammunition, and with provision, for six\\nmonths; it would, therefore, he thought, be far better to remain\\nuntil a reinforcement could be sent to their assistance. If,\\nhowever. Captain Heald should decide on leaving the post, it\\nshould, by all means, be done immediately. The Pottawato-\\nmies, through whose country they must pass, being ignorant\\nof Winnemeg s mission, a forced march might be made before\\nthe hostile Indians were prepared to interrupt them.\\nOf this advice, so earnestly given. Captain Heald was im-\\nmediately informed. He replied that it was his intention to\\nevacuate the post, but that inasmuch as he had received or-\\nders to distribute the United States property, he should not feel\\njustified in leaving until he had collected the Indians in the\\nneighborhood, and made an equitable division among them.\\nWinnemeg then suggested the expediency of marching out\\nand leaving all things standing possibly, while the savages\\nwere engaged in a partition of the spoils, the troops might\\neffect their retreat unmolested. This advice was strongly se-\\nconded by Mr. Kinzie, but did not meet the approbation of\\nthe commanding officer.\\nThe order for evacuating the post was read next morning\\nupon parade. It is difficult to understand why Capt. Heald\\nin such an emergency, omitted the usual form of calling a\\ncouncil of war, with his officers. Perhaps it arose from a\\nwant of harmonious feeling between himself and one of his\\nsubalterns Ensign Ronan a high-spirited, and somewhat\\noverbearing, but brave and generous young man. In the\\ncourse of the day, finding no council was called, the officers\\nwaited upon Capt. Heald, to be informed what course he in-\\ntended to pursue. When they learned his intention to leave\\nthe post, they remonstrated with him upon the following\\ngrounds\\nFirst. It was highly improbable that the command would\\nbe permitted to pass through the country in safet}-, to Fort\\nWayne. For, although it had been said that some of the\\nchiefs had opposed an attack upon the fort, planned the pre-\\nceding autumn, yet, it was well known, that they had been\\nactuated in that matter by motives of private regard to one\\nfamily, and not to any general friendly feeling towards the\\nAmericans and that, at any rate, it was hardly to be expect-\\ned that these few individuals would be able to control the\\nwhole tribe, who were thirsting for blood. In the next place,\\ntheir march must necessarily be slow, as their movements\\nmust be accommodated to the helplessness of the women and\\nchildren, of whom there were a number with the detach-\\nment. That of their small force, some of the soldiers were\\nsuperannuated and others invalid therefore, since the course\\nto be pursued was left discretional, their advice was to remain\\nwhere they were, and fortify themselves as strongly as possi-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0607.jp2"}, "608": {"fulltext": "604 The Massacre at Chicago. 1812.\\nble. Succors from the other side of the peninsula might ar-\\nrive before they could be attacked by the British from Macki-\\nnac, and even should there not, it were far better to fall into\\nthe hands of the latter, than to become the victims of the\\nsavages.\\nCapt. Heald argued in reply, that a special order had been\\nissued by the War Department, that no post should be sur-\\nrendered without battle having been given and that his force\\nwas totally inadequate to an engagement with the Indians.\\nThat he should, unquestionably, be censured for remaining,\\nwhen there appeared a prospect of a safe march through, and\\nthat upon the whole, he deemed it expedient to assemble the\\nIndians, distribute the property among them, and then ask of\\nthem an escort to Fort Wayne, with the promise of a con-\\nsiderable reward upon their safe arrival adding, that he had\\nfull confidence in the friendly professions of the Indians, from\\nwhom, as well as from the soldiers, the capture of Mackinac\\nhad been kept a profound secret.\\nFrom this time the officers held themselves aloof, and spoke\\nbut little upon the subject, though they considered the project\\nof Capt. Heald little short of madness. The dissatisfaction\\namong the soldiers hourly increased, until it reached a high\\ndegree of insubordination. Upon one occasion, as Captain\\nHeald was conversing with Mr. Kinzie, upon the parade, he\\nsaid, I could not remain, even if I thought it best, for I have\\nbut a small store of provisions. Why, Captain, said\\na soldier, who stood near, forgetting all etiquette, in the\\nexcitement of the moment, you have cattle enough to\\nlast the troops six months. But, replied Captain Heald,\\n1 have no salt to preserve the beef with. Then jerk*\\nit, said the man, as the Indians do their venison.\\nThe Indians now became daily more unruly. Entering the\\nfort in defiance of the sentinels, they made their way without\\nceremony into the quarters of the officers. On one occasion,\\nan Indian took up a rifle and fired it in the parlor of the com-\\nmanding officer, as an expression of defiance. Some were of\\nopinion, that this was intended, among the young men, as a\\nsignal for an attack. The old Chiefs passed backward and\\nforward, among the assembled groups, with the appearance\\nof the most lively agitation, while the squaws rushed to and\\nfro in great excitement, and evidently prepared for some fear-\\nful scene. Any further manifestation of ill-feeling was, how-\\never, suppressed for the present, and Capt. Heald, strange as\\nit may seem, continued to entertain a conviction of his hav-\\ning created so amicable a disposition among the Indians, as\\nwould ensure the safety of the command, on their march to\\nFort Wayne.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2This is done by cutting the meat in thin slices, placing it upon a scaffold and making\\na slow fire under it, which dries and smokes it at the same time.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0608.jp2"}, "609": {"fulltext": "1812. The Massacre at Chicago. 605\\nDaring this excitement amongst the Indians, a runner arri-\\nved with a message from Tecumthe, with the news of the\\ncapture of Mackinac, the defeat of Van Home, and the re-\\ntreat of Gen. Hull from Canada. He desired them to arm\\nimmediately and intimated, that he had no doubt but Hull\\nwould soon be compelled to surrender.*\\nIn this precarious condition, matters remained until the\\n12th of August, when a council was held with the Indians\\nwho collected from the vicinity. None of the military officers\\nattended but Capt. Heald, though requested by him. They\\nhad been informed that it was the intention of the young\\nchiefs to massacre them in council, and soon as the comman-\\nder left the fort, they took command of the block-houses,\\nopened the port-holes and pointed the loaded cannon so as to\\ncommand the whole council. This, probably, caused a post-\\nponement of their horrid designs.\\nThe Captain informed the council of his intentions to dis-\\ntribute the next day, among them, all the goods in the store-\\nhouse, with the ammunition and provisions. He requested\\nthe Pottawatomies to furnish him an escort to Fort Wayne,\\npromising them a liberal reward upon their arrival there, in-\\naddition to the liberal presents they were now to receive.\\nThe Indians were profuse in their professions of good-will\\nand friendship, assented to all he proposed, and promised all\\nhe desired. The result shows the true character of the\\nIndians. No act of kindness, nor offer of reward, could as-\\nsuage their thirst for blood.\\nMr. Kinzie, who understood well the Indian character, and\\ntheir designs, waited on the commander, in the hope of open-\\ning his eyes to the appaling danger. He told him the Indians\\nhad been secretly hostile to the Americans for a long time\\nthat since the battle of Tippecanoe he had dispatched orders\\nto all his traders to furnish no ammunition to them, and point-\\ned out the wretched policy to Captain Heald, of furnishing\\nthe enemy with arms and ammunition to destroy the Ameri-\\ncans. This argument opened the eyes of the commander, who\\nwas struck with the impolicy, and resolved to destroy the am-\\nmunition and liquor.\\nKinzie, pp. 12 to 15.\\nt Brown s History of Uliiwis, p. 307. Note.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0609.jp2"}, "610": {"fulltext": "606 The Massacre at Chicago. 1812.\\nThe next day, (13th) the goods, consisting of blankets,\\ncloths, paints, c., were distributed, but at night the ammu-\\nnition was thrown into an old well, and the casks of alcohol,\\nincluding a large quantity belonging to Mr. Kinzie, was tak-\\nen through the sally-port, their heads knocked in, and the con-\\ntents poured into the river. The Indians, ever watchful and\\nsuspicious, stealthily crept around, and soon found out the\\nloss of their loved fire-water.\\nOn the 14th, Capt. Wells departed with fifteen friendly Mi am-\\nies. He was a brave man, had resided among the Indians from\\nboyhood, and knew well their character and habits. He had\\nheard at Fort Wayne, of the order of General Hull to evacu-\\nate Fort Dearborn, and knowing the hostile intentions of the\\nPottawatomies, he had made a rapid march through the wil-\\nderness, to prevent, if possible, the exposure of his sister, Mrs.\\nHeald, the oflicers and garrison, to certain destruction. But\\nhe came too late The ammunition had been destroyed, and\\non the provisions the enemy was rioting. His only alterna-\\ntive was to hasten their departure, and every preparation was\\nmade for the march of the troops next morning.\\nA second Council was held with the Indians in the after-\\nnoon. They expressed great indignation at the destruction\\nof the ammunition and liquor. Murmurs and threats were\\nheard from every quarter.\\nAmong the chiefs and braves were several, who, although\\nthey partook of the feelings of hostility of their tribe to the\\nAmericans, retained a personal regard for the troops, and the\\nwhite families in the place. They exerted their utmost influ-\\nence to allay the angry feelings of the savage warriors but\\ntheir efforts were in vain.\\nAmong these was Black Partridge, a chief of some distinc-\\ntion. The evening after the second council, he entered the\\nquarters of the commanding officer. Father, said the ven-\\nerable chief, I come to deliver up to you the medal I wear.\\nIt was given me by the Americans, and I have long worn it,\\nin token of our mutual friendship. But our young men are\\nresolved to imbrue their hands in the blood of the whites. I\\ncannot restrain them, and I will not wear a token of peace\\nwhile I am compelled to act as an enemy.\\nThe reserved ammunition, twenty-five rounds to a man,\\nwas now distributed. The baggage wagons for the sick, the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0610.jp2"}, "611": {"fulltext": "1812. The Massacre at Chicago. 607\\nwomen and children were ready, and, amidst the surrounding\\ngloom, and the expectation of a fatiguing march through\\nthe wilderness, or a disastrous issue on the morrow, the whole\\nparty, except the watchful sentinels, retired for a little rest.\\nThe fatal morning of the 15th of August, arrived. The sun\\nshone out in brightness as it arose from the glassy surface of\\nthe lake. The atmosphere was balmy, and could the feelings\\nof the party have been relieved from the most distressing ap-\\nprehensions, they could have departed with exhilerating feel-\\nings.\\nEarly in the morning a message was received by Mr. Kin-\\nzie, from To-pc-nee-hc, a friendly chief of the St. Joseph s band,\\ninforming him that the Pottawatomies, who had promised to\\nbe an escort to the detachment, designed mischief. Mr. Kin-\\nzie had placed his family under the protection of some\\nfriendly Indians. This part}-, in a boat, consisted of Mrs. Kin-\\nzie, four young children, a clerk of Mr. Kinzie s, two servants,\\nand the boat-men, or voyageurs, with two Indians as protec-\\ntors. The boat was intended to pass along the southern end\\nof the lake to St. Joseph s. Mr. Kinzie and his eldest son, a\\nyouth, had agreed to accompany Captain Heald and the\\ntroops, as he thought his influence over the Indians would en-\\nable him to restrain the fury of the savages, as they were\\nmuch attached to him and his family.\\nTo-pe-nee-be urged him and his son to accompany his fami-\\nly in the boat, assuring him the hostile Indians would allow\\nhis boat to pass in safety to St. Joseph s.\\nThe boat had scarcely reached the lake, when another mes-\\nsenger from this friendly chief, arrived to detain them where\\nthey were. We leave the reader to imagine the feelings of\\nthe matter. She was a woman of uncommon energy, and\\nstrength of character, yet her heart died within her as she\\nfolded her arms around her helpless infants. And when she\\nheard the discharge of the guns, and the shrill, terrific war-\\nwhoop of the infuriated savages, and knew the party, and\\nmost probably her beloved husband and first born son were\\ndoomed to destruction, language has not power to describe\\nher agony\\nAt nine o clock the troops, with the baggage wagons, left\\nthe fort with martial music and in military array. Captain\\nWells, at the head of his band of Miamies, led the", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0611.jp2"}, "612": {"fulltext": "608 The Massacre at Chicago. 1812.\\nwith his face blackened after the manner of Indians; the\\ntroops, with the wagons, containing the women and children,\\nthe sick and lame, followed, while at a little distance behind,\\nwere the Pottawatomies, about five hundred in number, who\\nhad pledged their honor to escort them in safety to Fort\\nWayne. The party took the road along the lake shore.\\nOn reaching the point where a range of sand hills commen-\\nced, (within the present limits of Chicago,) the Pottawato-\\nmies defiled to the right into the prairie, to bring the sand\\nhills between them and the Americans. They had marched\\nabout a mile and a half from the fort, when Captain Wells,\\nwho, with his INIiamies, was in advance, rode furiously back,\\nand exclaimed,\\nThey are about to attack us form instantly and charge\\nupon them.\\nThe words were scarcely uttered when a volley of balls,\\nfrom Indian muskets, behind the sand hills, poured upon them.\\nThe troops were hastily formed into lines and charged up the\\nbank. One man, a veteran soldier of seventy, fell as they\\nmounted the bank. The battle became general. The Miam-\\nies fled at the outset, though Captain Wells did his utmost to\\ninduce them to stand their ground. Their chief rode up to\\nthe Pottawatomies, charged them with treachery, and, bran-\\ndishing his tomahawk, declared, he would be the first to head\\na party of Americans and punish them. He then turned his\\nhorse and galloped after his companions over the prairie.\\nThe American troops behaved most gallantly, and sold their\\nlives dearly. Mrs. Helm, the wife of Lieutenant Helm, was\\nin the action, behaved with astonishing presence of mind (as\\ndid all the other females) and furnished Mr. Kinzie with many\\nthrilling facts, from which we make the following extracts.\\nMrs. Helm was the step-daughter of Mr. Kinzie. She states:\\nOur horses pranced and bounded and could hardly be re-\\nstrained, as the balls whistled around them. I drew off a\\nlittle and gazed upon my husband and father, who were yet\\nunharmed. I felt that m} hour was come, and endeavored to\\nforget those 1 loved, and prepare myself for my approaching\\nfate.\\nWhile I was thus engaged, the surgeon, Dr. V., came up,\\nhe was badly wounded. His horse had been shot under him,\\nand he had received a ball in his leg. Every muscle of his\\ncountenance was quivering with the agony of terror. He", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0612.jp2"}, "613": {"fulltext": "1812. The Massacre at Chicago. 609\\nsaid to tne, Do you think they will take our lives? I am badly\\nwounded, but I think not mortally. Perhaps we might pur-\\nchase om- lives by promising them a large reward. Do you\\nthink there is any chance\\nDr. V. said 1, do not 1 t us waste the few moments that\\nyet remain to us, in such vain hopes. Our fate is inevitable.\\nIn a few moments we must appear before the bar of God. Let\\nus endeavor to make what preparation is yet in our power.\\nOh I cannot die exclaimed he, I am not fit to die if I\\nhad but a short time to prepare death is awful! I pointed to\\nEnsign Ronan, who, though mortally wounded, and nearly\\ndown, was still fighting with desperation, upon one knee.\\nLook at that man, said I, at least he dies like a soldier\\nYes, replied the unfortunate man, with a convulsive\\ngasp, but he has no terrors of the future he is an unbe-\\nliever 1\\nAt this moment, a young Indian raised his tomahawk at\\nme. By springing aside, I avoided the blow which was aimed\\nat my skull, but which alighted on my shoulder. I seized him\\naround the neck, and while exerting my utmost efforts to get\\npossession of his scalping-knife, which hung in a scabbard\\nover his breast, I was dragged from his grasp by another and\\nan older Indian.\\nThe latter bore me, struggling and resisting, towards the\\nlake. Notwithstanding the rapidity with which I was hurri-\\ned along, I recognized, as I passed them, the lifeless remains\\nof the unfortunate surgeon. Some murderous tomahawk had\\nstretched him upon the very spot where I had last seen him.\\nI was immediately plunged into the water, and held there\\nwith a forcible hand, notwithstanding my resistance. I soon\\nperceived, however, that the object of rry captor was not to\\ndrown me, as he held me firmly in such a position as to place\\nmy head above the water. This reassured me, and regarding\\nhim attentively, I soon recognized, in spite of the paint, with\\nwhich he was disguised. The Black Partridge.\\nWhen the firing had somewhat subsided, my preserver bore\\nme from the water, and conducted pie up the sand-banks. It\\nwas a burning August morning, and walking through the sand\\nin my drenched condition, was inexpressibly painful and fa-\\ntiguing. I stopped and took off my shoes, to free them from the\\nsand, with which they were nearly filled, when a squaw seized\\nand carried them off, and I was obliged to proceed without\\nthem. When we had gained the prairie, I was met by my\\nfather who told me that my husband was safe,, and but slightly\\nwounded. They led me gently back toward the Chicago river,\\nalong the southern bank of which was the Pottawatomie en-\\ncampment. At one time I was placed upon a horse without\\na saddle, but soon finding the motion insupportable, I sprang\\noff. Supported partly by my kind conductor, and partly by", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0613.jp2"}, "614": {"fulltext": "610 The Massacre at Chicago. 1812.\\nanother Indian, Pec-so-tum, who held dangling in his hand,\\nthe scalp of Capt. Wells, I dragged my fainting steps to one\\nof the wigwams.\\nThe wife of Wau-bcc-nee-mah a chief from the Illinois river,\\nwas standing near, and seeing my exhausted condition, she\\nseized a kettle, dipped up some water from a little stream that\\nflowed near, threw into it some maple sugar, and stirring it\\nup with her hand, gave it to me to drink. This act of kind-\\nness, in the midst of so many atrocities, touched me most\\nsensibly, but my attention was soon diverted to another\\nobject. The fort had become a scene of plunder, to\\nsuch as remained after the troops had marched out. The\\ncattle had been shot down as they run at large, and lay dead\\nor dying around.\\nAs the noise of the firing grew gradually less, and\\nthe stragglers from the victorious party dropped in, 1 received\\nconfirmation of what my father had hurriedly communicated\\nin our rencontre on the lake shore namely, that the whites\\nhad surrendered, after the loss of about two-thirds of their\\nnumber. They had stipulated for the preservation of their\\nlives, and those of the remaining women and children, and for\\ntheir delivery at some of the British posts, unless ransomed by\\ntraders in the Indian country. It appears that the wounded\\nprisoners were not considered as included in the stipulation,\\nand a horrible scene occurred upon their being brought into\\ncamp.\\nAn old squaw, infuriated by the loss of fiiends, or excited\\nby the sanguinary scenes around her, seemed possessed by a\\ndemoniac ferocity. She seized a stable fork, and assaulted one\\nmiserable victim, who lay groaning and writhing in the agony\\nof his wounds, aggravated by the scorching beams of the sun.\\nWith a delicacy of feeling scarcely to have been expected,\\nunder such circumstances, Wau-bcc-ncc-mah stretched a mat\\nacross two poles, between me and this dreadful scene. I was\\nthus spared, in some degree, a view of its horrors, although 1\\ncould not entirely close my cars to the cries of the sufferer.\\nThe following night, five n^ore of the wounded prisoners were\\ntomahawked.\\nBut why dwell upon this painful subject? Why describe\\nthe butchery of the children, twelve of whom, placed together\\nin one baggage-wagon, fell beneath the merciless tomahawk\\nof one young savage This atrocious act was committed after\\nthe whites, twenty-seven in number, had surrendered. When\\nCapt. Wells beheld it, he exclaimed, Is that their game?\\nThen 1 will kill too So saying, he turned his horse s head,\\nand started for the Indian camp near the fort, where had been\\nleft their squaws and children.\\nSeveral Indians pursued him, firing at him as he galloped\\nalong, lie hiid himself flat, on the neck of his horse, loading", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0614.jp2"}, "615": {"fulltext": "1812. The Massacre at Chicago. 611\\nand firing in that position. At length, the balls of his pursuers\\ntook effect, killing his horse, and severely wounding himself.\\nAt this moment he was met by Winncmcg and Wau-ban-see,\\nwho endeavored to save him from the savages who had now\\novertaken him but as they supported him along, after hav-\\ning disengaged him from his horse, he received his death-blow\\nfrom one of the party, {Pcc-so-tum,) who stabbed him in the\\nback.\\nThe heroic resolution of one of the soldier s wives deserves\\nto be recorded. She had, from the first, expressed a determi-\\nnation never to fall into the hands of the savages, believing\\nthat their prisoners were always subjected to tortures worse\\nthan death. When, therefore, a party came up to her, to\\nmake her prisoner, she fought with desperation, refusing to\\nsurrender, although assured of safe treatment and literally\\nsuffered herself to be cut to pieces, rather than become their\\ncaptive.\\nThe heart of Capt. Wells was taken out, and cut into pieces,\\nand distributed among the tribes. His mutilated remains re-\\nmained unburied until next day, when Billy Caldwell gath-\\nered up his head in one place and mangled body in another,\\nand buried them in the sand.*\\nThe family of Mr. Kinzie, had been taken from the boat\\nto their home, by friendly Indians, and there strictly guarded.\\nVery soon a very hostile party of the Pottawatomie nation\\narrived from the Wabash, and it required all the skill and\\nbravery of Black Partridge^ Wauhansee, Billy Caldwell, (who\\narrived at a critical moment,) and other friendly Indians, to\\nprotect them. Runners had been sent by the hostile chiefs to\\nall the Indian villages, to apprise them of the intended evacu-\\nation of the fort, and of their plan of attacking the troops.\\nIn eager thirst to participate in such a scene of blood, but ar-\\nrived too late to participate in the massacre. They were in-\\nfuriated at their disappointment, and sought to glut their ven-\\ngeance on the wounded and prisoners. f\\nOn the third day after the massacre, the family of Mr. Kin-\\nzie, with ihe attaches of the establishment, under the care of\\nFrancois, a half breed interpreter, were taken to St. Joseph s\\nin a boat, where they remained until the following November,\\nunder the protection of To-pe-ne-he, and his band. They were\\nthen carried to Detroit, under the escort of Chandonnai^ and a\\nBrown s Illinois, 316. Note.\\nt Kinzie, 26 to 28.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0615.jp2"}, "616": {"fulltext": "612 Closing Remarks. 1812.\\nfriendly chief by the name of Kee-po-tah, and, with their ser-\\nvants, delivered up, as prisoners of war, to the British com-\\nmanding officer.\\nOf tho other prisoners, Captain Heald and Mrs. Heald\\nwere sent across the lake to St. Joseph s, the day after the\\nbattle. Captain Heald had received two wounds, and Mrs.\\nIleald seven, the ball of one of which was cut from her arm\\nb} Mr. Kinzie, with a peu-knife, after the engagement.\\nMrs. II. was ransomed on the battle field, by C/iandonnai, a\\nhalf breed from St. Joseph s, for a mule he had just taken, and\\nthe promise of ten bottles of whisky.\\nCaptain Ileald was taken prisoner by an Indian from the\\nKankakee, who, seeing the wounded and enfeebled state of\\nMrs. Heald, generously released his prisoner, that he might\\naccompany his wife.\\nBut when this Indian returned to his village on the Kanka-\\nkee, he found that his generosity had excited so much dissatis-\\nfaction in his band that he resolved to visit St. Joseph s and\\nreclaim his prisoner. News of his intention having reached\\nTo-pc-ne-be, Kce-po-tali, Chandonnai, and other friendly braves,\\nthey sent them in a bark canoe, under the charge of Rob-\\ninson, a half-breed, along the eastern side of Lake Michi-\\ngan, three hundred miles, to Mackinac, where they were de-\\nlivered over to the commanding officer.\\nLieutenant Helm was wounded in the action and taken\\nprisoner; and afterwards taken b} some friendly Indians to\\nthe Au sable, and from thence to St. Louis, and liberated from\\ncaptivity through the agency of the late Thomas Forsyth, Esq.\\nMrs. Helm received a slight wound in the ancle had her\\nhorse shot from under her and after passing through the ag-\\nonizing scenes described, went with the family of Mr. Kinzie\\nto Detroit.\\nThe soldiers, with their wives and children, were dispersed\\namong the different villages of the Pottawatomies, upon the\\nIllinois, Wabash, Hock River and Milwaukee. The largest\\nproportion were taken to Detroit and ransomed the following\\nspring. Some, however, remained in captivity another year,\\nand experienced more kindness than was expected from an\\nenemy so merciless.\\nWe have given this account more in detail, than is our\\nusage, partly because the locality was Chicago, where some", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0616.jp2"}, "617": {"fulltext": "1812. Official Report of Captain Hcald. 613\\nindividuals are still living who passed through these terrible\\nscenes and partly to correct a very erroneous notion, pre-\\nvailing amongst many humane and philanthropic persons, that\\nIndian hostilities usually commence by aggressions of the\\npale faces, and that if they vi ere treated kindly and libe-\\nrally, they will be kind in turn. Individual instances have\\nbeen referred to as proof of their general character.\\nThe aborigines of this country were always rude savages\\nsubsisting chiefly by fishing and hunting, and from the earli-\\nest traditionary notice, were engaged in petty exterminating\\nwars with each other.\\nDelight in war and thirst for human blood is their ruling\\npassion. The liberal distribution of goods and provisions,\\nand the promise of more ample rewards at Fort Wayne, by\\nCaptain Heald, could not allay this passion. They gave their\\nsolemn pledges for the protection of the party on their route\\nto Fort Wayne, and sent out runners to rally their friends to\\nthe massacre the same day.\\nSince the foregoing sketch was in type, we have found the\\nofficial report of Capt. Heald, dated Pittsburgh, October 23d,\\n1812. It is contained in Niles Weekly Register, of Novem-\\nber 7th, volume iii., p. 155. It varies in some particulars,\\nthough in nothing material, from the documents used for the\\nsketch. Probably, he wrote in part from memory.\\nOn the 9th of August, I received orders from General\\nHull to evacuate the post, and proceed with my command to\\nDetroit, leaving it at my discretion to dispose of the public\\nproperty as I thought proper. The neighboring Indians got\\nthe information as early as I did, and came from all quarters\\nto receive the goods in the factory store, which they under-\\nstood were to be given to them. On the 13th, Captain Wells\\nof Fort Wayne, arrived w^ith about thirty Mi amies, for the\\npurpose of escorting us in by the request of General Hull.\\nOn the 14th, 1 delivered the Indians all the goods in the facto-\\nry store, and a considerable quantity of provisions, which we\\ncould not take away with us.\\nThe surplus arms and ammunition, I thought proper to de-\\nstroy, fearing they would make bad use of it, if put in their\\npossession.\\nI also destroyed all the liquor on hand, soon after they be-\\ngan to collect. The collection was unusually large for that\\nplace, but they conducted with the strictest propriety, till after\\nI left the fort.\\nOn he 15th, at 9 o clock, A. M,, we commenced our march", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0617.jp2"}, "618": {"fulltext": "614 Official Report of Captain Hcald. 1812.\\na part of the Miamies were detached in front, the remain-\\nder in our rear as guards, under the direction of Captain\\nWells. The situation of the country rendered it necessary\\nfor us to take the beach, with the lake on our left, and a high\\nbank on our right, at about one hundred yards distance. We\\nproceeded about a mile and a half, when it was discovered\\nthe Indians were prepared to attack us from behind the bank.\\nI immediately marched up the company to the top of the\\nbank, when the action commenced; after firing one round, re-\\ncharged, and the Indians gave way in front and joined those\\non our flanks. In about fifteen minutes, they got possession\\nof all our horses, provision and baggage of every description,\\nand, finding the Miamies did not assist us, I drew off the few\\nmen 1 had left, and took possession of a small elevation in\\nthe open prairie out of shot of the bank or any other cover.\\nThe Indians did not follow me, but assembled in a body on\\nthe top of the bank, and, after some consultation among\\nthemselves, made signs to me to approach them. I advan-\\nced towards them alone, and was met by one of the Potta-\\nwatomie chiefs called the Blackbird, with an interpreter.\\nAfter shaking hands, he requested me to surrender, prom-\\nising to spare the lives of all the prisoners. On a few mo-\\nments consideration, I concluded it would be the most pru-\\ndent to comply with his request, although I did not put en-\\ntire confidence in his promise. After delivering up our arms,\\nwe were taken back to their encampment near the fort, and\\ndistributed among the different tribes.\\nThe next morning they set fire to the fort, and left the\\nplace, taking the prisoners with them. Their number of\\nwarriors was between four and five hundred, mostly of the\\nPottawatomie nation, and their loss, from the best informa-\\ntion I coLdd get, was about fifteen. Our strength was fifty-\\nfour regulars and twelve militia, out of which twenty-six\\nregulars, and all the militia, were killed in the action, with\\ntwo women and twelve children.\\nEnsign George Ilonan and Doctor Isaac V. S^an Voor-\\nhees, of my company, with Captain Wells, of Fort Wayne,\\nare, to my great sorrow, numbered among the dead. Lieu-\\ntenant Lina T. Healm, with twenty-five non-commissioned\\noflicers and privates, and eleven women and children, were\\nprisoners, when we separated.\\nMrs. Heald and myself were taken to the mouth of the\\nriver St. Joseph, and being both badly wounded, were per-\\nmitted to reside with Mr. Burnet, an Indian trader. In a\\nfew days after our arrival there, the Indians all went off\\nto take Fort Wayne, and in their absence I engaged a\\nFrenchman to take us to Michillimackinac, by water, where\\nI gave myself up as a prisoner of war, with one of my ser-\\ngeants. The commanding officer Captain Roberts, offered", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0618.jp2"}, "619": {"fulltext": "1812. Captain Heald and his Family. 6l5\\nme every assistance in his power to render our situation\\ncomfortable while we remained there, and to enable us to\\nproceed on our journey. To him, I gave my parole of hon-\\nor, and reported myself to Colonel Proctor, who gave us a\\npassage to Buffalo from that place 1 came by the way of\\nPresqu Isle and arrived here yesterday.\\nCaptain (subsequently Major) Heald, his wife and family,\\nsettled in the county of St. Charles, Mo., after the war,\\nabout 1817, where he died about fifteen years since. He\\nwas respected and beloved by his acquaintance. His health\\nwas impaired from the wounds he received.\\nMrs. Heald, who still survives him, was a daughter of the\\nlate Colonel Samuel Wells, of the same county, one of the\\nprominent men in Kentucky, previous to, and during the\\nwar.\\nCaptain William Wayne Wells, who was killed in the bat-\\ntle, we suppose to have been a brother of Colonel Samuel\\nAVells, and was for some years a prisoner and adopted\\namongst the Miami Indians. Consequently he was uncle to\\nMrs. Heald, though in Indian fashion he called her sister.\\nMrs. Heald fought like a perfect heroine in the action, and\\nreceived several wounds. After she was in the boat, a hos-\\ntile Indian assailed her with his tomahawk, and her life was\\nsaved by the interposition of a friendly chief.\\nAfter the defeat of General Hull, and the victories of the\\nBritish and Indians in the North-west, the people in the\\nwestern States, and especially in Kentucky and Ohio, became\\nexcited, and but one sentiment prevailed. By the middle of\\nAugust, the whole North-west, with the exception of Fort\\nWayne and Fort Harrison, was in possession of the British\\nand their red allies.\\nEvery citizen in the States referred to, and of the Territories\\nof Indiana and Illinois, seemed animated with one desire to\\nwipe off the disgrace with which our arms had been stained,\\nand to roll back the desolation that threatened the frontiers of\\nOhio and the territories beyond.\\nGov. Harrison had been appointed Brigadier-General in the\\nArmy of the United States in August, and, upon the urgent\\nrecommendation of Gen. Shelby, Henry Clay, (then Speaker\\nof the House of Representatives in Congress,) the Hon. Thos.\\nTodd, and others, was appointed by Gen. Scott, Major-Gene-\\nral by brevet, in the Kentucky militia, and commanded the", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0619.jp2"}, "620": {"fulltext": "616 General Harrison in Command. 1812.\\nexpedition to tho North-west. In the course of a few weeks\\nKentucky had about seven thousand men in the field.*\\nCol. R. M. Johnson, and his brother James Johnson, were\\nengaged in raising mounted men in Kentucky. Several\\nregiments were directed to the aid of Indiana and Illinois.\\nVincennes was made the principal rendezvous, and General\\nSamuel Hopkins, a venerable Revolutionary officer, was ap-\\npointed to the command of the Kentucky troops destined to\\nmarch in that direction.\\nIn the meantime, Governor Edwards, of Illinois, was active\\nin raising men and making preparations for an expedition\\nagainst the hostile Indians on the Illinois river.\\nCol. Wm. Russell, of the 17th United States regiment, was\\nengaged in raising companies of troops, denominated Ran-\\ngers, to co-operate with Governor Edwards. Their place of\\nrendezvous was near the present town of Edwardsville, West\\nof Cahokia, and named Camp Russell. The scattered set-\\ntlements of Illinois then extended no farther north than\\nWood river, near Alton.\\nA line drawn from that point past Greenville and Mount\\nVernon to Shawneetovvn, would have enclosed all the white\\npopulation, except a few families on the Wabash, adjacent to\\nVincennes.\\nThe concerted arrangement was, for General Hopkins, with\\nabout four thousand mounted riflemen, to move up the Wa-\\nbash to Fort Harrison, cross over to the Illinois country, de-\\nstroy all the Indian villages near the Wabash, march across\\nthe prairies to the head waters of the Sangamon and Ver-\\nmillion rivers, form a junction with the Illinois rangers under\\nGovernor Edwards and Colonel Russell, and sweep over all\\nthe villages along the Illinois river.\\nAfter entering the prairies of Illinois, the troops under Gen.\\nHopkins became disorderly were wanting in discipline and\\nsubordination, and the expedition was defeated in its objects.\\nSuccess depended on the celerity and secrecy of tlicir march.\\nIf the Indians obtained knowledge of the approach of such\\na force, they would desert their villages and flee to the north,\\nas they did. Game was abundant, especially deer, and no\\nauthority of the veteran General, or his aids, could prevent\\nthe troops, and even the subaltern officers from continually\\nNiUs Register, ill. 25. McAffee, 106 to 109.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0620.jp2"}, "621": {"fulltext": "1812. Expedition under Gen. Hopkins. 617\\nfiring at game. Add to this, the season was rainy, they had\\nno competent guides, and the fourth day from Fort Harrison,\\nthey lost the course in th^ prairies, and returned to the\\nWabash.\\nOn the 29th of September, General Hopkins wrote to Gov.\\nShelby, of Kentucky, saying\\nMy present intention is to attack every settlement on the\\nWabash, and destroy their property, then fall upon the Illi-\\nnois and I trust, in all the next month, to perform much of\\nit. Serious opposition I hardly apprehend, although I intend\\nto be prepared for it.\\nHow mortifying to the veteran soldier must it have been to\\nwrite the official communication he did from Fort Harrison,\\nOctober 6th.f\\nOne great effect resulted from this expedition. It so alarmed\\nthe Indians on the waters of the Sangamon, Mackinac and\\nIllinois rivers, that they retreated with their families, towards\\nthe north.\\nFor a sketch of the expedition of Col. Russell and Gover-\\nnor Edwards, to the Kickapoo and Peoria towns, we are in-\\ndebted to a communication from the Hon. John Reynolds, of\\nBelleville, Illinois, who was an officer in the expedition. Our\\nlimits compel us to give it in an abridged form still preserv-\\ning the language of the writer.\\nTowards the last of September, 1812, all the forces of\\nUnited Stales rangers, and mounted volunteers, to the num-\\nber of three hundred and fifty, were assembled at Camp Rus-\\nsell, and duly organized, preparatory to marching against th\\nIndians, and join the army under Gen. Hopkins. Camp Rus-\\nsell was one mile and a half north of Edwardsville, and thea\\non the frontier.\\nCol. Russell commanded the United States rangers Cols..\\nStephenson and Rector were in command of the volunteers\\nMaj. John Moredock, and several others, (names not recol-\\nlected,) were field officers. Captains William B. Whiteside,\\nJames B. Moore, Jacob Short, Samuel Whiteside, Willis Har-\\ngrave, (perhaps others,) commanded companies.\\nColonel Jacob Judy was the Captain of a small corps of\\nspies, comprising twenty- one men. [Gov. Reynolds was in\\nthis company.]\\nThe staff of Gov. Edwards were, N. Rector, Robert K. M\\n*Niles Register, iii. 170.\\nt Ibid, p. 204.\\n39", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0621.jp2"}, "622": {"fulltext": "618 Statement of Gover-jior Reynolds. 1812.\\nLaughlin, and Nathaniel Pope. There may have been more,\\nbut the writer does not recollect them.\\nThis little army being organized, and with their provisions\\nfor twenty or thirty days packed on the horses they rode, (ex-\\ncept in a few instances where pack horses were fitted out,)\\ntook up the line of march in a northwardly direction.\\nCaptain Craig, with a small company, was ordered to take\\ncharge of a boat, fortified for the occasion, with provision\\nand supplies, and proceed up the Illinois river to Peoria.\\nThis little army at that time was all the efficient force to\\nprotect Illinois. We commenced the march from Camp Rus-\\nsell, on the last day of September. At that period the Indians\\non the Sangamon, Mackinac and Illinois rivers were both\\nnumerous and hostile.\\nThe route lay on the west side of Cahokia creek, to the\\nlake fork of the Macoupin, and across Sangamon river below\\nthe forks, a few miles east of Springfield. We left the Elk-\\nheart grove to the left, and passed the old Kickapoo village on\\nKickapoo creek, and directed our course towards the head of\\nPeoria lake. The old Kickapoo village which the Indians had\\nabandoned was destroyed. As the army approached near\\nPeoria, Governor Edwards despatched Lieutenant Peyton,\\nJames Reynolds, and some others, to visit the village of the\\nPeorias, but they made no discoveries.\\nThere was a village of the Kickapoos and Pottawatomics\\non the eastern bluff of the Illinois river, nearly opposite the\\nhead of Peoria lake.\\nThe troops moved with rapidity and caution towards the\\nvillage and encamped for the night within a few miles of it.\\nThomas Carlin,[late C^overnor of Illinois,] Robert Whiteside,\\nStephen Whiteside, and Davis Whiteside, M ere sent by the\\nGovernor to reconnoitre the position of the enemy, and report\\nto the commanding officer. This duty was performed at con-\\nsiderable peril, but with much adroitness. Their position was\\nfound to be about five miles from our troop, on a blufi and\\nsurrounded by swamps impassable by mounted men, and\\nscarcely by footmen. The swamps were not only miry, but\\nat that time covered with high grass and brushwood, so that\\nan Indian could not be discovered until within a few feet of\\nhim.\\nIn the morning early, and concealed by a dense fog, the\\narmy marched, and it was not long before Capt. Judy, with\\nhis spies, came on an Indian and squaw. The Captain shot\\nhim, but while staggering and singing his death song, Capt.\\nWright of Wood river settlement, incautiously approached\\nhim, when, with the instinctive emotions peculiar to a dying\\nIndian, he shot and mortally wounded Capt. Wright, who\\ndied after he was brought home. The squaw was taken\\nprisoner and afterwards restored to her nation.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0622.jp2"}, "623": {"fulltext": "1812. Statement of Governor Reynolds. 619\\nThe army marched under the bluff, that they might reach\\nthe village undiscovered, but as they approached, the Indians\\nwith their squaws were on the retreat to their swamps. In-\\nstant pursuit was given, and in a short distance from the\\nvillage, horses, riders, arms and baggage, were overwhelmed\\nin the morass. It was a democratic overthrow, for the Gover-\\nnor and his horse shared the same fate as the subaltern, or\\nthe private soldier. We were all literally \u00e2\u0096\u00a0swamped.\\nA pursuit on foot was ordered, and executed with readiness\\nbut extreme difficulty. In this chase many of the enemy\\nwere killed, and at every step, kettles, mats, and other Indian\\nproperty were distributed in the morass.\\nCaptain Samuel Whiteside, with a party, pursued the scat-\\ntered enemy to the river, and several were shot in attempting\\nto cross to the opposite shore. So excited were the men, that\\nCharles Kitchen, Pierre Saint Jean, and John Howard, crossed\\nthe river on logs to follow the retreating foe. The Indians fled\\ninto the interior wilderness. Some of our men were wounded,\\nbut none killed in the charge.\\nOn our return to the village, some children were found hid\\nin the ashes and were taken to the settlement. After destroy-\\ning their corn and other property, and securing all their\\nhorses, we commenced the homeward march. After travel-\\ning till dark to find a good camping ground, the rain set in,\\nand the night was dark. Not knowing but that there were\\nother Indian towns above, and learning that the expedition of\\nGen. Hopkins had failed to meet us, we apprehended danger\\nfrom a night attack. Many of the soldiers had lost their\\nblankets and other clothing, in the swamp, and there was\\nmuch suffering in camp that night.\\nCaptain Craig arrived at Peoria with his boat, where he\\nremained several days, was repeatedly attacked by Indians,\\nbut, being fortified, and on his own ground, sustained no dam-\\nage. He returned with the stores in safety. The troops\\nmarched back to Camp Russell, where they were discharged.\\nThere are many incidents in the Annals of Illinois in 1812,\\nand subsequent years, which we reserve for the Appendix.\\nThe Pottawatomies, Ottowas, and other hostile Indians,\\nmade an attack on Fort Wayne, on the 28th of August, which\\nwas continued by cutting off all intercourse, until the 16th of\\nSeptember, when the garrison was relieved by the force under\\nGen. Harrison.\\nEarly in September a fierce attack was made on Fort Har-\\nrison, which was situated a short distance above Terre Haute\\nIts defender was Captain Taylor, now General Taylor, the\\ncommander of the army in Mexico, and at present the", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0623.jp2"}, "624": {"fulltext": "620 Capt. Z. Taylor s Defence of Fort Harrison. 1812.\\nmost eminent of American military men and that his present\\nposition is derived from the possession of true merit was pro-\\nved by his conduct at Fort Harrison, no less than by his beha-\\nvior at Palo Alto, Resaca de Palma, and Monterey, as the fol-\\nlowing account will show.\\nLetter from Captain Zacharj Taylor, commanding Fort Ilarrison, Indiana Territory,\\nto General Harrison.\\nFort Harrison, Sept 10th.\\nDear Sir On Thursday evening, the third instant, after\\nretreat beating, four guns were heard to fire in the direction\\nwhere two young men (citizens who resided here) were mak-\\ning hay, about four hundred yards distant from the fort. I was\\nimmediately impressed with the idea that they had been kill-\\ned by the Indians, as the Prophet s party would soon be here\\nfor the purpose of commencing hostilities, and that they had\\nbeen directed to leave this place, as we were about to do. I\\ndid not think it prudent to send out at that late hour of the\\nnight to see what had become of them; and their not coming\\nin convinced me that I was right in my conjecture. I waited\\ntill eight o clock next morning, when I sent out a corporal\\nwith a small party to find them, if it could be done without\\nrunning too much risk of being drawn into an ambuscade.\\nHe soon sent back to inform me that he had found them both\\nkilled, and wished to know my further orders; I sent the cart\\nand oxen, and had them brought in and buried they had been\\nshot with two balls, scalped, and cut in the most shocking\\nmanner. Late in the evening of the fourth instant, old Jos.\\nLenar, and about thirty or forty Indians, arrived from the\\nProphet s town, with a white flag; among whom were about\\nten women, and the men were composed of chiefs of the\\ndifferent tribes that compose the Prophet s party. A Shaw-\\nanee man, that could speak good English, informed me that\\nold Lenar intended to speak to me next morning, and try to\\nget something to eat.\\nAt retreat beating I examined the men s arms, and found\\nthem all in good order, and completed their cartridges to fif-\\nteen rounds per man. As I had not been able to mount a\\nguard of more than six privates and two non-commissioned\\nofficers for some time past, and sometimes part of them every\\nother day, from the unhealthiness of the company, I had not\\nconceived my force adequate to the defence of this post, sliould\\nit be vigorously attacked, for some time past.\\nAs I had just recovered from a very severe attack of the fever,\\nI was not able to be up much through the night. After tatoo,\\nI cautioned the guard to be vigilant, and ordered one of the\\nnon-commissioned officers, as the sentinels could not see every\\npart of the garrison, to walk round on the inside during the\\nwhole night, to prevent the Indians taking any advantage of", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0624.jp2"}, "625": {"fulltext": "1812. Captain Z. Taylor s Letter. 621\\nus, provided they had any intention of attacking us. About\\n11 o clock I was awakened by the firing of one of the sen-\\ntinels I sprang up, ran out, and ordered the men to their\\nposts; when my orderly sergeant, who had charge of the up- i\\nper block-house, called out that the Indians had fired the\\nlower block-house, (which contained the property of the\\ncontractor, which was deposited in the lower part, the\\nupper having been assigned to a corporal and ten pri-\\nvates as an alarm post.) The guns had begun to fire pretty\\nsmartly from both sides. 1 directed the buckets to be got\\nready and water brought from the well, and the fire extin-\\nguished immediately, as it was perceivable at that time but\\nfrom debility or some other cause, the men were very slow in\\nexecuting my orders the word fire appeared to throw the\\nwhole of them into confusion and by the time they had got\\nthe water and broken open the door, the fire had unfortunate-\\nly communicated to a quantity of whisky, (the .stock having\\nlicked several holes through the lower part of the building,\\nafter the salt that was stored there, through which they had\\nintroduced the fire without being discovered, as the night was\\nvery dark,) and in spite of every exertion we could make use\\nof, in less than a moment it ascended to the roof and baffled/\\nevery effort we could make to extinguish it. As the block-\\nhouse adjoined the barracks that make part of the fortifica-\\ntions, most of the men immediately gave themselves up for\\nlost, and I had the greatest difficulty in getting my orders exe-\\ncuted and, Sir, what from the raging of the fire the yelling\\nand howling of several hundred Indians the cries of nine\\nwomen and children (a part soldiers and a part citizens\\nwives, who had taken shelter in the fort) and the desponding\\nof so many of the men, which was worse than all I can as-\\nsure you that my feelings were unpleasant and indeed there\\nwere not more than ten or fifteen men able to do a great deal,\\nthe others being sick or convalescent and to add to our other\\nmisfortunes, two of the strongest men in the fort, and that I\\nhad every confidence in, jumped the picket and left us. But\\nray presence of mind did not forsake me for a moment. I saw,\\nby throwing off a part of the roof that joined the block-house\\nthat was on fire, and keeping the end perfectly wet, the whole\\nrow of buildings might be saved, and leave only an opening\\nof eighteen or twenty feet for the entrance of the Indians after\\nthe house was consumed and that a temporary breast- work\\nmight be executed to prevent their even entering there I con-\\nvinced the men that this might be accomplished and it appear-\\ned to inspire them with new life, and never did men act with\\nmore firmness and desperation. Those that were able (while\\nthe others kept up a constant fire from the other block-house\\nand the two bastions) mounted the roofs of the houses, with\\nDr. Clark at their head, who acted with the greatest firmness", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0625.jp2"}, "626": {"fulltext": "622 Capt. Z. Taylor s Letter. 1812.\\nand presence of mind the whole time the attack lasted, which\\nwas seven hours, under a shower of bullets, and in less than\\na moment threw off as much of the roof as was necessary.\\nThis was done only with a loss of one man and two wounded,\\nand I am in hopes neither of them dangerously the man that\\nwas killed was a little deranged, and did not get off the house\\nas soon as directed, or he would not have been hurt and al-\\nthough the barracks were several times in a blaze, and an im-\\nmense quantity of fire against them, the men used such exer-\\ntions that they kept it under, and before day raised a tempo-\\nrary breast-work as high as a man s head, although the In-\\ndians continued to pour in a heavy fire of ball and innumerable\\nquantity of arrows during the whole time the attack lasted, in\\nevery part of the parade. I had but one other man killed, nor\\nany other wounded inside the fort, and he lost his life by being\\ntoo anxious he got into one of the gallics in the bastion, and\\nfired over the pickets, and called out to his comrades that he^\\nhadkilled an Indian, and neglecting to stoop down, in an instant\\nhe was shot dead. One of the men that jumped the pickets,\\nreturned an hour before day, and running up towards the\\ngate, begged for God s sake for it to be opened. 1 suspected\\nit to be a stratagem of the Indians to get in, as 1 did not recol-\\nlect the voice. I directed the men in the bastion, where I\\nhappened to be, to shoot him let him be who he would, and\\none of them fired at him, but fortunately he ran up to the\\nother bastion, where they knew his voice, and Dr. Clark di-\\nrected him to lie down close to the pickets behind an empty\\nbarrel that happened to be there, and at day-light I had him\\nlet in. His arm was broken in a most shocking manner\\nwhich he says was done by the Indians which, I suppose, was\\nthe cause of his returning I think it probable that he will\\nnot recover. The other they caught about 130 yards from\\nthe garrison, and cut him all to pieces. After keeping up a\\nconstant fire until about six o clock the next morning, which\\nwe began to return with some effect after day-light, they re-\\nmoved out of the reach of our guns. A party of them drove\\nup the horses that belonged to the citizens here, and as they\\ncould not catch them very readily, shot the whole of them in\\nour sight, as well as a number of their hogs. They drove off\\nthe whole of the cattle, which amounted to 65 head, as well\\nas the public oxen. I had the vacancy filled up before night,\\n(which was made by the burning of the block-house,) with a\\nstrong row of pickets, which I got by pulling down the guard-\\nhouse. We lost the whole of our provisions, but must make\\nout to live upon green corn until we can get a supply, which\\nI am in hopes will not be long. I believe that the whole of\\nthe Miamies or Weas, were among the Prophet s party, as one\\nchief gave his orders in that language, which resembled Stone\\nEater s voice, and I believe Negro Legs was there likewise. A", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0626.jp2"}, "627": {"fulltext": "1812. Capt. Z. Taylor s Letter. 623\\nFrenchman here understands their different languages, and\\nseveral of the Miamies or Weas, that have been frequently\\nhere, were recognized by the Frenchman and soldiers, next\\nmorning. The Indians suffered smartly, but were so numer-\\nous as to take off all that were shot. They continued with us\\nuntil the next morning, but made no further attempt upon the\\nfort, nor have we seen any thing more of them since. I have\\ndelayed informing you of my situation, as I did not like to\\nweaken the garrison, and I looked for some person from Vin-\\ncennes, and none of my men were acquainted with the woods,\\nand therefore I would either have to take the road or the river,\\nwhich I was fearful was guarded by small parties of Indians\\nthat would not dare to attack a company of Rangers that was\\non a scout; but being disappointed, I have at length deter-\\nmined to send a couple of my men by water, and am in hopes\\nthey will arrive safe. I think it would be best to send the\\nprovisions under a pretty strong escort, as the Indians may at- j\\ntempt to prevent their coming. If you carry on an expedi-\\ntion against the Prophet this fall, you ought to be well provi-y\\nded with every thing, as you may calculate on having every\\ninch of ground disputed between this and there, that they\\ncan with advantage. Z. TAYLOR.\\nHis Excellency Gov. Harrison.\\nFort Harrison, September 13, 1812.\\nDear Sir I wrote you on the 10th instant, giving you an\\naccount of the attack on this place, as well as my situation,\\nwhich account I attempted to send by water, but the two men\\nwhom I despatched in a canoe after night, found the river so\\nwell guarded, that they were obliged to return. The Indians\\nhad built a fire on the bank of the river, a short distance be-\\nlow the garrison, which gave them an opportunity of seeing\\nany craft that might attempt to pass, and were waiting with a\\ncanoe ready to intercept it. I expect the fort, as well as the\\nroad to Vincennes, is as well or better watched than the river.\\nBut my situation compels me to make one other attempt by\\nland, and my orderly sergeant, with one other man, sets out to-\\nnight with strict orders to avoid the road in the day time, and\\ndepend entirely on the woods, although neither of them have\\never been in Vincennes by land, nor do they know any thing\\nof the country, but 1 am in hopes they will reach you in safety.\\nI send them with great reluctance from their ignorance of the\\nwoods. I think it very probable there is a large party of In-\\ndians waylaying the road between this and Vincennes, likely\\nabout the Narrows, for the purpose of intercepting any party\\nthat may be coming to this place, as the cattle they got here\\nwill supply them plentifully with provisions for some time to\\ncome. Z. TAYLOR.*\\nHis Excellency Gov. Harrison.\\nNiks Register, iii. 90.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 McAfee, 153.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0627.jp2"}, "628": {"fulltext": "624 Wm. H. Harrison Commander-in-Chief. 1812.\\nBut before the surrender of Hull took place, extensive pre-\\nparations had been made in Ohio, Kentucky, Virginia, and\\nPennsylvania, to bring into service a large and efficient\\narmy.* Three points needed defence, Fort Wayne and the\\nMaumee, the Wabash, and the Illinois river: the troops des-\\ntined for the first point were to be under the command of Gen-\\neral Winchester, a revolutionary officer resident in Tennessee,\\nand but little known to the frontier men those for the Wa-\\nbash were to be under Harrison, whose name since the battle\\nof Tippecanoe was familiar everywhere while Governor\\nEdwards, of the Illinois Territory, was to command the expe-\\ndition upon the river of the same name. Such were the in-\\ntentions of the Government, but the wishes of the people\\nfrustrated them, and led, first, to the appointment of Harrison\\nto the command of the Kentucky volunteers, destined to assist\\nHull s army, II and next to his elevation to the post of com-\\nj mander-in-chief over all the forces of the west and north-west:\\nthis last appointment was made September 17th, and was no-\\ntified to the General upon the 24th of that month. Mean-\\ntime Fort Wayne had been relieved, and the line of the Mau-\\nmee secured;^ so that when Harrison found himself placed\\nat the head of military affairs in the West, his main objects\\nwere, first, to drive the Indians from the western side of the\\nDetroit river; second, to take Maiden and third, having thus\\nsecured his communications, to recapture the Michigan Ter-\\nritory and its dependencies.** To do all this before winter,\\nand thus be prepared to conquer Upper Canada, Harrison pro-\\nposed to take possession of the rapids of the Maumee and\\nthere to concentrate his forces and his stores in moving upon\\nthis point he divided his troops into three columns, the right\\nto march from Wooster through Upper Sandusky, the centre\\nfrom Urbana by Fort McArthur on the heads of the Scioto,\\nand the left from St. Mary s by the Au-Glaize and Maumee,\\n\u00c2\u00bbMcAfee, 102 to 110.\\ntAnnstroDg s Notices, i. 62 to 66. Appendix, No. 8, p. 203. McAfee, 131.\\nJThe pro()i-iety of thia step was much questioned, See McAfee, 107, Ac. Armstrong s\\nNotices, i. 58.\\ngMcAfee, 140.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Also, Letter of Secretary of War, McAfee 118.\\n^See the details in McAfee, 120 to 139.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Armstrong s Notices, i. 59. McAfee, 142.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0628.jp2"}, "629": {"fulltext": "1813. Defeat at Frenchtown. 625\\nall meeting, of course, at the rapids.* This plan, however,\\nfailed the troops of the left column under Winchester, worn\\nout and starved, were found on the verge of mutiny, and the\\nmounted men of the centre under General Tupper were una-\\nble to do any thing, partly from their own want of subordina-\\ntion, but still more from the shiftlessness of their commander ;-j-\\nthis condition of the troops, and the prevalence of disease\\namong them, together with the increasing difficulty of trans-\\nportation after the autumnal rains set in, forced upon the com-\\nmander the conviction that he must wait until the winter had\\nbridged the streams and morasses with ice,J and even when\\nthat had taken place, he was doubtful as to the wisdom of an\\nattempt to conquer without vessels on Lake Erie.||\\nThus, at the close of the year 1812, nothing effectual had\\nbeen done towards the re-conquest of Michigan Winchester,\\nwith the left wing of the army was on his w^ay to the Rapids,\\nhis men enfeebled by sickness, want of clothes, and want of\\nfood; the right wing approaching Sandusky; and the centre\\nresting at Fort McArthur.\u00c2\u00a7\\nIn December, General Harrison despatched a party of 600\\nmen against the Miami villages upon the Mississinneway, a\\nbranch of the Wabash. This body, under the command of\\nLieutenant Colonel Campbell, destroyed several villages, and\\nfought a severe battle with the Indians, who v^^ere defeated\\nbut the severity of the weather, the number of his wounded\\n(forty-eight,) the scarcity of provisions, and the fear of being\\nattacked by Tecumthe, at the head of 600 fresh savages, led\\nColonel Campbell to retreat immediately after the battle, with-\\nout destroying the principal town of the enemy. The expe-\\ndition, however, was not without results, as it induced some\\nof the tribes to come openly and wholly under the protection\\nand within the borders of the Republic. Tl\\nOn the 10th of January, 1813, Winchester with his troops\\nreached the Rapids, General Harrison with the right wing of\\n*McAfee, 142, c., 192, fec. at the latter reference Harrison s letter is given,\\nf McAfee, 146 to 151. General Tuppor s account is in Niles Kogister, iii. 167.\\nI McAfee, 164, 165.\\nII McAfee, 187, 196 to 199.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Dawson, 332, 341.\\nMcAfee, 201, 199, 163.\\n^McAfee, 176 to 182. Campbell s and Harrison s accounts are in Niles Eegister, iii\\n316, 331.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0629.jp2"}, "630": {"fulltext": "626 Winchestci s Movements. 1813.\\nthe army being still at Upper Sandusky, and Tupper with the\\ncentre at Fort McArthur.* From the 13th to tiie 16th, mes-\\nsengers arrived at Winchester s camp from the inhabitants of\\nFrenchtown on the river Raisin, representing the danger to\\nwhich that place was exposed from the hostility of the British\\nand Indians, and begging for protection. f These representa-\\ntions and petitions excited the feelings of the Americans, and\\nled them, forgetful of the main objects of the campaign, and\\nof military caution, to determine upon the step of sending a\\nstrong party to the aid of the sufferers.J On the 17th, accor-\\ndingly, Colonel Lewis was despatched Mith 550 men to the\\nriver Raisin, and soon after Colonel Allen followed with 110\\nmore. Marching along the frozen borders of the Bay and\\nLake, on the afternoon of the 18th, the Americans reached\\nand attacked the enemy who were posted in the village, and\\nafter a severe contest defeated them. Having gained pos-\\nsession of the town. Colonel Lewis wrote for reinforce-\\nments and prepared himself to defend the position he had\\ngained. 11 And it was evident that all his means of defence\\nwould be needed, as the place was but eighteen miles from\\nMaiden, where the whole British force was collected under\\nProcter. Winchester, on the 19th, having heard of the ac-\\ntion of the previous day, marched with 250 men, which was\\nthe most he dared detach from the Rapids, to the aid of the\\ncaptor of Frenchtown, which place he reached on the next\\nevening. But instead of placing his men in a secure posi-\\ntion, and taking measures to prevent the secret approach of\\nthe enemy, Winchester suffered the troops he had brought\\nwith him to remain in the open ground, and took no effi-\\ncient measures to protect himself from surprise, although in-\\nformed than attack might be expected at any moment. The\\nconsequence was that during the night of the 21st, the whole\\nBritish force approached undiscovered, and erected a battery\\nwithin 300 yards of the American camp. From this, before\\nthe troops were fairly under arms in the morning, a discharge\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2McAfee, 202, 203.\\nt McAfee, 204.\\nX Sec Colonel Allen s Speech in Armstrong s Notice?, i, 67.\\n11 Lewis account may be found in Niles Register, iv. 49.\\nMcAfee, 211. Winchester in his own account owns that ho entirely disregarded the\\nwarning given him.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0630.jp2"}, "631": {"fulltext": "1813. Defeat at Frenchtown. 627\\nof bombs, balls, and grape-shot, informed the devoted sol-\\ndiers of Winchester, of the folly of their commander, and in\\na moment more the dreaded Indian yell sounded on every\\nside. The troops under Lewis were protected by the garden\\npickets, behind which their commander, who alone seems to\\nhave been upon his guard, had stationed them those last ar-\\nrived were, as we have said, in the open field, and against\\nthem the main effort of the enemy was directed. Nor was it\\nlong so directed without terrible results; the troops yielded,\\nbroke and fled, but fled under a fire which mowed them down\\nlike grass Winchester and Lewis, (who had left his pickets\\nto aid his superior officer,) were taken prisoners. Upon the\\nparty who fought from behind their slight defences, however,\\nno impression could be made, and it was not till Winchester\\nwas induced to send them what was deemed an order to sur-\\nrender* that they dreamed of doing so. This Procter per-\\nsuaded him to do by the old story of an Indian massacre in\\ncase of continued resistance, to which he added a promise of\\nhelp and protection for the wounded, and of a removal at the\\nearliest moment without which last promise the troops of\\nLewis refused to yield even when required by their General.f\\nBut the promise, even if given in good faith, was not redeem-\\ned, and the horrors of the succeeding night and day will long\\nbe remembered by the inhabitants of the frontier. Of a por-\\ntion of those horrors we give a description in the words of\\nan eye witness.\\nNicholasville, Kentucky, April 24th, 1813.\\nSir: Yours of the 5th instant, requesting me to give you\\na statement respecting the late disaster at Frenchtown, was\\nduly received. Rest assured, sir, that it is with sensations the\\nmost unpleasant, that I undertake to recount the infamous\\nand barbarous conduct of the British and Indians, after the\\nbattle of the 22d January. The blood runs cold in my veins\\nwhen I think of it.\\nOn the morning of the 23d, shortly after light, six or eight\\nIndians came to the house of Jean Baptiste Jereaume, where\\nI was, in company with Major Graves, Captains Hart and\\nHickman, Doctor Todd, and fifteen or twenty volunteers, be-\\nlonging to different corps. They did not molest any person\\nor thing on their first approach, but kept sauntering about\\nuntil there was a large number collected, (say one or two\\nHe says he did not mean it for an order, but merely for advice,\\nt McAfee, 215.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0631.jp2"}, "632": {"fulltext": "628 Massacre of the Wounded. 1813.\\nhundred) at -vvhich time they commenced plundering the\\nhouses of the inhabitants, and the massacre of the wounded\\nprisoners. I was one amongst the first that was taken pris-\\noner, and was taken to a horse about twenty paces from\\nthe house, after being divested of a part of my clothing, and\\ncommanded by signs there to remain for further orders.\\nShortly after being there, I saw them knock down Captain\\nHickman at the door, together with several others with whom\\nI was not acquainted. Supposing a general massacre had\\ncommenced, I made an effort to get to a house about one hun-\\ndred yards distant, which contained a number of wounded,\\nbut on my reaching the house, to my great mortification,\\nfound it surrounded by Indians, which precluded the possibili-\\nty of my giving notice to the unfortunate victims of savage\\nbarbarity. An Indian chief of the Tawa tribe, of the name\\nof McCarty, gave me possession of his horse and blanket,\\ntelling me by signs, to lead the horse to the house which I had\\njust before left. The Indian that first took me, by this time\\ncame up and manifested a hostile disposition towards me, by\\nraising his tomahawk as if to give me the fatal blow, which\\nwas prevented by my very good friend M Carty. On my\\nreaching the house which I had first started from, I saw the\\nIndians take off several prisoners, which I afterwards saw in\\nthe road, in a most mangled condition, and entirely stripped\\nof their clothing.\\nMessrs. Bradford, Searls, Turner and Blythe, were collected\\nround a carryall, which contained articles taken by the In-\\ndians from the citizens. We had all been placed there, by\\nour respective captors, except Blythe, who came where we\\nwere entreating an Indian to convey him to Maiden, promi-\\nsing to give him forty or fifty dollars, and whilst in the act of\\npleading for mercy, an Indian more savage than the other,\\nstepped up behind, tomahawked, stripped and scalped him.\\nThe next that attractfd my attention, was the houses on fire\\nthat contained several wounded, whom I knew were not able\\nto get out. After the houses were nearly consumed, we re-\\nceived marching orders, and after arriving at Sandy Creek,\\nthe Indians called a halt and commenced cooking after pre-\\nparing and eating a little sweetened gruel, I\\\\Iessrs. Bradford,\\nSearls, Turner and myself, received some, and were eating,\\nwhen an Indian came up and proposed exchanging his moc-\\ncasins for Mr. Searls shoes, which he readily complied with.\\nThey then exchanged hats, after which the Indian inquired\\nhow many men Harrison had with him, and at the same time,\\ncalling Searls a Washington or Madison, then raised his tom-\\nahawk and struck him on the shoulder, which cut into the\\ncavity of the body. Searls then caught hold of the tomahawk\\nand appeared to resist, and upon my telling him his fate was\\nmevilable, he closed his eyes and received the savage blow", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0632.jp2"}, "633": {"fulltext": "1813. Harrison Retreats from the Maumee. 629\\nwhich terminated his existence. I was near enough to him\\nto receive the brains and blood, after the fatal blow, on my\\nblanket. A short time after the death of Searls, I saw three\\nothers share a similar fate. We then set out for Brownstown,\\nwhich place we reached about 12 or 1 o clock at night. Af-\\nter being exposed to several hours incessant rain in reaching\\nthat place, we were put into the council house, the floor of\\nwhich was partly covered with water, at which place we re-\\nmained until next morning, when we again received march-\\ning orders for their village on the river Rouge, which place\\nwe made that day, where I was kept six days, then taken to\\nDetroit and sold. For a more detailed account of the pro-\\nceedings, I take the liberty of, referring you to a publication\\nwhich appeared in the public prints, signed by Ensign J. L.\\nBaker, and to the publication of Judge Woodward, both of\\nwhich I have particularly examined, and find them to be lite-\\nrally correct, so far as came under my notice.\\n1 am, sir, with due regard, your fellow-citizen,\\nGUSTAVUS M. BOWER,\\nSurgeon s mate, 5th Regiment Kentucky Volunteers.\\nJesse Bledsoe, Esq., Lexington.*\\nOf the American army, which was about 80O strong, one-\\nthird were killed in the battle and the massacre which follow-\\ned, and but 33 escaped. f\\nGeneral Harrison, as we have stated, was at Upper San-\\ndusky when Winchester reached the Rapids on the night of\\nthe 16th word came to him of the arrival of the left wing at\\nthat point, and of some meditated movement. He at once\\nproceeded with all speed to Lower Sandusky, and on the mor-\\nning of the 18th sent forward a battalion of troops to the sup-\\nport of Winchester. On the I9th he learned what the move-\\nment was that had been meditated and made, and with addi-\\ntional troops he started instantly for the falls, where he arri-\\nved early on the morning of the 20th here he waited the ar-\\nrival of the regiment with which he had started, but which he\\nhad outstripped; this came on the evening of the 21st, and\\non the following morning, was despatched to Frenchtown,\\nwhile all the troops belonging to the army of Winchester yet\\nat the falls, 300 in number, were also hurried on to the aid of\\nAmerican State Papers, xii. 372. Do. 307 to 375.\\nt McAfee, 221. See the accounts of Winchester and Major Madison in Armstrong s\\nNotices, i. Appeadix No. 7. p. 196. In Niles Register, iv. 9 to 13, may be found the Bri.\\ntish account, Winchester s, and one accompanied by a diagram: same vol. p. 29, is a full-\\ner account by Winchester, and on page 83 one by Lewis and the other officers.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0633.jp2"}, "634": {"fulltext": "630 Plan of a neio Campaign. 1813.\\ntheir commander.* But it was, of course, in vain on that\\nmorning the battle was fought, and General Harrison with\\nhis reinforcements met the few survivors long before they\\nreached the ground. A council being called, it was deemed\\nunwise to advance any farther, and the troops retired to the\\nRapids again: here, during the night another consultation\\ntook place, the result of which was a determination to retreat\\nyet farther in order to prevent the possibility of being cut off\\nfrom the convoys of stores and artillery upon their way from\\nSandusky. On the next morning, therefore, the block-house,\\nwhich had been built, was destroyed, together with the pro-\\nvisions it contained, and the troops retired to Portage river,\\n18 miles in the rear of Winchester s position, there to await\\nthe guns and reinforcements which were daily expected, but\\nwhich, as it turned out, were detained by rains until the 30th\\nof January .f Finding his army 1700 strong, General Harri-\\nson, on the 1st of February, again advanced to the Rapids,\\nwhere he toolv up a new and stronger position, at which point\\nhe ordered all the troops as rapidly as possible to gather. He\\ndid this in the hope of being able before the middle of the\\nmonth to advance upon Maiden, but the long continuance of\\nwarm and wet weather kept the roads in such a condition that\\nhis troops were unable to join him, and the project of advan-\\ncing upon the ice was entirely frustrated; so at length the\\nwinter campaign had to be abandoned, as the autumnal one\\nhad been before.\\nSo far the military operations of the north-west had certain-\\nly been sufficiently discouraging the capture of Mackinac,\\nthe surrender of Hull, the massacre of Chicago, and the over-\\nwhelming defeat of Frenchtown, are the leading events.\\nNothing had been gained, and of what had been lost nothing\\nhad been retaken the slight successes over the Indians by\\nHopkins, Edwards, and Campbell, had not shaken the power\\nor the confidence of Tecumthe and his allies, while the fruit-\\nless eflbrts of Harrison through five months to gather troops\\nenough at the mouth of the Maumee to attempt the recon-\\nquest of Michigan, which had been taken in a week, depres-\\nsed the spirits of the Americans, and gave new life and hope\\nto their foes.\\nMcAfee, 209 to 211, 227 to 235.\\nt McAfee, 236 to 239.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0634.jp2"}, "635": {"fulltext": "1813. Plan of a new Campaign. 631\\nAbout the time that Harrison s unsuccessful campaign drew\\nto a close, a change took place in the War Department, and\\nGeneral Armstrong succeeded his incapable friend. Dr. Eus-\\ntis. Armstrong s views were those of an able soldier in Oc-\\ntober, 1812, he had again addressed the Government through\\nMr. Gallatin, on the necessity of obtaining the command of\\nthe lakes,* and when raised to power determined to make\\nnaval operations the basis of the military movements of the\\nnorth-west. His views in relation to the coming campaign\\nin the west, were based upon two points, viz: the use of re-\\ngular troops alone, and the command of the lakes, which he\\nwas led to think could be obtained by the 20th of June.f\\nAlthough the views of the Secretary, in relation to the non-\\nemployment of militia, were not, and could not be, adhered\\nto, the general plan of merely standing upon the defensive\\nuntil the command of the lake was secured, was persisted in,\\nalthough it was the 2nd of August instead of the 1st of June,\\nbefore the vessels on Erie could leave the harbor in which\\nthey had been built. Among these defensive operations of\\nthe spring and summer of 1813, that at Fort or Camp Meigs,\\nthe new post taken by Harrison at the Rapids, and that at\\nLower Sandusky, deserve to be especially noticed. It had\\nbeen anticipated that, with the opening of spring, the British\\nwould attempt the conquest of the position upon the Mau-\\nmee, and measures had been taken by the General to forward\\nreinforcements, which were detained, however, as usual, by\\nthe spring freshets and the bottomless roads. As had been\\nexpected, on the 28th of April, the English forces began the\\ninvestment of Harrison s camp, and by the 1st of May had\\ncompleted their batteries meantime, the Americans behind\\ntheir tents had thrown up a bank of earth twelve feet high,\\nand upon a basis of twenty feet, behind which the whole gar-\\nrison withdrew the moment that the gunners of the enemy\\nwere prepared to commence operations. Upon this bank,\\nthe ammunition of his Majesty was wasted in vain, and dowi^\\nto the 5th, nothing was effected by either party. On that\\nArmstrong s Notices, i. 77, note. Steps to command the lake had been taken before\\nOctober.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See Niles Register, iii. 142, 127.\\nf Armstrong s Notices, i. Appendix, No. 2.3, p. 245. The Secretary and General did not\\nentirely agree as to the plans of the campaign. See the Notices i. 176, c. McAfee, 249\\nfec. Full accounts of the arrangements of the army in this year, mny be seen in Niles\\nEeghter, iv. 145, 168, 187.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0635.jp2"}, "636": {"fulltext": "632 Siege of Fort Meigs. 1813.\\nday, General Clay, with 1200 additional troops, came down\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2the Maumee in flatboats, and, in accordance with orders re-\\nceived from Harrison, detached 800 men under Colonel Dud-\\nley to attack the batteries upon the left bank of the river,\\nwhile, with the remainder of his forces, he landed upon the\\nsouthern shore, and after some loss and delay, fought his way\\ninto camp. Dudley, on his part, succeeded perfectly in cap-\\nturing the batteries, but instead of spiking the cannon, and\\nthen instantly returning to his boats, he suffered his men to\\nwaste their time, and skirmish with the Indians, until Proctor\\nwas able to cut them off from their only chance of retreat;\\ntaken by surprise, and in disorder, the greater part of the de-\\ntachment became an easy prey, only 150 of the 800 escaping\\ncaptivity or death.* This sad result was partially, though but\\nlittle, alleviated by the success of a sortie made from the fort\\nby Colonel Miller, in which he captured and made useless the\\nbatteries that had been erected south of the Maumee. f The\\nresult of the day s doings had been sad enough for the Ameri-\\ncans, but still the British General saw in it nothing to encour-\\nage him his cannon had done nothing, and were in fact no\\nlonger of value his Indian allies found it hard to fight peo-\\nple who lived like groundhogs ;J news of the American suc-\\ncesses below had been received and additional troops were\\napproaching from Ohio and Kentucky. Proctor, weighing all\\nthings, determined to retreat, and upon the 9th of May re-\\nturned to Malden.ll\\nThe ship-building going forward at Erie had not, mean-\\nwhile, been unknown to or disregarded by the English, who\\nproposed all in good time to destroy the vessels upon which\\nso much depended, and to appropriate the stores of the Repub-\\nlicans: the ordnance and naval stores you require, said Sir\\nGeorge Prevost to General Proctor, must be taken from the\\nenemy, whose resources on Lake Erie must become yours. I\\nam muoh mistaken, if you do not find Captain Barclay dis-\\nposed to play that game. Captain Barclay was an expe-\\nIlarrison s Report.\\nt McAfee, 264 to 272.\\nX See Tecurathe s Speech, McAfee.\\nII For account of si-ge of Fort Meigs, by Harrison, c., see Niles Register, iv. 191, c.,\\n210, Ac\u00e2\u0080\u0094 For diary of siege, do. iv. 213 for British account, do. iv. 272.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 O Fallon s (aid\\nto Gencr.ll Harrison) is in National Intelligencer, Juno 16, 1810.\\nLetter of July 11th, giyen in Armstrong s Notices, i. AppendLs, No. 19, p. 223.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0636.jp2"}, "637": {"fulltext": "1813. Croghan^s Defence of Fort Stephenson. 633\\nrienced, brave, and able seaman, and was waiting anxiously\\nfor a sufficient body of troops to be spared him, in order to\\nattack Erie with success a sufficient force was promised\\nhim on the 18th of July, at which time the British fleet went\\ndown the lake to reconnoitre, and if it were wise, to make\\nthe proposed attempt upon the Americans at Erie none, how-\\never, was made.* About the same time, the followers of\\nProctor again approached Fort Meigs, around which they re-\\nmained for a week, effecting nothing, though very numerous.\\nThe purpose of this second investment seems, indeed, rather\\nto have been the diversion of Harrison s attention from Erie,\\nand the employment of the immense bands of Indians which\\nthe English had gathered at Malden,f than any serious blow;\\nand finding no progress made. Proctor next moved to Sandus-\\nky, into the neighborhood of the commander-in-chief The\\nprincipal stores of Harrison were at Sandusky, while he was\\nhimself at Seneca, and Major Croghan at Fort Stephenson or\\nLower Sandusky. This latter post being deemed indefensi-\\nble against heavy cannon, and it being supposed that Proctor\\nwould of course bring heavy cannon, if he attacked it, the\\nGeneral and a council of war called by him, thought it wisest\\nto abandon it; but before this could be done after the final\\ndetermination of the matter, the appearance of the enemy\\nupon the 31st of July made it impossible. The garrison of\\nthe little fort was composed of 150 men, under a commander\\njust past his 21st year,J and with a single piece of cannon,\\nwhile the investing force, including Tecumthe s Indians, was,\\nit is said, 3,300 strong, and with six pieces of artillery, all of\\nthem, fortunately, light ones. Proctor demanded a surrender,\\nand told the unvarying story of the danger of provoking a\\ngeneral massacre by the savages, unless the fort was yielded:\\nto all which the representative of young Croghan replied by\\nsaying that the Indians would have none left to massacre, if\\nthe British conquered, for every man of the garrison would\\nhave died at his post.\u00c2\u00a7 Proctor, upon this, opened his fire,\\nwhich being concentrated upon the north-west angle of the\\nLetter of General DeKottenburg, in Armstrong s Notices, i. Appendix No. 19, p. 229,.\\nMcAfee, 343.\\nI McAfee, 297 to 299 2,500 warriors were about Maiden.\\nX General Harrison, quoted in McAfee, 329.\\nMcAfee, 325.\\n40", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0637.jp2"}, "638": {"fulltext": "634 Perry s Victory. 1813,\\nfort, led the commander to think that it was meant to make a\\nbreach there, and carry the works by assault; he, therefore,\\nproceeded to strengthen that point by bags of sand and flour,\\nI while under cover of night he placed his single six pounder in\\na position to rake the angle threatened, and then, having\\ncharged his infant battery with slugs, and hidden it from the\\nenemy, he waited the event. During the night of the 1st of\\nAugust, and till late in the evening of the 2nd, the firing con-\\ntinued upon the devoted north-west corner then, under cover\\nof the smoke and gathering darkness, a column of 350 men\\napproached unseen to within 20 paces of the walls. The\\nmusketry opened upon them, but with little effect, the ditch\\ni was o-ained,and in a moment filled with men: at that instant,\\nthe masked cannon, only thirty feet distant, and so directed\\nas to sweep the ditch, was unmasked and fired, killing at\\nonce 27 of the assailants the effect was decisive, the column\\nrecoiled, and the little fort was saved with the loss of one\\njjja.n on the next morning the British and their allies, hav-\\ning the fear of Harrison before their eyes, were gone, leaving\\nbehind them in their haste, guns, stores, and clothing.*\\n[The late Governor Joseph Duncan of Illinois, then of Ken-\\ntucky was an Ensign, and one of the heroic defenders of\\nFort Stephenson.]\\nFrom this time all were busy in preparing for the long an-\\nticipated attack upon Maiden. Kentucky especially sent her\\nsons in vast numbers, under their veteran Governor, Shelby,\\nand the yet more widely distinguished Richard M. Johnson.\\nOn the 4th of August, Perry got his vessels out of Erie into\\ndeep water but for a month was unable to bring matters to\\na crisis; on the lOth of September, however, the fleet of Bar-\\nclay was seen standing out of port, and the Americans has-\\ntened to receive him. Of the contest we give Perry s own\\naccount\\nUnited States schooner Ariel, Put-in-Bay,\\nISlh September, 1813. j\\nSir: In my last I informed you ihat we had captured the\\nenemv s fleet on this lake. 1 have now the honor to give you\\nthe most important particulars of the action. On the morning\\nof the lOlh instant, at sunrise, they were discovered from Put-\\nMcAfee. 324 to 328.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The accrunt^ 1iy Croghan and II\u00c2\u00bbrri\u00c2\u00ab)n are in Niles Register,\\noog xja 390. A further account and plan of the fort do. v. 7 to 9.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0638.jp2"}, "639": {"fulltext": "18l3. Perry s Victory. 635\\nin-Bay, where I lay at anchor with the squadron under my\\ncommand. We got under weigh, the wind light at S. W.\\nand stood for them. At 10 A. M. the wind hauled to S. E.\\nand brought us to windward formed the line and brought up.\\nAt 15 minutes before 12, the enemy commenced firing; at 5\\nminutes before 12, the action commenced on our part. Find-\\ning their fire very destructive, owing to their long guns, and\\nits being mostly directed to the Lawrence, I made sail, and\\ndirected the other vessels to follow, for the purpose of closing\\nwith the enemy. Every brace and bow line being shot away,\\nshe became unmanageable, notwithstanding the great exer-\\ntions of the Sailing Master. In this situation she sustained\\nthe action upwards of two hours, within canister shot distance,\\nuntil every gun was rendered useless, and a greater part of\\nthe crew either killed or wounded. Finding she could no\\nlonger annoy the enemy, I left her in charge of Lieutenant\\nYarnall, who, I was convinced, from the bravery already dis-\\nplayed by him, would do what would comport with the honor\\nof the flag. At half past 2, the wind springing up. Captain\\nElliott was enabled to bring his vessel, the Niagara, gallantly\\ninto close action I immediately went on board of her, when\\nhe anticipated my wish by volunteering to bring the schooners,\\nwhich had been kept astern by the lightness of the wind, into,\\nclose action. It was with unspeakable pain that I saw, soon\\nafter I got on board the Niagara, the flag of the Lawrence\\ncome down, although I was perfectly sensible that she had\\nbeen defended to the last, and that to have continued to make\\na show of resistance would have been a wanton sacrifice of\\nthe remains of her brave crew. But the enemy was not able\\nto take possession of her, and circumstances soon permitted\\nher flag again to be hoisted. At forty-five minutes past two,\\nthe signal was made for close action. The Niagara being\\nvery little injured, I determined to pass through the enemy s\\nline, bore up and passed ahead of their two ships and a brig,\\ngiving a raking fire to them from the starboard guns, and to a\\nlarge schooner and sloop, from the larboard side, at half pistol\\nshot distance. The smaller vessels at this time having got\\nwithin grape aud canister distance, under the direction of Cap-\\ntain Elliott, and keeping up a well directed fire, the two ships,\\na brig, and a schooner, surrendered, a schooner and sloop\\nmaking a vain attempt to escape.\\nThose officers and men who were immediately under my.\\nobservation evinced the greatest gallantry, and I have no\\ndoubt that all others conducted themselves as became Ameri-\\ncan officers and seamen.*\\nMeanwhile the American army had received its reinforce-\\nAmerican State Paper?, xiv. 295. For Perry s Letters gee Niles Register, v. 60 to 62.\\nSee also Cooper s Naval History; Life of Coinmo.lore Elliott, (Philadel^liia, 1836;) Tristam\\nBnrgese account of the battle, witli diagrams, (Boston, 1839.)", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0639.jp2"}, "640": {"fulltext": "3M\\n636 Crogkan s Defeat at Fort SUpfienwn. 1813.\\nments, and was only waiting the expected victory of the\\nfleet to embark. On the 27th of September, it set sail for the\\nshore of Canada, and in a few hours stood around the ruins\\nof the deserted and wasted Maiden, from which Proctor had\\nretreated to Sandwich, intending to make his way to the heart\\nof Canada, by the valley of the Thames.* On the 29th Harrison\\nwas at Sandwich, and Mc Arthur took possession gf Detroit and\\nthe territory of Michigan. At this point Col. Johnson s mounted\\nrifle regiment, which had gone up the west side of the river, re-\\njoined the main army. On the 2d of October, the Americans\\nbegan their march in pursuit of Proctor, whom they overtook\\nupon the 5th. He hud posted his army with its left resting\\nupon the river, while the right flank was defended by a marsh\\nthe ground between the river and the marsh was divided\\nlengthwise by a smaller swamp, so as to make two distinct\\nfields in which the troops were to operate. The British were\\nin two lines, occupying the field between the river and small\\nswamp the Indians extended from the small to the large\\nmorass, the ground being suitable to their mode of warfare,\\nand unfavorable for cavalry. Harrison at first ordered the\\nmounted Kentuckians to the left of the American army, that\\nis, to the field farthest from the river, in order to act against\\nthe Indians, while with his infantry formed in three lines and\\nstrongly protected on the left flank to secure it against the\\nsavages, he proposed to meet the British troops themselves.\\nBefore the battle commenced, however, he learned two facts,\\nwhich induced him to change his plans one was the bad na-\\nture of the ground on his left for the operations of horse the\\nother was the open order of the English regulars, which made\\nthem liable to a fatal attack by cavalry. Learning these\\nthings, Harrison, but whether upon his own suggestion or not,\\nwe cannot say, ordered Colonel Johnson with his mounted\\nmen to charge, and try to break the regular troops, by passing\\nthrough their ranks and forming in their rear. In arranging\\nto do this, Johnson found the space between the river and\\nsmall swamp to narrow for all his men to act in with effect\\nso, dividing them, he gave the right hand body opposite the\\nregulars in charge to his brother James, while crossing the\\nswamp with the remainder, he himself led the way against\\nTecumthe and his savage followers. The charge of James\\nSee official acconnta in Niles Register, v. 117.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0640.jp2"}, "641": {"fulltext": "1813. BatUe of the Thames. 637\\nJohnson was perfectly successful the Kentuckians received\\nthe fire of the British, broke through their ranks, and forming\\nbeyond them, produced such a panic by the novelty of the at-\\ntack, that the whole body of troops yielded at once. On the\\nleft the Indians fought more obstinately, and the horsemen\\nwere forced to dismount, but in ten minutes Tecumthe was\\ndead,* and his followers, who had learned the fate of their\\nallies, soon gave up the contest: in half an hour all was\\nover, except the pursuit of Proctor, who had fled at the onset.\\nThe whole number in both armies, was about 5000, the whole\\nnumber killed, less than forty, so entirely was the affair deci-\\nded by panic. We have thus given an outline of the battle\\nof the Thames, which practically closed the war in the north-\\nwest and to our own we add part of Harrison s official\\nstatement.\\nThe troops at my disposal consisted of about 120 regulars\\nof the 27th regiment, five brigades of Kentucky volunteer\\nmilitia infantry, under His Excellency Gov. Shelby, averaging\\nless than 500 men, and Col. Johnson s rigiment of mounted in-\\nfantry, making in the whole an aggregate something above\\n3,000. f No disposition of an army, opposed to an Indian\\nforce, can be safe unless it is secured on the flanks and in the\\nrear. 1 had, therefore, no difficulty in arranging the infantry\\nconformably to my general order of battle. General Trotter s\\nbrigade of 500 men, formed the front line, his right upon the\\nroad and his left upon the swamp. General King s brigade\\nas a second line, 150 yards in the rear of Trotter s, and Chiles\\nbrigade as a corps of reserve in the rear of it. These three\\nbrigades formed the command of Major General Henry the\\nwhole of Gen. Desha s division, consisting of two brigades,\\nwere formed en potence upon the left of Trotter.\\nWhilst I was engaged in forming the infantry, 1 had directed\\nCol. Johnson s regiment, which was still in front, to be formed\\nin two lines opposite to the enemy, and upon the advance of\\nthe infantry, to take ground to the left and forming upon that\\nflank to endeavor to turn the right of the Indians. A mo-\\nments reflection, however, convinced me that from the thick-\\nness of the woods and swampiness of the ground, they would\\nbe unable to do any thing on horseback, and there was no\\ntime to dismount them and place their horses in security I\\ntherefore determined to refuse my left to the Indians, and to\\nbreak the British lines at once, by a charge of the mounted\\nAs to who killed Tecumthe, see Drake s life of that chief, p. 199 to 219, and Atwa-\\nter s History of Ohio, 236.\\nf This estimate was too high, there were not more than 2,500. The British were nearly\\nas nuineroiu. See McAfee, Dawson, e.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0641.jp2"}, "642": {"fulltext": "638 Battle of the Thames. 1-813.\\ninfantry the measure was not sanctioned by any thing that\\nI had seen or heard of, but I was fully convinced that it would\\nsucceed. The American backwoodsmen ride better in the\\nI Avoods than any other people. A musket or rifle is no im-\\nj pediment to them, being accustomed to carry them on horse-\\nback from their earliest youth. I was persuaded, too, that\\nthe enemy would be quite unprepared for the shock, and that\\nthey could not resist it. Conformably to this idea, I directed\\nthe regiment to be drawn up in close column, with its right\\nat the distance of fifty yards from the road, (that it might be\\nin some measure protected by the trees from the artillery) its\\nleft upon the swamp, and to charge at full speed as soon as\\nthe enemy delivered their fire. The few regular troops of the\\n27th regiment, under their Colonel (Paull) occupied, in col-\\numn of sections of four, the small space between the road\\nand the river, for the purpose of seizing the enemy s artillery,\\nand some ten or twelve friendly Indians were directed to\\nmove under the bank. The crotchet formed by the front line,\\nand General Desha s division, was an important point. At\\nthat place, the venerable Governor of Kentucky was posted,\\nAvho at the age of sixty-six preserves all the vigor of youth,\\nthe ardent zeal which distinguished him in the revolutionary\\nwar, and the undaunted bravery which he manifested at\\nKing s Mountain. With my aids-de-camp, the acting assistant\\nAdjutant General, Captain Butler, my gallant friend Commo-\\ndore Perry, who did me the honor to serve as my volunteer\\nAid-de-camp, and Brigadier General Cass, who having no\\ncommand, tendered me his assistance, I placed myself at the\\nhead of the front line of infantry, to direct the movements of\\nthe cavalry, and give them the necessary support. The army\\nhad moved on in this order but a short distance, when the\\nmounted men received the fire of the British line, and were\\nordered to charge the horses in the front of the column re-\\ncoiled from the fire; another was given by the enemy, and\\nour column at length getting in motion, broke through the\\nenemy with irresistible force. In one minute the contest in\\nfront was over the British officers seeing no hopes of redu-\\ncing their disordered ranks to order, and our mounted men\\nwheeling upon them and pouring in a destructive fire, imme-\\ndiately surrendered. It is certain that three only of our troops\\nwere wounded in this charge. Upon the left, however, the\\ncontest was more severe with the Indians. Colonel Johnson,\\nwho commanded on that flank of his regiment, received a\\nmost galling fire from them, which was returned with great\\neflect. The Indians still further to the right advanced and\\nfell in with our front line of infantry, near its junction with\\nDesha s division, and for a moment made an impression upon\\nit. His Excellency, Governor Shelby, however, brought up a\\nregiment to its support, and the enemy receiving a severe fire", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0642.jp2"}, "643": {"fulltext": "1814. Holmes Expedition. 839\\nin front, and a part of Johnson s regiment having gained their\\nrear, retreated with precipitation Their loss was very consi-\\nderable in the action, and many were killed in their retreat.*\\nThose who wish to see a fuller account, are referred to the\\nauthorities below, many of which are easijy accessible.!\\nWe have said that the battle of the Thames practically\\nclosed the war in the north-west: the nominal operations\\nwhich followed were as follows\\nFirst was undertaken an expedition into Canada in February\\n1814, by Captain Holmes, a gallant young officer whose career\\nclosed soon after. In the previous month the enemy had taken\\npost again upon the Thames, not far above the field of Proc-\\ntor s defeat; Holmes directed his movement against this\\npoint. Before he reached it, however, he learned that a much\\nstronger force than his own was advancing to meet him, and\\ntaking up an eligible position upon a hill, he proceeded to\\nfortify his camp, and waited their approach. They surroun-\\nded and attacked his entrenchments with great spirit, but be-\\ning met with an obstinacy and courage equal to their own,\\nand losing very largely from the well-directed fire of the un-\\nexposed Americans, the British were forced to retreat again,\\nwithout any result of consequence to either party.J\\nSecond a fruitless attempt was made by the Americans to\\nretake Mackinac. It had been proposed to do this in the\\nautumn of 1813, after the battle of the Thames, but one of\\nthe storms, which at that season are so often met with upon the\\nlakes, by obliging the vessels that were bringing stores from\\nbelow, to throw over the baggage and provisions, defeated\\nthe undertaking.^ Early in the following April the expedi-\\ntion up lake Huron was once more talked of; the purpose\\nbeing two-fold, to capture Mackinac, and to destroy certain\\nvessels which it was said the English were building in Glou-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Niles Register, t. 130. Dawson, 427.\\nI Dawson, 425 to 432. Drake s Tecutnthe, 193 to 219. Atwater s Ohio, 233 to 233. But-\\nler s Kentucky, 433 to 448. Hall s Life of Harrison. Dodd and Drake s Life of Harrison,\\nSee American accounts of the battle of theThames, in Niles Register, v. 129 to 234. Bri-\\ntish accounts do. 285. See also letter from R. M. Johnson in Armstrong s Notices. Ap-\\npendix, vol. i. The whole number of troops furnished by Kentucky, up to this time, was\\nsupposed to be about 17,400 see particulars in Niles Register, v. 173.\\ntMcAfee, 441 to 445. Holmes own account is in Niles Register, vi. 115. \u00e2\u0080\u0094See also, same\\nvol. p. 80.\\ngMcAfee* 403.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0643.jp2"}, "644": {"fulltext": "640 Maj. Holmes killed at Fort Mackinac. 1814.\\ncester bay, at the south-east extremity ot* the Lake. This\\nplan, however, was also abandoned; in part, from the want\\nof men; in part, from a belief that Great Britain did not, as\\nhad been supposed, intend to make an effort to regain the\\ncommand of the Upper Lakes and also, in part, from a mis-\\nunderstanding between General Harrison and Col. Croghan,\\nwho commanded at Detroit, on the one hand, and the Secre-\\ntary of War~on the other. Gen. Armstrong had seen fit to pass\\nby both the officers named, and to direct his communications\\nto Maj. Holmes, their junior, a breach of military etiquette\\nthat offended them both, and, in connection with other mat-\\nters of a similar kind, led General Harrison to resign his post.*\\nNo sooner, however, had the plan of April been abandoned\\nthan it w^as revived again, in consequence of new information\\nas to the establishment at Gloucester bay, or properly at Mac-\\nkadash.f In con.sequence of the orders issued upon the 2d of\\nJune, 750 men under Col. Croghan, embarked in the Ameri-\\ncan squadron commanded by Sinclair, and upon the 12th of\\nJuly entered lake Huron. After spending a week in a vain\\neffort to get into Mackadash in order to destroy the imaginary\\nvessels there building, the fleet sailed to St. Josephs, which\\nwas found deserted thence a small party was sent to St.\\nMary s Falls, while the remainder of the forces steered for\\nMackinac. At the former point the trading house was des-\\ntroyed, and the goods seized at Mackinac the result was far\\ndifferent: the troops landed upon the west of the island upon\\nthe 4th of August, but after a severe action, in which Major\\nHolmes and eleven others were killed, still found themselves\\nso situated, as to lead Croghan to abandon the attempt to\\nprosecute the attack and Mackinac was left in the possession\\nof the enemy. Having failed in this effort, it was determined\\nby the American leaders to make an attempt to capture the\\nschooner Nancy, which was conveying supplies to the island\\nfortress. In this, or rather in effecting the destruction of the\\nvessel, they succeeded, and having left Lieutenant Turner to\\nprevent any other provisions from Canada reaching Mackinac,\\nthe body of the fleet sailed for Detroit, which it reached, shat-\\ntered and thinned by tempests. Meanwhile the crew of the\\nNancy, who had escaped, passed over to Mackinac in a boat\\nMcAfee, 414 to 422. Ilarrison s resignation is on 419.\\nI McAfee, 421 to 425. Armstrong s letters are given.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0644.jp2"}, "645": {"fulltext": "1814. McArthur s Expedition. 641\\nwhich they found, and an expedition was at once arranged by\\nLieut. Worsley, who had commanded them, for frustrat-\\ning all the plans of Croghan and Sinclair. Taking with him\\n70 or 80 men in boats, he first attacked and captured the\\nTigress, an American vessel lying off St. Josephs the next,\\nsailing down the lake in the craft thus taken, easily made the\\nthree vessels under Turner, his own. In this enterprize, there-\\nfore, the Americans failed signally, at every point.*\\nIn the third place an attempt was made to control the tribes\\nof the Upper Mississippi by founding a fort at Prairie du\\nChien.f Early in May, Gov. Clark of Missouri was sent\\nthither, and there commenced Fort Shelby, without opposi-\\ntion. By the middle of July, however, British and Indian\\nforces sent from Mackinac, surrounded the post, and Lieuten-\\nant Perkins, having but 60 men to oppose to 1200, and being\\nalso scant of ammunition, after a defence of some days, was\\nforced to capitulate so that there again the United States\\nwas disappointed and defeated. J\\nA fourth expedition was led by Gen, Mc Arthur, first against\\nsome bands of Indians which he could not find and then\\nacross the Peninsula of Upper Canada to the relief of Gen.\\nBrown at Fort Erie. The object of the last movement was\\neither to join General Brown, or to destroy certain mills on\\nGrand river, from which it was known that the English forces\\nobtained their supplies of flour. On the 26th of October,\\nMc Arthur, with 720 mounted men, left Detroit, and on the 4th\\nof November was at Oxford from this point he proceeded to\\nBurford, and learning that the road to Burlington was strong-\\nly defended, he gave up the idea of joining Brown, and turn-\\ning toward the lake by the Long Point road, defeated a body\\nof militia who opposed him, destroyed the mills, five or six\\nin number, and managing to secure a retreat along the lake\\nshore, although pursued by a regiment of regular troops nearly\\ndouble his own men in number, on the 17th reached Sand-\\nwich again with the loss of but one man. This march,\\nthough productive of no very marked results, was of conse-\\nquence from the vigor and skill displayed both by the com-\\nMcAfee, 422 to i^7. The official accounts are in Niles Register, viL 4, c., IS, 156,\\n173, and Appendix to same, vol. 129 to 135.\\ntSee letter of Gov. Edwards to Gov. Shelby. (Niks Register, iv. 148,) dated March 22,\\n1813, given in the Appendix.\\nt McAfee, 439 to 442.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0645.jp2"}, "646": {"fulltext": "642 Peace with Indians and with England. 1814.\\nmaiider and his troops. Had the summer campaign of 1812\\nbeen conducted with equal spirit, Michigan would not have\\nneeded to be retalten, and the labors of Perry and Harrison\\nwould have been uncalled for in the North-west.*\\nWith McArthur s march through Upper Canada the annals\\nof war in the North-west closed.\\nMeanwhile, upon the 22d of July, a treaty had been formed\\nat Greenville, under the direction of General Harrison and\\nGovernor Cass, by which the United States and the faithful\\nWyandots, Delawares, Shawanese, and Senecas, gave peace\\nto the Miamis, Weas, and Eel river Indians, and to certain of\\nthe Pottawatomies, Ottawas, and Kickapoos; and all the In-\\ndians engaged to aid the Americans should the war with\\nGreat Britain continue. f But such, happily, was not to be\\nthe case, and on the 24th of December, the treaty of Ghent\\nwas signed by the representatives of England and the United\\nStates.J\\nMcAfee, -iil to 453. McArthur s own account is in Niles Register, vii. 239, 282, Ac.\\nf American State Papers, v. 826 to 836. Cist s Cinoinnati Miscellany, ii. 298.\\nX Holmes Annals, ii. 471.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0646.jp2"}, "647": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIX.\\nMISCELLANEOUS EVENTS.\\nThe British Sine qua non Indian Treaties at the close of the War Progress of Settle-\\nments Trade of the Lakes Contest of OhiD with the United States Bank Canals in\\nOhio Common Schools in Ohio.\\nNegotiations at Ghent.\\n[It is proper here to review some of the events of 1814, con-\\nnected with the war.]\\nIn the summer, Mr. Madison, with the approval of the Sen-\\nate, sent out as Commissioners to negotiate peace, Messrs.\\nAdams, Bayard, Clay, Russell, and Gallatin. On the part of\\nHis Britannic Majesty, were Lord Gannbier, Sir Henry Goul-\\nburne, and Hon. William Adams. The city of Ghent, in Bel-\\ngium was selected as the seat of the negotiations. On the 12th\\nof August, the American Commissioners communicated to\\nPresident Madison the purport of several conferences. This\\ndocument Mr. Madison laid before the Senate and House of\\nRepresentatives. On the 10th of October following, the act\\nto which we allude to, had previously found a place in the\\npublic journals, and great indeed was the indignation of the\\npeople. Even many of the Federal party, who, from the first,\\nhad opposed the war, gave in their adhesion, and sternly re-\\nsolved to fight until Great Britain yielded her preposterous and\\nunrighteous demands. There were several very objectiona-\\nble propositions made by the British plenipotentiaries, in lan-\\nguage scarcely courteous, but one proposition was called the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^Sine qua nonP The meaning, when elaborated, is, without\\nwhich no negotiations, no treaty. This related to their In-\\ndian allies, was the second proposition as the basis of discus-\\nsion, and expressed in these words\\nThe Indian allies of Great Britain to be included in the\\npacification, and a definite boundary to be settled for their\\nterritories.\\nThe British Commissioners stated that an arrangement on\\nthis point was a Sine qua non that they were not authori-\\nzed to conclude a treaty of peace which did not embrace the\\nIndians as allies of his Britannic Majesty and that the es-\\ntabUshment of a definite boundary of the Indian territory was", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0647.jp2"}, "648": {"fulltext": "644 The British Sine qua Non: 1814.\\nnecessary to a permanent peace, not only with the Indians,\\nbut also between the United States and Great Britain.\\nAt a subsequent conference, explanations were asked and\\ngiven. The commissioners on the part of the United States\\nreport\\nWe took this opportunity to remark, that no nation ob-\\nserved a policy more liberal and humane towards the Indians,\\nthan that performed by the United States that our object\\nhad been, by all practicable means, to introduce civilization\\namongst them that their possessions were secured by well\\ndefined boundaries that their persons, lands, and other pro-\\nperty, were now more effectually protected against violence\\nor frauds from any quarter, than they had been under any for-\\nmer government that even our citizens were not allowed\\nto purchase their lands that when they gave up their title\\nto any portion of their country to the United States, it was\\nby voluntary treaty with our government, who gave them a\\nsatisfactory equivalent and that through these means the\\nUnited States had succeeded in preserving, since the treaty of\\nGreenville of 1795, an uninterrupted peace of sixteen years,\\nwith all the tribes, a period of tranquility much longer than\\nthey were known to have enjoyed heretofore.\\nIt was then expressly stated on our part, that the proposi-\\ntion respecting the Indians was not distinctly understood.\\nWe asked whether the pacification and the settlement of a\\nboundary for them were both made a sine qua nan, which was\\nanswered in the affirmative.\\nOn the 8th of August, the Commissioners on the part of\\nHis Britannic Majesty, laid before the American Commission-\\ners the following protocol in writing:\\nThat the peace be extended to the Indian allies of Great\\nBritain, and that the boundary of their territory be definitely\\nmarked out as a permanent barrier between the dominions of\\nthe United States and Great Britain. Arrangements on this\\nsubject to be regarded a sine qua non of a treaty of peace.*\\nThe boundary line established by the treaty of Greenville,\\nin 1795, was the one claimed as a permanent boundary on\\nthe part of Great Britain, for her Indian allies. This line\\ncommenced at the mouth of the Cu^ ahoga river, run up the\\nsame to the portage, between that and the Tuscarawas branch\\nof the Muskingum, thence down that branch to the crossing\\nplace above Fort Lawrence, [Laurens,] thence westerly to a\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Nilee Ikgistcr, vii. 70 to 76;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 81 to 92;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 218.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0648.jp2"}, "649": {"fulltext": "1814. Demands of the British. 645\\nfork of that branch of the Great Miami river, running into\\nthe Ohio, at or near which fork stood Loromie s store, and\\nwhere commences the portage between the Miami of the\\nOhio, and St. Mary s river, which is a branch of the Miami\\nwhich runs into Lake Erie thence westerly to Fort Recove-\\nry, which stands on a branch of the Wabash thence south-\\nwesterly in a direct line to the Ohio opposite the mouth of\\nthe Kentucke.\\nCarrying out the same principle in reference to Illinois, and\\nthe Indian boundary would have run from the vicinity of Fort\\nHarrison across the State to a point below the mouth of the\\nIllinois river. Another principle involved in the sine qua non,\\nwas the entire sovereignty and independence of the Indian\\nconfederacy a principle never admitted by any civilized na-\\ntion, and least of all by Great Britain to bands of wandering\\nsavages.\\nOther claims, not less preposterous and insulting, were put\\nforth by the British Commissioners, that the boundary line in\\nMaine should be so altered as to afford Great Britain a direct\\ncommunication from Quebec to Halifax that the right to the\\nfisheries on the banks of Newfoundland, and the coast of La-\\nbrador, which had been guaranteed as a national right in the\\ntreaty of 1783, should be abrogated; and that the exclusive\\nnaval authority of Great Britain, should be held over all the\\nnorthern lakes.\\nThe reason assigned for this last insulting demand, was,\\nthat the British possessions of Canada might be in danger\\nfrom American aggression, and that it would be no inconven-\\nience to the Americans, for Great Britain to have entire con-\\ntrol of the lake navigation.\\nOf course, our Commissioners unanimously resisted all these\\nclaims. The able and masterly documents were from the pen\\nof the late John Q. Adams. They have been pronounced by\\nhigh authorities, as masterly productions in diplomatic corres-\\npondence. Every communication from the American Com-\\nmissioners was sent to London, and the British Commissioners\\nwaited for instructions before they replied. The claims of\\nBritain were yielded only inch by inch, but before the 24th of\\nDecember, they had given up all these questions.*\\nThe cause of the sine qua non, on behalf of the Indian al-\\nFor the correspondence see Niles Register, rii. 222, 239.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Treaty, Niles, viL 397, 400.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0649.jp2"}, "650": {"fulltext": "646 Demands of the British. 18 14.\\nlies of Great Britain, is to be sought in the pledges of the\\nBritish authorities, to Tecumthe soon after, (more likely pre-\\nvious to) the declaration of war in 1812. On condition that\\nTecumthe and his Indian confederation, would form an alli-\\nance, ollensive and defensive with Great Britain, that govern-\\nment would sustain them as an independent sovereignty in\\ntheir claims to the country south of the lakes, and make the\\nline established at the treaty of Greenville, the permanent\\nboundary between the Indians and the United States, never\\nto be abrogated without the consent of the contracting par-\\nties. Our evidence for this fact is, first, the train of events\\nduring the period of the war, to the termination at the treaty\\nof Ghent, when the sine qua non was yielded, and their In-\\ndian allies left to the mercy of the United Slates. Second-\\nly, we have proof from two sources, on M hich we place great\\nconfidence.\\nIn 1818, we became acquainted with the Rev. Mr. Ruddel,\\n(often spelled and pronounced Riddle,) who was taken prison-\\ner in boyhood at Ruddel s station, in Kentucky, raised\\namong the Shawanese, in the same village with Tecumthe,\\nbecame an Indian in habit, and was liberated at the period of\\nWayne s treaty. He returned to Kentucky, adopted civilized\\nhabits, learned to read, married, professed religion and became\\na preacher of the christian sect. At the close of the war, he\\nwas employed by several families of Kentucky to visit the\\nIndian tribes, especially the Shawanese of the North-west, to\\nobtain the release of captives. Mr. Ruddel felt interested in\\nthe fate of his old friend Tecumthe, and from his former asso-\\nciates, learned the following particulars: That the British au-\\nthorities did pledge Tecumthe to protect their interests and\\nsecure for them, as an ally, permanent possession of the ter-\\nritory not included in the relinquishment at Greenville that\\nTecumthe became dissatisfied with the delay of Gen. Proctor,\\nand doubted the ability of the allied army of British and Indians\\nto conquer the United States; and that a few days before the\\nbattle of the Thames he held a private council with his princi-\\npal chiefs and suggested, that if the British army did not act\\nwith more energy and promptitude, he would go over to the\\nAmerican side with all his forces, and secure by their alliance\\nthe rights of the Indians. Knowing the liability of Mr. Rud-\\ndel being deceived, in 1833 we held conversation with Billy", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0650.jp2"}, "651": {"fulltext": "1815. Cause of the Sine qua nony 647\\nCaldwell at Chicago, heretofore mentioned, and he confirmed\\nsubstantially the statement of Ruddel.\\nHe was anxious to find some trust-worthy American citi-\\nzen to write the biography of Tecumthe, and gave as a reason,\\nthat no British ofiicer should ever perform that service to his\\ndistinguished friend, remarking at the same time, the British\\nofficers promised to stand by the Indians until we gained our\\nobject they basely deserted us, got defeated, and after put-\\nting in our claims in the negotiations at Ghent, finally left us\\nto make peace with the Americans on the best terms we\\ncould. The Americans fairly whipped us, and then treated with\\nus honorably, and no Briton shall touch one of my papers.\\nMr. Caldwell had a trunk well filled with papers and docu-\\nments pertaining to Tecumthe. He also confirmed Ruddel s\\nstatement that Tecumthe would have deserted the British\\nstandard, had not the battle of the Thames occurred at the\\ntime it did.\\nWe give these facts and leave our readers to draw their\\nown conclusions.\\nThe most prominent events during 1815, pertainino- to\\nthe West, are the treaties negotiated with the Indians.\\nThe first in sequence was made at Greenville, Ohio, July\\n22, 1814, by Wm. Henry Harrison and Lewis Cass, Commis-\\nsioners on the part of the United States, and the Wyandots,\\nDelawares, S. iawanese, Senecas and Miaynies. In this treaty the\\nWyandots, Delawares, Shawanese and Senecas made peace\\nwith the Miami, Eel river, and the Wea tribes those bands\\nof the Pottawatomies, which adhered to the Grand Sachem\\nTopenebe, and the chief Onoxa; to the Ottowas of Blanch-\\nard s creek, and to several other small bands who were\\nfriendly to the United States. AH these tribes and bands en-\\ngaged to give their aid to the United States, in prosecuting the\\nwar against Great Britain and her allies. On the faithful\\nperformance of these conditions, the United States agreed to\\nconfirm and establish all the boundaries between their lands\\nand those of the several tribes concerned in the treaty as\\nthey existed before the war with Great Britain. This treaty\\nwas signed on the 22d July, 1814.\\nAbout the middle of July, 1815, a large number of Indians,\\nas deputies from the nations and tribes of the North-west as-\\nsembled at Portage des Sioux, on the right bank of the Mis-\\nsissippi, a few miles above the mouth of the Missouri, to ne-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0651.jp2"}, "652": {"fulltext": "64S Indian Treaties at Portage des Siouz. 1815.\\ngotiate treaties of peace with the United States. The Com-\\nmissioners were William Clark, Governor of Missouri, and\\nSuperintendent of Indian Affairs west of the Mississippi,\\nNinian Edwards, Governor and Superintendent of Indian Af-\\nfairs in Illinois, and the lion. Auguste Chouteau of St. Louis.\\nRobert Wash, Esq., was Secretary to the commission. Henry\\nDodge, Brigadier-General, with a strong military force was\\npresent to prevent any collision, or surprise.\\nThe first in order was with the Poltawatomics Every injury,\\nor act of hostility by either party against the other, was to be\\nmutually forgiven all prisoners to be delivered up and in\\nsincerity of mutual friendship, every treaty, contract, and\\nagreement, heretofore made between the United States and\\nPottawatomie nation to be recognized, re-established and con-\\nfirmed. The same day a similar treaty was made with the\\nPiankcshaws.\\nOn the 19th of July, a series of treaties were made sepa-\\nrately with several tribes of the Sioux or N Dokatah nation.\\nSimilar terms were granted, as to the Pottawatomies, and\\nthese branches of the Sioux nation acknowledged themselves\\nunder the protection of the United States.\\nOn the 20th a similar treaty was made with the Mafias, from\\nthe CJpper Missouri.\\nThe next in order was with the Kickapoos, on the 2nd of\\nSeptember, and the conditions exactly .similar to those of the\\nPottawatomies.\\nOn the 13th of September, a treaty was made with that\\nportion of the Sac nation of Indians, then residing on the\\nMissouri river, by twelve chiefs. They affirmed they had en-\\ndeavored to fulfill the treaty made at St. Louis, on the third\\ndav of November, 1804, in perfect good faith; and for that\\npurpose had been compelled to separate themselves from the\\nrest of their nation,, and remove to the Missouri river, where\\nthey had continued to give proofs of their friendship and fidel-\\nity; they propose to confirm and re-establish the treaty of\\n1804 that they will continue to live separate and distinct\\nfrom the Sacs of Rock River, and give them no aid, until\\npeace shall be concluded between them and the United States.\\nThe United States on their part promise to allow the Sacs of\\nthe Missouri river, all the rights and privileges secured to them\\nby the treaty at St. Louis.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0652.jp2"}, "653": {"fulltext": "1815, Indian Treaty with the Sacs and Foxes. 649\\nThe next day, September 14 h, a treaty was made with the\\nFox tribe of Indians. The conditions place these Indians on\\nthe same footing they were before the war, and they also re-\\nestablish and confirm the treaty of St. Louis, of 1804. On\\nthe 12th September, treaties were made with the Great and\\nLittle Osage nations, in which every act of hostility by either\\nof the contracting parties against the other, was to be mu-\\ntually forgiven and forgot. The treaty of 1808, made at\\nFort Clark, on the Missouri, was re-confirmed.\\nWe neglected to mention in its proper place, (p. 574,) that\\nthe Commissioner on the part of the United States was the\\nlate Colonel Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis. Fort Clark, call-\\ned subsequently Fort Osage, was situated on the right bank of\\nthe Missouri, five miles above Prairie de Feu, (Fire Prairie)\\nin Jackson county, a few miles below Independence.\\nOn the 16th of September, a treaty, (and the first we find\\non record,) was made with the Zor zj/ Indians, on the same con-\\nditions as with the other hostile tribes.\\nOn the 28th day of October a treaty was made with the\\nKauzau nation, on the same terms.\\nWe will anticipate a treaty made on the 13th of May, 1816,\\nthat we may finish up the Indian negotiations for peace in\\nthis article. The same Commissioners officiated on the part\\nof St. Louis, and the negotiations were transacted in St. Louis.\\nAs this treaty, in connection with the one already noticed,^\\n(ante page 546) and the ones with branches of the united na-\\ntions of Sacs and Foxes already mentioned, will cast light ore\\nthe Black Hawk war, and remove imputations cast on the\\npeople of Illinois and the officers of the United States, of un-\\nfair treatment of the Indians. These Indians had been hos-\\ntile for some years, and refused to come to the treaty ground\\nthe preceding year.\\nA small party, led by the noted brave, Black Hawk, even\\nnow refused to attend the treaty, proclaimed themselves to be\\nBritish subjects, and went to Canada to receive presents. We\\ngive the treaty in full.*\\nWhereas, by the ninth article of the treaty of peace, which\\nwas concluded on the twenty-fourth of December, eighteen\\nhundred and fourteen, between the United States and Great\\nFor these treaties, see Indian Treaties and Laws, Washington, D. C., 1826, pp. 75, 227\\n234, 23G, 203, 273, 276, 277, 273, 281, 283, 286, 289.\\n41", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0653.jp2"}, "654": {"fulltext": "650 Treaty with the Sacs of Rock River. 1814.\\nBritain, at Ghent, and which was ratified by the President,\\nwith the advice and consent of the Senate, on the seventeenth\\nday of February, eighteen hundred and fifteen, it was stipula-\\nted that the said parties should severally put an end to all\\nhostilities with the Indian tribes, with whom they might be at\\nwar, at the time of the ratification of said treaty and to\\nplace the said tribes inhabiting their respective territories, on\\nthe same footing upon which they stood befure the war: Pro-\\nvided, they should agree to desist from all hostilities against\\nthe said parties, their citizens or subjects, respectively, upon\\nthe ratification of the said treaty being notified to them, and\\nshould so desist accordingly.\\nAnd whereas, the United States being determined to exe-\\ncute every article of the treaty with perfect good faith, and\\nwishing to be particularly exact in the execution of the article\\nabove alluded to, relating to the Indian tribes The President,\\nin consequence thereof, for that purpose, on the eleventh day\\nof March, eighteen hundred and filteen, appointed the under-\\nsigned, William Clark, Governor of Missouri territory, Ninian\\nEdwards, Governor of Illinois territory, and Auguste Chouteau,\\nEsq., o( the Missouri territory, Commissioners, with full power\\nto conclude a treaty of peace and amity with all those tribes\\nof Indians, conformably to the stipulations contained in the said\\narticle, on the part of the U. States, in relation to such tribes.\\nAnd whereas, the Commissioners, in conformity with their\\ninstructions in the early part of last year, notified the Sacs of\\nRock river, and the adjacent country, of the time of the ratifi-\\ncation of said treaty; of the stipulations it contained in rela-\\ntion to them; of the disposition of the American government\\nto fulfil those stipulations, by entering into a treaty with them,\\nconformably thereto; and invited the said Sacs of Rock river,\\nand the adjacent country, to send forward a deputation of\\ntheir chiefs to meet the said Commissioners at Portage des\\nSioux, for the purpose of concluding such a treaty as afore-\\nsaid, between the United States and the said Indians, and the\\nsaid Sacs of Rock river, and the adjacent country, having not\\nonly declined that friendly overture, but having continued their\\nhostilities, and committed many depredations thereafter,\\nwhich would have justified the infiiction of the severest chas-\\ntisement upon them; but having earnestly repented of their\\nconduct, now emploring mercy, and being anxious to return\\nto the habits of peace and friendship with the United States\\nand the latter being always disposed to pursue the most liberal\\nand humane policy towards the Indian tribes within their ter-\\nritory, preferring their reclamation by peaceful measures, to\\ntheir punishment, by the application of the militaiy force of\\nthe nation Now, therefore,\\nThe said William Clark, Nini.in Edwards, and Auguste\\nChouteau, Commissioners as aforesaid, and the undersigned", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0654.jp2"}, "655": {"fulltext": "1814. Treaty with the Sacs of Rock River. 651\\nchiefs and warriors, as aforesaid, for the purpose of restoring\\npeace and friendship between the parties, do agree to the fol-\\nlowing articles\\nArt. 1. The Sacs of Rock river, and the adjacent country,\\ndo hereby unconditionally assent to recognize, re-establish,\\nand confirm the treaty between the United States of America\\nand the united tribes of Sacs and Fox Indians, which was con-\\ncluded at St. Louis, on the third day of November, one thou-\\nsand eight hundred and four; as well as all other contracts\\nand agreements, heretofore made between the Sac tribe or\\nnation, and the United Stales.\\nArt. 2. The United States agree to place the aforesaid Sacs\\nof Rock river, on the same footing upon which they stood be-\\nfore the war; provided they shall, on or before the first day of\\nJuly next, deliver up to the officer commanding at canton-\\nment Davis, on the Mississippi, all the property they, or\\nany part of their tribe, have plundered or stolen from the\\ncitizens of the United States, since they were notified, as afore-\\nsaid, of the time of the ratification of the late treaty between\\nthe United States and Great Britain.\\nArt. 3. If the said tribe shall fail or neglect to deliver up the\\nproperty aforesaid, or any part thereof, on or before the first\\nday of July aforesaid, they shall forfeit to the United States\\nall right and title to their proportion of the annuities which,\\nby the treaty of St. Louis, were covenanted to be paid to the\\nSac tribe; and the United States shall forever afterwards be\\nexonerated from the payment of so much of said annuities as,\\nupon a fair distribution, would fall to the share of that por-\\ntion of the Sacs who are represented by the undersigned chiefs\\nand warriors.*\\nThere were some other treaties made in 1815- 16, which\\nwere of inferior purport,\\nA careful examination of these and all other Indian trea-\\nties, with full and correct knowledge of the historical events,\\nwill enable every unprejudiced person to perceive that the\\ncourse of procedure on the part of the government of the Uni-\\nted States with the aborigines of our country, has been highly\\npaternal, beneficent and liberal. The conduct of Great Bri-\\ntain cannot be brought in comparison. In justice and equity,\\nthe United States might have made and enforced remunera-\\ntion in lands as a penalty for the hostilities committed, but\\nthe language in each treaty is that every injury, or act of\\nhostility, shall be forgiven and forgot.\\nThe war being over, and the Indian tribes of the north-\\nwest being deprived of their distinguished British ally, and\\nIndian Treaties, p. 237.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0655.jp2"}, "656": {"fulltext": "662 Progress of Settlements. 1816.\\nhaving consented to be at peace, confidence was restored to\\nthe frontier settlements, and emigration again began to push\\ninto the forests and prairies.\\nThe campaigns of the rangers and mounted volunteers,\\nwho had traversed the groves and prairies of Indiana, Illinois,\\nMissouri and Michigan, served as explorations of new and\\nfertile countries, and opened the way for thousands of hardy\\npioneers, and the formation of settlements.\\nThe rich and delightful lands along the waters of the Wa-\\nbash, the Kaskaskia, the Sangamon, and the Illinois rivers,\\nhad filled their hearts with enthusiasm, and the very men,\\nwho in hostile array, had traversed the country, began to ad-\\nvance with their families in the peaceful character of hus-\\nbandmen, and to plant new settlements in all this region.\\nIn the Territory of Michigan, a much larger portion of the\\nsoil remained in possession of the aborigines than further\\nsouth. Previous to the war, but few settlements were made\\nbeyond the vicinity of Detroit, and along the river Raisin.\\nThese, to a great extent, had been broken up by the savages\\nand their English allies during the war. It was not until a later\\nperiod that the immigrants penetrated the interior of that ter-\\nritory. But Indiana, Illinois and Missouri, from 1816 to 1820,\\nreceived a continuous succession of immigrants. Ohio, but\\nparticularly Kentucky and Tennessee, sent out vast numbers\\nto these new regions, where land was abundant, cheap and\\nproductive.\\nIn the early part of 1816, Congress having previously grant-\\ned authority, a Convention was elected and assembled to form\\na State Government. A constitution was adopted and report-\\ned to Congress. It was approved by that body, and the State\\nof Indiana received admission into the Union on the 19th\\nday of April, 1816.\\nThe new State Government went into operation by the\\nelection of the Hon. Jonathan Jennings, Governor, who had\\nrepresented the territory as Delegate in Congress from 1809.\\nThe General Assembly discharged its duties in the formation\\nof the various departments, agreeable to the provisions of the\\nconstitution, and changing the territorial laws in accordance\\nwith its position as a State.\\nWe shall now give several items in the progress of the\\nnorth-west, chiefly in Ohio, from Mr. Perkins, as found in the", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0656.jp2"}, "657": {"fulltext": "1816. Ba7iks in Ohio. 653\\nfirst edition of these Annals; leaving all that pertains to Illi-\\nnois, Missouri, and the still more recently settled regions of\\nthe north-west, for our Appendix.\\nIt ought to have been chronicled under the proper date, that\\non the 26th February, 1814, Hon. John Cleves Symmes, the\\npatriarch of the settlement in the Miami country, died in Cin-\\ncinnati, in the seventy-second year of his age. He was bu-\\nried at the North Bend, and his grave is to be found about\\nthirty rods to the north-west of the tomb of President Harri-\\nson.*]\\nOn the 18th of March, 1816, Pittsburgh was incorporated as\\na city it hud been incorporated as a borough on the 22d of\\nApril, 1794.\\nIn 1817 it contained five glass houses, four air-furnaces, one\\nhundred and nine stores, eight steam-engines in mills, 1,303\\nhouses, 8,000 people, and manufactured 400 tons of nails by\\nsteam.f\\nColumbus was this year made permanently the Capital of\\nOhio.\\nCongress in 1804 had granted to Michigan a township of\\nland, for the support of a College; in this year, (1817,) the\\nUniversity of Michigan was established by the Governor and\\nJudges.\\nDuring 1817, an effort was made to extinguish the Indian\\ntitle within the State of Ohio, and had the Miamies attended\\nthe council, held at the Rapids of the Maumee, in September,\\nit probably would have been done. As it was, Cass and Mc-\\nArthur purchased of the other tribes nearly the whole north-\\nwest of the Buckeye State, the number of acres, exclusive of\\nreservations, being estimated at 3,694,540, for which were paid\\n140,893 dollars being 3 cents and 8 mills an acre.J\\nA full history of banking in Ohio, would as much exceed\\nour limits as we fear it would tire the patience of our readers.\\nBut as about this time the disposition to an excess in the crea-\\ntion of such institutions was plainly manifested, it may not be\\nimproper to mention the leading acts of the Legislature in re-\\nference to the subject.\\nThe earliest bank chartered was the Miami Exporting Com-\\npany of Cincinnati, the bill for which passed in April, 1803.\\nSee Howe s Ohio, 235.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j American Pioneer, i. 307, 309. This paper contains many facts respecting Pittsburgh.\\nX American S ate Papers, v. 131 to 140, 149, 150, Lanman s Michigan, 230, note.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0657.jp2"}, "658": {"fulltext": "664 Banks in Ohio. 1817.\\nBanking was with this company a secondary object, its main\\npurpose being to facilitate trade, then much depressed nor\\nwas it till 1808 that the first bank, strictly speaking, that of\\nMarietta, was chartered. During the same session the pro-\\nposition of founding a State Bank was considered, and report-\\ned upon by Mr. Worthington it resulted in the establishment\\nof the Bank of Chillicothe. From that time charters were\\ngranted to similar institutions up to the year 1816, when the\\ngreat banking law was passed, incorporating twelve new\\nbanks, extending the charters of old ones, and making the\\nState a party in the profits and capital of the institutions\\nthus created and renewed, without any advance of means\\non her part. This was done in the following manner: each\\nnew bank was at the outset to set apart one share in twenty-\\nfive for the State, without payment, and each bank, whose\\ncharter was renewed, was to create, for the State, stock in\\nthe same proportion each bank, new and old, was yearly to\\nset apart out of its profits a sum which would make, at the\\ntime the charter expired, a sum equal to one twenty-fifth of\\nthe whole stock, which was to belong to the State and the\\ndividends coming to the State were to be invested and rein-\\nvested until one-sixth of the stock was State property the\\nlast provision was subject to change by future legislatures.\\nThis interest of the State in her banks continued until\\n1825, when the law was so amended as to change her stock\\ninto a tax of two per cent, upon all dividends made up to\\nthat time, and four per cent, upon all made thereafter. But\\nbefore the law of 1816, in February 1815, Ohio had begun to\\nraise a revenue from her banking institutions, levying upon\\ntheir dividends a tax of four per cent. This law, however,\\nwas made null with regard to such banks as accepted the\\nterms of the law of 1816. After 1825, no change was made\\nuntil March, 1831, when the tax was increased to five per\\ncent.\\nTwo important acts have been more lately passed by the\\nlegislature, to which we can do nothing more than refer. In\\n1839, a law was enacted, appointing bank commissioners,\\nwho were to examine the various institutions and report up-\\non their condition. This inquisition was resisted by some of\\nthe banks, and much controversy followed, both in and out of\\nthe General Assembly. In 1845 a new system of banking", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0658.jp2"}, "659": {"fulltext": "1818. Slate of Illinois. 655\\nwas adopted, embracing both a State Bank with branches,\\nand independent banks.*\\nOn the 18th of April, 1818, Congress authorized the people\\nof Illinois to form a State Constitution this was done during\\nthe ensuing summer, and adopted August 26th. The north-\\nern boundary of the State as fixed b} Congress, was latitude\\n42 deg. 30 min.\\nAll the territory north of the new State of Illinois was at-\\ntached to Michigan. I\\nGreat emigration took place to Michigan in consequence of\\nthe sale of large quantities of public lands. J\\nThe Walk-in-the- Water, the first steam-boat in the upper\\nlakes, (Erie, Huron, and Michigan,) began her trips, going\\nonce as far as Mackinac. The following sketch of the lake\\ntrade since that time we take from the National Intelligen-\\ncer\\nIn 1826 the first steamboat was seen on the waters of lake\\nMichigan, a pleasure trip having been made that year to\\nGreen Bay; and, although during the following years similar\\ntrips were made to that place, it was not until 1832 that a\\nboat visited Chicago. In 1833, the trade upon the upper lakes\\nwas carried on by eleven steamboats, costing about $360,000,\\nand two trips were made to Chicago and one to Green Bay.\\nIn 1824, there were eighteen boats, costing $600,000, and\\nthree trips were made to Chicago and one to Green Bay.\\nThe commerce west of Detroit, at that time, and for many\\nyears afterwards, being almost entirely confined to the Indian\\ntrade and to supplying the United States military posts, some\\nsmall schooners were also employed. The trade rapidly in-\\ncreased with the population, until, in 1840, there were upon\\nthe upper lakes, forty-eight steamers of from 150 to 750 tons\\nburden, and costing $2,000,000, the business west of Detroit\\nproducing to the owners about $2 01,000. In 1841, the trade\\nhad so augmented as to employ six of the largest boats in\\nrunning from Buffalo to Chicago, and one to Green Bay, and\\nduring that year the sailing vessels had increased to about 250,\\nof from 30 to 350 tons, costing about $1,250,000. In 1845\\nthere were upon the upper lakes, 60 vessels, including propel-\\nlers, moved by steam, measuring 23,000 tons, and 320 sailing\\nvessels, costing $4,600,000, some of them measuring 1,200\\ntons. The increase in that year was 47 vessels, carrying 9,700\\nBurnet s Letfers, 149. Chase s Statutes, ii. 913 to 924 especially sections from 34 to\\n40;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ii. 1463;\u00e2\u0080\u0094 iii. pp. 1820, 2022, 225.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Journals of the House for 180r-8, pp. 103, 106,\\n110, 111, 121, 122, 125, 134. Report of Bank Commissioners, 1839.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Laws of 1845. p.\\n24 to 54.\\njLanman, 225. JLanman, 221, gLanman, 222.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0659.jp2"}, "660": {"fulltext": "656 Trade uf the Lakes. 1819.\\ntons, and costing $650,000 and since the last fall 16 steam-\\ners and 14 sailing vessels of the largest class have been put\\nunder construction. In 1845, there were upon lake Ontario,\\nfifteen steamboats and propellers, and about 100 sailing ves-\\nsels, having a burden of 18,000 tons, and costing $1,500,000,\\nmany of which, by using the Welland canal carry on business\\nwith Chicago and other places on the western lakes. Since\\nthe close of the last season many additional vessels have been\\nbuilt on this lake.\\nThe commerce of the port of Buffalo alone, during the year\\n1845, amounted to $33,000,000 in value; and that of all the\\nother places on the lakes exceeding that amount, wouM make\\nan aggregate of full 870.000,000, Avhile even this ^vould be\\ngreatly augmented if we could add the value of the com-\\nmerce of the upper lakes, which, by the way of the Welland\\ncanal, goes direct to the Canadian ports. The steamboats\\nalone leaving Buffalo for the West in the year 1845, carried\\nfrom that place 97,736 passengers, of whom 20,630 were lan-\\nded at Detroit, 1,670 at Mackinac, 12,775 at Milwaukie, 2,790\\nat Southport, 2,750 at Racine, and 20,244 at Chicago. If to\\nthis aggregate we were to add the numbers arriving at Buffalo\\nfrom the west, and the numbers leaving there in sailing vessels,\\nthe multitudes going between other places on those lakes, and\\nsome 50,000 who were passengers in the vessels on lake On-\\ntario, we would have a grand total of at least 250,000 j)assen-\\ngers on the lakes during the la^tyear, whose lives were sub-\\njected to all the risks attending the navigation of those waters,\\nexclusive of the officers and crews of all the vessels engaged\\nin that navigation. During the last five years, upwards of\\nfour hundred lives and property worth more than a million\\nof dollars have been lost on the lakes.\\nOn the 24th of September, Lewis Cass concluded at Sagi-\\nnaw a treaty with the Chippewas, by which another large\\npart of Michigan was ceded to the United States.\\nOn the 20th of August, Benjamin Parke, for the United\\nStates, bought at Fort Harrison, of the Kickapoos of Vermil-\\nlion river, all their lands upon the Wabash; while on the 30th\\nof July, at Edwardsville, Illinois, Auguste Chouteau and Ben-\\njamin Stephenson, bought of the main body of the same tribe\\nthe claims upon the same waters, together with other lands\\nreaching west to the mouth of the Illinois river.*\\nIn this year the United States appro[)riated $10,000 annual-\\nly towards the civilization of the Indians, but no part was at\\nfirst expended, as the best modes of effecting the object were\\nnot apparent.f\\nAmerican State Papers, vi. 194 to 200.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0fSce Calhoun in American Sate Papers, vi. 200, 201.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0660.jp2"}, "661": {"fulltext": "1819. Contest of Ohio with United States Bank. 657\\nDuring IS 19 also, a report was made to Congress upon the\\nMissouri fur trade, exhibiting its condition at that time and\\ntracing its history: it may be found in the 6th volume of the\\nAmerican State Papers, p. 201.\\nThe second United States bank was chartered in 1816. On\\nthe 28th of January, 1817, this banJf opened a branch at Cin-\\ncinnati and on the 13th of October following, another branch\\nat Chillicothe, which did not commence banking, however,\\nuntil the next spring. These branches Ohio claimed the right\\nto tax, and passed a law by which, should they continue to\\ntransact business after the 15th of September, 1819, they\\nwere to be taxed fifty thousand dollars each, and the State\\nAuditor was authorized to issue his warrant for the collection\\nof such tax. This law was passed with great deliberation\\napparently, and by a full vote. The branches not ceasing\\ntheir business, the authorities of the State prepared to collect\\ntheir dues; this, however, the bank intended to prevent, and\\nfor the purpose of prevention, filed a bill in Chancery in the\\nUnited States Circuit Court, asking an injunction upon Ralph\\nOsborn, Auditor of State, to prevent his proceeding in the act\\nof collection. Osborn, by legal advice, i-efused to appear up-\\non the 4th of September, the day named in the writ, and in\\nhis absence the court allowed the injunction, though it requir-\\ned bonds of the bank, at the same time, to the extent of $100,-\\n000 which bonds were given. On Tuesday, the 14th of\\nSeptember, as the day for collection drew nigh, the bank sent\\nan agent to Columbus, who served upon the Auditor a copy\\nof the petition for injunction, and a subposna to appear be-\\nfore the court upon the first Monday in the following Januar}\\nbut who had no copy of the writ of injunction which had been\\nallowed. The petition and subposna Osborn enclosed to the\\nSecretary of State, who was then at Chillicothe, together with\\nhis warrant for levying the tax requesting the Secretary to\\ntake legal advice, and if the papers did not amount to an in-\\njunction, to have the warrant executed but if they did, to re-\\ntain it. The lawyers advised tb.atthe papers were not equiva-\\nlent to an injunction, and thereupon the State writ for collec-\\ntion was given to John L. Harper, with directions to enter\\nthe banking house and demand payment of the tax and upon\\nrefusal, to enter the vault and levy the amount required he\\nwas told to offer no violence, and if opposed by force, to go at", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0661.jp2"}, "662": {"fulltext": "658 Resolutions of Ohio Legislature. 1S21.\\nonce before a proper magistrate and depose to that fact.\\nHarper, taking with him T. Orr and J. McCollister, on Friday,\\nSeptember 17th, went to the bank, and first securing access to\\nthe vault, demanded the tax pa3 ment was refused, and no-\\ntice given of the injunction which had been granted but the\\noflicer, disregarding this notice, entered the vault, and seized\\nin gold, silver and notes, ^98,000, which, on the 20th, he paid\\nover to the State Treasurer, H. M. Curry. The officers con-\\ncerned in this collection were arrested and imprisoned by the\\nUnited States Circuit Court for a contempt of the injunction\\ngranted, and the money taken was returned to the bank.\\nThe decision of the Circuit Court was in Februar}^ 1824, tried\\nbefore the Supreme Court, and its decree affirmed, whereupon\\nthe State submitted. Meantime, however, in December 1820,\\nand January 1821, the Legislature of Ohio had passed the\\nfollowing resolutions:\\nResolved by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, That,\\nin respect to the powers of the Governments of the several\\nStates that compose the American Union, and the powers of\\nthe Federal Governmtint, this General Assembly do recognize\\nand approve the doctrines asserted by the Legislatures of Ken-\\ntucky and Virginia in their resolutions of November and De-\\ncember, 1798, and January, 1800, and do consider that their\\nprinciples have been recognized and adopted by a majority of\\nthe American people.\\nResolved, further, That this General Assembly do assert, and\\nwill maintain, by all legal and constitutional means, the right\\nof the State to tax the business and property of any private\\ncorporation of trade, incorporated by the Congress of the\\nUnited States, and located to transact its corpoiate business\\nwithin any State.\\nResolved, further. That the Bank of the United States is a\\nprivate corporation of trade, the capital and business of which\\nmay be legally taxed in any State where they may be found.\\nResolved, further, That this General Assembly do protest\\nagainst the doctrine that the political rights of the separate\\nStates that compose the American Union, and their powers as\\nsovereign States, may be settled and deti^rmined in the Su-\\npreme Court of the United States, so as to conclude and bind\\nthem in cases contrived between individuals, and where they\\nare, no one of them, parties direct.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0662.jp2"}, "663": {"fulltext": "1822 Canals talked of in Ohio. 659\\nIn accordance with these resolves, the bank, was, f(n a time,\\ndeprived of the aid of the State laws in the collection of its\\ndebts, and the protection of its rights; and an attempt was\\nmade, though in vain, to effect a change in the Federal Con-\\nstitution which would take the case out of the United States\\ntribunals.*\\nIn November 1819, Gov. Cass had written to the War De-\\npartment, proposing a tour along the southern shore of lake\\nSuperior, and toward the heads of the Mississippi; the pur-\\nposes being to ascertain the state of the fur trade, to examine\\nthe copper region, and especially to form acquaintance and\\nconnections with the various Indian tribes. In the following\\nJanuary the Secretary of War wrote approving the plan, and\\nin May the expedition started. [A full account of it by Mr.\\nSchoolcraft was published at Albany, N. Y., in 1821, in one\\nvolume. The expedition was attended with success.]\\nDuring this year, and from this time forward, treaties were\\nmade with the western and north-western tribes, extinguish-\\ning by degrees, their title throughout a great part of the ori-\\nginal north-western territory: of these treaties we shall not\\nhereafter, speak particularly, except in as far as they stand con-\\nnected with the Black Hawk war of 1832. The documents can\\nbe found in the sixth volume of the American State Papers; up\\nto 182(3 ill the Land Laws, p. 1056; in the Executive Papers\\npublished since 1826; and up to 1837 in the Collection of\\nIndian Treaties published at Washington in that year. [A\\nlist of the Indian lands in each State and Territory in 1825,\\nmay be found in the American State Papers, vi. 545.\\nL^pon the 31st of January the Ohio Assembly passed a law\\nauthorizing an examination into the practicability of con-\\nnecting lake Erie with the Ohio river by a canal. f\\nThis act grew out of events, sketch of which we think it\\nmay be worth while to present.\\nOne of the earliest modern navigable canals was made in\\nLombardy in 1271 it connected Milan with the Tesino.\\nAbout the same time, or perhaps earlier, similar works were\\ncommenced in Holland. It was not, however, till 1755 that\\nSee state of the case for appellants, c. (Cincinnati. 1823,) pp. 3, 5, 7. Report of\\nOhio Lrgislrtture in American State Papers, xxi, 646, 647, 653, 654. Chase s Sketches, 43,\\n44. Chase s Statutes, ii, 1072, 1185, 1198.\\nf See Canal Documents published by Kilboura, p. 26.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0663.jp2"}, "664": {"fulltext": "660 History of Canals in Ohio. 1822.\\nany enterprize of the kind was undertaken in England; this\\nwas fullowed, three years later, by the Duke of Bridgewater s\\nfirst canal constructed by Brindley. In 1765, an act of Parlia-\\nment authorized the great work by which Brindley and his\\npatron proposed to unite Hull and Liverpool: the Trent and\\nthe Mersey. This great undertaking was completed in 1777.\\nThe idea thus carried into effect in Great Britain was soon\\nborne across the Atlantic. The great New York canal was\\nsuggested by Gouverneur Morris, in 1777 but, as early as\\n1774, Washington tells us that he had thought of a sys-\\ntem of improvements by which to connect the Atlantic\\nwith the Ohio which system, ten years later, he tried most\\nperseveringly to induce Virginia to act upon with energy. In\\na letter to Gov. Harrison, written October 10th, 1784, he also\\nsuggests that an examination be made as to the facilities for\\nopening a communication, through the Cuyahogo, and JMus-\\nkingum or Scioto, between lake Erie and the Ohio. Such a\\ncommunication had been previously mentioned by Jellerson\\nin March, 1784; he even proposed a canal to connect the\\nCuyahoga and Big Beaver. Three years later, Washington\\nattempted to interest the federal government in his views,\\nand exerted himself, b\\\\ all the means in his power, to learn\\nthe exact state of the country about the sources of the Mus-\\nkingum and Cuyahoga. After he was called to the Presidency,\\nhis mind was employed on other subjects but the whites who\\nhad meantime began to people the West, used the course\\nwhich he had suggested, (as the Indians had done before them,)\\nto carr}^ goods from the lakes to the settlements on the Qhio\\nso that it was soon known definitel}^, that upon the summit\\nlevel were ponds, through which, in a wet season, a complete\\nwater connection was formed between the Cuyahoga and\\nMuskingum.*\\nFrom this time the public mind underwent various changes;\\nmore and more persons becoming convinced that a canal be-\\ntween the heads of two rivers was far less desirable, in every\\npoint of view, than a complete canal communication from\\nplace to place, following the valleys of the rivers, and draw-\\ning water from them. In 1815, Dr. Drake, of Cincinnati,\\nproposed a canal from some point on the Great Miami to the\\nPontiy Cyclopoedia, ar:iclo Canal. American State Papers, .\\\\x. 832 to S3-i. Sparks\\nWashington, ix. 63.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0664.jp2"}, "665": {"fulltext": "1822. History of Canals in Ohio. 661\\ncity in which he resided and in January, 1818, Mr., after-\\nwards Governor Brown, writes thus: Experience, the best\\nguide, has tested the infinite superiority of this mode of com-\\nmercial intercourse over the best roads, or any navigation of\\nthe beds of small rivers. In comparing it with the latter, I\\nbelieve you will find the concurrent testimony of the most\\nskilful and experienced Engineers of France and England,\\nagainst the river, and in favor of the canal, for very numer-\\nous reasons.\\nMeanwhile, along the Atlantic, various experiments had\\nbeen tried, both in regard to improving rivers and digging\\ncanals. In October, 1784, Virginia, acting under the instiga-\\ntion of Washington, passed a law for clearing and improv-\\ning the navigation of James river: in March 1792, New York\\nestablished two companies for Inland Lock Navigation the\\none to connect the Hudson with lake Champlain, the other to\\nunite it with lake Ontario, whence another canal was to rise\\nround the Great Falls to Erie. These enterprises, and vari-\\nous others, were presented to Congress by Mr. Gallatin, Sec-\\nretary of the Treasury, in an elaborate report made April 4th,\\n1808. Subsequent to this report, in April, 1811, the General\\nAssembly of New York passed a Jaw fur the Great Erie canal,\\nand at the head of the Commissioners was Gouverneur Mor-\\nris, who had proposed the plan thirty-four years previous. To\\naid her in this vast w^ork. New York asked the power. of\\nthe Federal Government, and Ohio passed resolutions in\\nfavor of the aid being given. No great help, however,\\nwas given; and New York with the strength imparted\\nby the energy of Clinton, carried through her vast work and\\nwhen Ohio began to speak of similar efiorts, through the same\\nvoice that had encouraged her during her labors, the Empire\\nState spoke encouragement to her younger sister.*\\nWhen, therefore, Governor Brown in his inaugural address\\nof December 14, 1818, referred to the necessity of providing\\ncheaper ways to market for the farmers of Ohio, he spoke to\\na people not unprepared to respond favorably. In accor-\\ndance with the Governor s suggestion, Mr. Sill, on the 7th of\\nJanuary, 1819, moved that a committee be appointed to re-\\nport on the expediency of a canal from the lake to the Ohio\\nRepirt of Mr. Galla in of 1S03, fou id in tha Amoricaa State Papers, xx 793 to SOI\\nalso see sama, pp. 731 to 789 do. 769 to 730 do. 724 to 921. Vol. xxi. 165, 166, 178.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0665.jp2"}, "666": {"fulltext": "662 History of Schools in Ohio. 1822.\\nthis was followed on the next day by a further communication\\nfrom Governor Brown, and the subject was discussed through\\nthe winter. In the following December the Executive again\\npressed the matter, and in January, 1820, made a full state-\\nment of facts relating to routes, so far as they could be ascer j\\ntained. Farther information was communicated in Februa-\\nry, and on the 20th of that month, an act passed, appointing\\nCommissioners to determine the course of the proposed canal,\\nprovided Congress would aid in its construction, and seeking\\naid from Congress. That aid not having been given, nothing\\nwas done during 1820 or 1821, except to excite and extend\\nan interest in the subject, but upon the 3d of Januar} 1822,\\nMicajah Williams, chairman of a committee to consider that\\npart of the Governor s message relating to Internal Improve-\\nments, offered an elaborate report upon the subject and\\nbrought in the bill to which we have already referred as hav-\\ning been passed upon the 31st of the last mentioned month.*\\nThe examination authorized by that law was at once com-\\nmenced, Mr. James Geddes being the engineer.\\nUpon the same day, (December 6, 1821.) on which Mr.\\nWilliams moved for a committee on canals, Caleb Atvva-\\nter moved for one upon schools and on the same da}- that\\nthe law above referred to was passed, one was also passed\\nauthorizing the appointment of Commissioners to report to\\nthe next Legislature a plan for establishing a complete sys-\\ntem of Common Schools. To the history of that subject we\\nnext ask the reader s attention.\\nThe Ordinance of 1787 provided, that religion, morality,\\nand knowledge being necessary to good government and the\\nhappiness of mankind, schools and the means of education\\nshall be for ever encouraged. In the previous Ordinance of\\n1785, regulating the sale of lands in the west, section No. 16\\nof every township was reserved for the maintenance of pub-\\nlic schools within the said township. And the Constitution\\nof Ohio, using the words of the Ordinance of 1787, says, that\\nschools and the means of instruction shall for ever be en-\\ncouraged by legislative provision. In accordance with the\\nfeelings shown in these several clauses, the Governors of Ohio\\nThe message resolutions, reports and laws, are all in the Public Documcrits con-\\noerning the Ohio canals, compiled and published by John Kilbourn, Columbus, 1828 p.\\n2 top. 31.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0666.jp2"}, "667": {"fulltext": "1822 History of Schools in Ohio. 663\\nalways mentioned the subject of education with great respect\\nin their messages but nothing was done to make it general.*\\nIt was supposed, that people would not willingly be taxed\\nto educate the children of their poor neighbors; not so much\\nbecause they failed to perceive tlie necessity that exists for all\\nto be educated, in order that the commonwealth may be safe\\nand prosperous but because a vast number, that lived in\\nOhio, still doubted whether Ohio would be their ultimate abi-\\nding place. They came to the west to make money rather\\nthan to find a home, and did not care to help educate those\\nwhose want of education they might never feel.\\nSuch was the state of things until about the year 1816, at\\nwhich time several persons in Cincinnati, who knew the ben-\\nefits of a free-school system, united, and commenced a cor-\\nrespondence with different portions of the State. Their ideas\\nbeing warmly responded to, by the dwellers in the Ohio Com-\\npany s purchase, and the Western Reserve more particular-\\nly, committees of correspondence w-ere appointed in the dif-\\nferent sections, and various means were resorted to, to call\\nthe attention of the public to the subject among the most\\nefficient of which was the publication of an Education Alma-\\nnac at Cincinnati. This work was edited by Nathan Guil-\\nford, a lawyer of that place, who had from the first taken a\\ndeep interest in the matter. For several years this gentleman\\nand his associates labored silently and ceaselessly to diffuse\\ntheir sentiments, one attempt only being made to bring the\\nsubject into the legislature: this was in December 1819, when\\nEphraim Cutler, of Washington county, brought in a bill for\\nestablishing common schools, which was lost in the Senate. f\\nAt length, in 1821, it having been clearly ascertained, that a\\nstrong feeling existed in favor of a common school system\\nthrough the eastern and north-eastern parts of the State, and\\nit being also known that the western men, who were then\\nabout to bring forward their canal schemes, wished to secure\\nthe assistance of their less immediately benefited fellow-citi-\\nzens, it was thought to be a favorable time to bring the free\\nSee especially G ;vernor Worthington s message, and that of 1819 in particular.\\nt Atwater s History, 254. la speaking of common schools, we mean always free schools\\nestablished upon a State system. In January, 1821, a law was pa-^sed in Ohio, authorizing\\nTiwnship Common Schools in which the tuition, Ac, was to be paid by those parents who\\nwere able to pay. See Chase, ii. 1176.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0667.jp2"}, "668": {"fulltext": "664 Canal and School Laws passed. 1825.\\nschool proposition forward which, as we have stated above,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0was done by Mr. Atwater.\\nOn the 3d of January, 1823, Mr. Worthington, on behalf of\\nthe Canal Commissioners, presented a report upon the best\\nroute for a canal through the State, and a farther examina-\\ntion was agreed upon which was made during the year.\\nThe friends of the common school system continued their\\nefforts, and although they did not succeed in procuring an\\nassembly favorable to their views, they diffused information\\nand brought out inquiry. f\\njNIichigan during this year was invested with a new form\\nof Territorial Government Congress having authorized the\\nappointment of a Legislative Council of nine members, to\\nbe chosen by the President from eighteen candidates elected\\nby the people. J\\nIn 1824, the friends of canals, and those of free common\\nschools in Ohio, finding a strong ojiposition still existing to\\nthe great plans of improvement ottered to the people, during\\nthis year strained every nerve to secure an Assembly in which,\\nby union, both measures might be carried. Information was\\ndiffused and interest excited by every means that could De\\nsuggested, and the autumn elections were in consequence\\nsuch as to ensure the success of the two bills which were to\\nlay the foundation of so much physical and intellectual good\\nto Ohio. II\\nThe suliject of civilizing the Indians was taken up as ear-\\nly as July, 1789, and was kept constantly in view by the\\nUnited States Government from that time forward in 1819,\\nten thousand dollars annually were appropriated by Congress\\nto that purpose, and great pains were taken to see that they\\nwere wisely expended. In March of this year a report was\\nmade by jMr, JMcLean, of Ohio, upon the proposition to stop\\nthe appropriation above named again.st this proposition he\\nreported decidedly, and gave a favorable view of what had\\nbeen done, and what might be hoped for.^\\nOhio Canal Documents, 31 to 5n.\\nt Atwater s History, 2G2.\\nJ Lanman s Michigan, 227.\\nII See the naraoa of the membirs of the Ohio Assembly for 13i4-5, and their vot\u00c2\u00ab?, in\\nAtwate 3G3.\\n2 See American State Papers, vols. v. and vi. indexes. See particularly vi. CtG to 654.\\nAmcricsn State Papers, vi. 467 to 469.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0668.jp2"}, "669": {"fulltext": "18:25. Canal and School Laws passed. 665\\nUpon the 4th of February, 1825, a law was passed by Ohio,\\nauthorizing the making of two canals, one from the Ohio\\nto Lake Erie, by the valleys of the Scioto and Muskingum;\\nthe other from Cincinnati to Dayton and a canal fund was\\ncreated the vote in the House in favor of the law was 58\\nto 13, in the Senate 34 to 2*.\\nUpon the day following, the law to provide for a system\\nof common schools was also passed by large majorities. f\\nThese two laws were carried by the union of the friends\\nof each, and by the unremitting efforts of a few public spir-\\nited men.\\n[The first edition of these Annals, compiled by the late\\nMr. Perkins, contains a lapse from 1825 to 1832. The re-\\nmainder, four pages, 560 to 564, is confined almost wholly\\nto events in Illinois and Missouri, which the editor is ex-\\npected to give with more accuracy and in detail. We there-\\nfore close the body of the work here and proceed to the Ap-\\npendix.]\\nOhio Canal Documents, 158 to 166. Chase, ii. 1472.\\nt Chase, ii. 1466.\\n42", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0669.jp2"}, "670": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0670.jp2"}, "671": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nANNALS OF UPPER LOUISIANA.\\nExplorations and Discoveries. Historical Sketch of the Lead Mines. French Settlement\\nin Illinois. State of the country under British domination.\\nA number of facts pertaining to Louisiana, and especially\\nthe Upper District, have been reserved for the Appendix, that\\nthey may appear in consecutive order, and be convenient for\\nreference. These we shall group under particular heads, and\\nsubdivided by sections.\\nSECTION FIRST.\\nExplorations and Discoveries.\\nDuring the short administration of D Iberville, (Annals, pp.\\n56, 58,) more than sixty persons perished with disease and\\nfamine, so that at the close of the year 1705, the colony was\\nreduced to one hundred and fifty persons.\\nFeeble as was the colony, attempts were made to explore\\nnew and distant regions. In the year 1700, M. de St. Den-\\nnis, with twelve Canadians and several Indians, made a voy-\\nage of discovery up Red River. After a tiresome expedition\\nof six months, the party returned without gaining any mate-\\nrial information concerning the Indian tribes on the Upper\\nRed River.\\nThe same year Bienvil e, with a party, ascended the same\\nriver to Bayou Pierre, visited the villages of the Yattersee\\nIndians, and on the same excursion explored the Washita.\\nThe next year both these rivers were more fully explored by\\nSt. Dennis, and in 1703, a settlement was made on the Wash-\\nita. About the same period, another settlement, with a mis-\\nsion, was made on the Yazons.\\nSt. Dennis, with ten men, made another and more exten-\\nsive exploration up Red River, into Texas, for several hundred", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0671.jp2"}, "672": {"fulltext": "668 Appendix.\\nmiles, meeting with no settlements until he reached the Pre-\\nsidio, or fortress of St. John the Baptist, on the Rio del Norte,\\nin New Mexico. During this excursion St. Dennis, against\\nthe remonstrance of Don Diego Raymond, the commandant\\nat the Presidio, pushed on to Mexico, and proposed a project\\nof commercial intercourse between the French colony of the\\nMississippi and the Spanish colony in Mexico.*\\nSt. Dennis spent fourteen years in various explorations in\\nLouisiana, Texas and Mexico. In 1716, he penetrated the\\ninterior the third time, with mules, horses and goods, from\\nNachitoches to Guadaloupe, in Texas, where the faithless\\nSpaniards met him, took his goods and conveyed him to Mex-\\nico. Eventually he made his escape and came back by the\\nPresidio. t\\nAmongst the early explorers of Louisiana, w^c must not\\nomit the name of Bernard dc la Har pc. Major Stoddard was\\nso fortunate as to find the original journal of this gentleman,\\nin manuscript, and communicated it to the Department of\\nState.\\nLa Harpe, with a body of troops, ascended Red River to\\nthe village of the Cadoques, in 1719, and built a fort which\\nhe called St. Louis dc Cartorcite. A correspondence was\\nopened between him and the Spanish commandant, and also\\nthe Superior of the Missions in Texas. The Spanish officers\\nexpressed a desire to be at peace with the French, but claimed\\nthat the post La Harpe occupied, was within the Spanish ter-\\nritory. La Harpe replied that the Spaniards well knew the\\npost on Red River was not within the dominions of Spain\\nthat the province they called Texas, formed a part of Louisi-\\nana; that La Salle had discovered and taken possession of it\\nin 1685, and that this possession had been renewed at various\\ntimes since that period that the Spanish adventurer, Bon\\nAntonio du Miroir, who discovered the northern provinces in\\n1683, never penetrated east of New Mexico, or the Rio Bra-\\nvo, [Rio del Norte that the French were the first to make\\nalliances with the Indian nations; that the rivers flowed into\\nthe Mississippi, consequently the lands between them belong-\\ned to France and that if he would do him the pleasure of a\\nvisit, he would find that he occupied a post which he knew\\nDu Pratz Louisiana, pp. 7, 12. Stoddard s Sketches, p. 27.\\nt Du Pratz, 12.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0672.jp2"}, "673": {"fulltext": "Explorations and Discoveries. 669\\nhow to defend. Tho contest ended with this correspondence,\\nand the post established by La Harpe, was maintained by\\nthe French until Louisiana fell into the hands of Spain after\\nthe treaty of 1762.\\nM. de la Harpe, in 1720, with half a dozen soldiers, a few\\nIndians, and eleven horses, loaded with goods and provisions,\\nmade an excursion from his post on Red river, to the Washita\\nand Arkansas rivers. He met with a friendly reception from\\nthe Indians, took possession of the country, and hoisted the\\nflag of France. He sold his goods profitably, and then floated\\ndown the Arkansas in perogues to the Mississippi, and reached\\nBiloxi through Bayou Manchac, and lakes Maurepas and\\nPonchartrain. On the Arkansas, La Harpe describes an In-\\ndian village of three miles in extent, containing upwards of\\nfour thousand inhabitants. He describes it as situated about\\none hundred and twenty miles south-west of the Osages.\\nVarious attempts had been made by the French to establish\\na colony on the bay of St. Bernard, without success. In 1721,\\nLa Harpe, under royal orders, embarked at New Orleans with\\na detachment of troops, engineers and draftsmen, to take a\\nmore accurate survey of the bay and country than his pre-\\ndecessors had done. He found eleven and a half feet of\\nwater on the bar at the entrance, and surveyed four large\\nrivers that entered it. He described the soil along the coast\\nas extremely fertile, and the country beautifull} variegated\\nwith woods, prairies, and streams of pure water. This bay is\\nnow known as Galveston.\\nAnother explorer was named M. Dutisne. He was sent out\\nto explore the country of the Missouris, Osages, and Panoucas.\\nHe ascended the Mississippi to the mouth of Saline river,\\nabout twenty miles below Ste. Genevieve, and from thence\\ntraveled westward, over a rocky, broken and timbered coun-\\ntry, as he reckoned, three hundred and fifty miles, to the prin-\\ncipal village of the Osages. This village he describes as sit-\\nuated on a hill five miles from the Osage river, and contained\\nabout one hundred cabins. These Indians spent but a small\\npart of their time at their village, being engaged in hunting\\nthe other part.\\nThe Panoucas [Poncas were in two villages, about one\\nhundred and twenty miles west of the Osages, in a prairie\\ncountry, abounding with buffaloes. Near them were three", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0673.jp2"}, "674": {"fulltext": "670 Appendix.\\nhundred horses, which the Indians prized exceedingly. The\\nPaonis, [Pawnees] were at the distance of four hundred and\\nfifty miles. The village of the Missouris was situated three\\nhu ulred and fi ty yards from the river that bears their name.\\nM. Dutisne took formal possession of the country in the name\\nof the king of France, and erected posts with the king s arms\\nas a testimony of their claim.*\\nAnother party under Lesueur, ascended the Mississippi to\\nthe Falls of St. Anthony, which D Akau and Hennepin had\\nvisited in 1680. [Annals, p. 39.] This was in 1702.\\nThe party under Lesueur, then proceeded up the St. Pe-\\nter s river, as they estimated, one hundred and twenty miles,\\nand entered a stream they called Green river, near which they\\nfound a mine of copper and ochre. Here a fort was erected,\\nand named VHuiller, said by the party to be in north lati-\\ntude 44 deg. 13 minutes. The Indians regarding this posi-\\ntion as an encroachment on their rights, the party retired in the\\ncourse of the year to the mouth of another small river, about\\none hundred miles above the Wisconsin, where they built\\nanother fort, and opened mines of copper. At still another\\nplace, about forty miles above the river St. Croix, they found\\nconsiderable quantities of copper, and one piece that weighed\\nsixty pounds. The Indians being hostile, they found it pru-\\ndent to retreat, and abandon that remote country. f\\nThe explorers next turned their attention up the Missouri,\\nwhich they ascended in 1705, as far as the mouth of the Kan-\\nzas river, and met with a friendly reception from the natives.\\nSoon after they were engaged in a profitable trade with the\\nKanzas and Missouries.\\nAnd here, probably, is the place to record an invasion of\\nMissouri from the Spanish country.\\nThe Spaniards of Mexico had been successful in their per-\\nfidy with St. Dennis in Texas, and in exciting the Assinais\\nagainst the French on Red River. They knew the importance\\nof the Missouri river, and were anxious to obtain a strong posi-\\ntion on its border. They readily conceived that such a measure,\\nif prosecuted successfully, would confine the claims of the\\nFrench to the Illinois side of the Mississippi, and turn the\\ncurrent of the Indian trade up the Mis.souri. Their first ob-\\nStoddard s Sketches, pp. 39 to 44.\\nt Stoddard, 27. Martin s Louisiana, i. 155.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0674.jp2"}, "675": {"fulltext": "Explorations and Discoveries. 671\\nject was to conquer the Missouri nation, who lived on the\\nbank of the Missouri river, a short distance above the mouth\\nof the Kanzas, and plant a colony at that place. These In-\\ndians were friendly to the French, and at that time were at\\nwar with the Pawnees, whom the Spaniards expected to en*-\\nlist as their allies.\\nA numerous caravan to form a considerable colony, started\\nfrom Santa Fe, in 1720, and marched in pursuit of the Paw-\\nnee villages but they lost their way and made the unlucky\\nblunder to get among the JVIissouries, whose destruction they\\nmeditated. Ignorant of the country and mistaking the Mis-\\nsouries for Pawnees, they communicated their object without\\nreserve, and requested their co-operation. The Missouries\\nmanifested no surprise at this unexpected visit, and only re-\\nquested time to assemble their warriors.\\nIn forty-eight hours two thousand appeared in arms. They\\nattacked the Spaniards in the night, and killed the whole\\nparty, except the priest, who succeeded in making his escape\\non horse-back. Some writers assert it was the Osages but\\nthe records preserved in Santa Fe, authorize the statement\\nhere given.*\\nThis bold measure of the Spaniards, in penetrating into a\\ncountry with which they had no acquaintance, for eight hun-\\ndred miles from their own, apprized the French of danger,\\nand prompted them to provide a defence in that quarter.\\nAccordingly, M de Bourgmont, was dispatched with a consid-\\nerable force to take possession of an Island in the Missou-\\nri river, some distance above the mouth of the Osage river,\\non which he built Fort Orleans.\\nAt that period the Padoucas, whose country was north\\nand west of the Missouries, were at war with the latter and\\ntheir allies, the Kanzas, Ottoes, Osages, Aia-ouez [loways]\\nand Pani-Mahas. M. de Bourgmont, in 1724, made an ex-\\ntensive exploration from Fort Orleans, to the north-west, ac-\\ncompanied by a few French soldiers and a large party of\\nfriendly Indians. His object was a general peace amongst\\nall these nations, and an extensive trade with them. In this\\nenterprize he was successful. He set out on the 3rd of July,\\nand returned to the fort on the 5th of November. f\\nAbhe Raynal s East and West Indies, v. p. 180. Stoddard a Sketches, 45, 46. Wet-\\nmore s Gazeteer, 199.\\nt Du Pratz, from Bourgmont s Journal, pp. 63 to 74.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0675.jp2"}, "676": {"fulltext": "672 Appendix.\\nSoon after this event, probably the next year, Fort Orleans\\nwas attacked and entirely destroyed by the Indians, the French\\nwere all massacred, but it was never known by whom this\\nbloody work was performed. From this time troubles of a\\nserious nature began with the Indians, which lasted sixteen\\nyears.*\\nIn 1723, La IIarpe,with an exploring party, left the Yazoo\\nriver, on the l5th February, and ascended the Mississippi, and\\nthen the Arkansas, until he reached a village of the Arkansas\\nIndians, where he found a Frenchman by the name of Du-\\nboulay, who with a part}^ was stationed here to protect these\\nIndians and the French traders. La Harpe then proceeded to\\nLaw s grant, which lay N. N. W. from the village, on the\\nright side of the river. Here was a settlement of about\\nthirty persons, of all ages and sexes, who had a small\\nclearing sown with wheat. f Other explorations will come in,\\nin connection with the lead mines.\\nSECTION SECOND.\\nHistorical Sketch of the Mines of Missouri.\\nThe grant of the fancied gold and silver mines of the Mis-\\nsissippi, and the monstrous banking scheme of John Law,\\nhave already been sufficiently noticed. [Annals, pp. 59, 60.]\\nThe retrocession of this privilege by Crozat to the crown of\\nFrance, was immediately followed by granting letters patent\\nto The Company of the Wcst, an association of individuals\\nat Paris. This company had exclusive privileges to the com-\\nmerce of Louisiana, and working the mines, with the right\\nof disposal of the lands. The project of an exploration for\\nminerals was started in France. Gold, silver and diamonds,\\nnot the paltry gatherings of lead, copper and iron,\\nwere the objects sought. The most liberal inducements to\\nFrench emigrants, especially miners and mechanics, were\\nheld out, and Phillip Francis Renault, as the agent and man-\\nager of the Company of St. Phillips came out. This com-\\npany was a branch of the Company of the West, for prosecu-\\nting the mining business in Upper Louisiana. He left France\\nin 1719, with 200 mechanics, miners and laborers, and pro-\\nvided with all things necessary to prosecute the objects of the\\ncompany.\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Stoddard, 4C.\\nt Martio, L 250.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0676.jp2"}, "677": {"fulltext": "Sketch of the Lead Mines. 673\\nAt St. Domingo, he bought five hundied slaves for working\\nthe mines, vviach he brought to Illinois, where he arrived in\\n1720.\\nRenault established himself and his colony a few miles\\nabove Kaskaskia, in what is now the south-west corner of\\nMonroe county, and called the village he founded St. Phillips.\\nGreat excitement existed in France at the prospective suc-\\ncess of Renault, and large expectations were entertained in\\nreturns of gold and silver, all which resulted in woful dis-\\nappointment.\\nFrom this point he sent out his mining and exploring parties\\ninto various sections of Illinois and Upper Louisiana, as Mis-\\nsouri was then called. Excavations for minerals were made\\nalong Drewry s creek in Jackson county, about the St. Mary in\\nRandolph county, in Monroe county, along Silver creek in St.\\nClair county, and many other places in Illinois, the remains\\nof which are still visible. Silver creek took its name from\\nthe explorers, and tradition states tliat considerable quanti-\\nties of silver ore was raised and sent over to France. It is\\nthought, however, that no successful discoveries were made.\\nIn Missouri, the exploring and mining parties were headed\\nby M. La Motte, an agent said to have been well versed in the\\nknowledge of mining. In one of his earliest excursions, he\\ndiscovered the lead mines on the St. Francois, which bears his\\nname.\\nRenault made various discoveries of lead, and made con-\\nsiderable excavations at the mines north of Potosi, Mo., that\\nstill bear his name but the company were entirely disap-\\npointed in all their high raised expectations of finding gold\\nand silver.\\nRenault finally turned his whole attention to the smelting\\nof lead, of which he made considerable quantities. It was\\nconveyed from the interior on pack horses to the jMissi^sippi\\nriver, sent to New Orleans in perogues, and from thence ship-\\nped to France.\\nThe operations of Renault were retarded and checked from\\na quarter least expected. The French King at Paris, in May,\\n1719, issued an edict by which the Company of the West\\nwas united to the East India and China Company, under the\\ntitle of the Royal Company of the Indies; (La Compagnic\\nRoyale des Indies.) And in 1731, the whole territory was re-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0677.jp2"}, "678": {"fulltext": "674 Appendix.\\ntroceded to the crown of Franco; the objects of the company\\n(including the monster bank of John Law,) [Annals, 59, 60,]\\ntotally failed, and Renault was left to prosecute the mining\\nbusiness without means.\\nThe explorations for mineral treasures extended to the banks\\nof the Ohio and Kentucky rivers, and to the Cumberland Val-\\nley, in Tennessee, and even to the mountain range between\\nthe eastern waters and those of the Mississippi Valley.\\nFrench Lick, now Nashville, was a rallying point in those\\nearly days, and subsequently became a trading post of the\\nFrench, long before the pioneers from Virginia and North\\nCarolina visited that range.\\nThe exertions of Renault on behalf of the Company of\\nthe West, and his claims for services, were not passed over\\nby the government. Four grants of land, already noticed,\\nwere made, covering large tracts of country, and which bear\\ndate June 14th, 1723, but whether legal, has not been decided.\\nOne of these was at Old Flora, on the Illinois river, said\\nto embrace a copper-mine, the discovery of which was the\\nconsideration. Another large tract included Fort Chartres,\\nand the village of St. Phillips, (called also Little Village,) in\\nthe south-west corner of Monroe county, Illinois, and extends\\nback from the river beyond the bluffs, known still as the Re-\\nnault Grant.\\nHe continued in the Illinois country many years after the\\nexplosion of the Mississippi bubble. After disposing of his\\nslaves, (or those of the company,) to the French inhabitants\\nin Illinois, he returned to his native country, in 1744.* Thus\\nended the first series of ellbrts at mining in Illinois and Mis-\\nsouri.\\nVery little was done in the way of mining under the Span-\\nish government. As settlements increased, after a lapse of\\nyears, some new discoveries were made and operations for\\nlead resumed. The most important and principal discovery,\\nmade under Spanish authority, was 3Iifie a Burton, which\\ntook its name from a Frenchman who, while hunting in that\\nquarter, found the ore lying on the surface of the ground. It\\nis impossible now to fix the exact date of this discovery, as\\nMr. Burton, when living in 1819, could not then recollect.\\nSchoolcraft s View of the Mines, New York, 1819, pp. 14 to 17. American State Pa-\\npers, ii. 162.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0678.jp2"}, "679": {"fulltext": "Sketch of M. Burton. 676\\nonly it was about forty years previous. This would make the\\ndiscovery to have been about 1780.\\nIt is here pertinent to the design of this work, to introduce\\nthe following sketch of the life of M. Burton, as drawn from\\npersonal knowledge, by Col. Thos. H. Benton, of St. Louis,\\nwho saw Burton, and gathered the facts from him and his\\nfriends. The article is to be found in the St. Louis Enquir-\\ner, of October 16th, 1818.\\nHe is a Frenchman from the north of France. In the\\nforepart of the last century, he served in the low countries un-\\nder the orders of Marshal Saxe. He was at the siege o{ Ber-\\ngen op-zoom, and assisted in the assault of that place when it\\nwas assailed by a division of Marshal Saxe s army, under the\\ncommand of Count Lowendahl. He has also seen service\\nupon the continent. He was at the building of Fdrt Chartres,\\non the American bottom, afterwards went to Fort Du Quesne,\\n(now Pittsburgh) and was present at Braddock s defeat. From\\nthe life of a soldier, Burton passed to that of a hunter, and in\\nthat character, about half a century ago, while pursuing a\\nbear to the west of the Mississippi, he discovered the rich\\nlead mines which have borne his name ever since. His pre-\\nsent age cannot be ascertained. He was certainly an old sol-\\ndier at Fort Chartres, when some of the people of the present\\nday were little children at that place. The most moderate\\ncomputation will make him one hundred and six. He now\\nlives in the family of Mr. Micheaux, at the Little Rock ferry,\\nthree miles above Ste. Genevieve, and Avalks to that village\\nalmost every Sunday to attend Mass. He is whnt we call a\\nsquare built man, of five feet eight inches high, full chest and\\nforehead his sense of seeing and hearing somev^ hat impair-\\ned, but free from disease, and apparently able to hold out\\nagainst time for many years to come.\\nSo far as the process of mining was pursued under the Span-\\nish government, it appears to have been rude and imperfect,\\nand not more than fifty per cent, of lead obtained from the\\nore. The common open log furnace was the only kind em-\\nployed in smelting, and the had-ashes were thrown away as\\nuseless.\\nIn 1797, the late Moses Austin, Esq., a native of Connecti-\\ncut, and who had been engaged in mining in Wythe county,\\nVa., arrived in Upper Louisiana, visited and explored the\\ncountry about Mine a Burton, and obtained a grant of land of\\none league square, from the Spanish authorities, in considera-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0679.jp2"}, "680": {"fulltext": "676 Appendix.\\ntion of erecting a reverberatory furnace and other works for\\nprosecuting the mining business at those mines.*\\nAssociated with Mr. Austin, was his son Stephen F. Aus-\\ntin, who, in 1798, commenced operations, erected a suitable\\nfurnace for smelting the ashes of lead, and sunk the first\\nregular shaft for raising ore. These improvements revived the\\nmining business, and drew to the country many American\\nfamilies, who settled in the neighborhood of the mines. The\\nnext year a shot-tower was built on the pinnacle of the cliff\\nnear Herculaneum, under the superintendence of Mr. Elias\\nBates, and patent shot were made. A manufactory of sheet\\nlead was completed the same year, and the Spanish arsenals\\nat New Orleans and Havana, received a considerable part of\\ntheir supplies for the Spanish navy from these mines.\\nThe enterprizing Americans soon discovered Mine Robino,\\nMine a Martin, and several others, and at the period of the\\nannexation of the territory to the United States, the mines\\nwere extensively and advantageously worked. We give in\\nconnection, the names and localities of the principal mines\\nworked under the Spanish government.\\nMines. Locality.\\nMine La Motte, Head of St. Francis river.\\nMine a Joe, On Flat river.\\nMine a Burton, (now Potosi, on a branch of Mineral Fork.)\\nOld Mines, On Mineral Fork.\\nRenault s Mines, on Fourche a Renault, a branch of Mineral\\nFork.\\nIn a few years after the cession, Shibboleth, New^ J3iggings,\\nLabaume s, Biyan s, and several other mines were discovered\\nand opened.\\nThese mines attracted the attention of the American gov-\\nernment at the earliest period, and measures were taken by\\nGeneral Wilkinson to ascertain the situation and extent of the\\nmines; their annual product; the manner of working them\\nand such other information as was necessary to the action of\\ngovernment.\\nCopper mines were discovered on the ]Merrimac river, by\\nthe mineralogical explorers under Renault and La Motte.\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Howe s Virginia, Wythe county, p. J15. Scbook-raft s Lead Mines, p. 19.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0680.jp2"}, "681": {"fulltext": "Mines of the Upper Mississippi. 677\\nSeveral attempts were made to work them, but from some\\ncause they were not successful in separating the metal from\\nthe slag.\\nThe richest mines, both of lead and copper, were discovered\\non the Upper Mississippi. They have yielded from eighty to\\nninety per cent, of pure lead.\\nIn 1786, Julien Dubuque, an enterprising Canadian, visited\\nthis region, explored its mineral wealth, returned two years\\nafter, and, at a council held with the Indians in 1788, obtained\\nfrom them a grant of a large tract of land, amountino- to\\n140,000 acres, beginning on the West side of the Mississippi,\\nHere he resided, and obtained great wealth in mining and\\ntrading with the Indians, and died in 1810. His grave is\\nabout one mile below the city of Dubuque, in the State of\\nIowa.\\nThe mines of the Upper Mississippi, are between Rock\\nand Wisconsin rivers on the cast, and about the same paral-\\nlel on the west side of that river.\\nFor many years the Indians and some of the French cour-\\niers du bois, had been accustomed to dig led in the mineral\\nregion about Galena. But they never penetrated much be-\\nlow the surface, though they obtained considerable quantities\\nof mineral.\\nIn 1823, the late Colonel James Johnson, of Kentucky, ob-\\ntained a lease from the United States government, to prose-\\ncute the business of mining and smelting, which he did with a\\nstrong force and much enterprize. This movement attracted\\nthe attention of enterprising men in Illinois, Missouri, and\\nother States. Some went on in 1826, more following in 1827\\nand in 1827, the country was almost literally filled with\\nminers, smelters, merchants, speculators, gamblers, and every\\ndescription of character. Intelligence, enterprise, and virtue\\nwere thrown in the midst of dissipation, gambling, and every\\nspecies of vice. Such was the crowd of adventurers in 1829\\nto this hitherto almost unknown and desolate region, that the\\nlead business was greatly overdone, and the market for a\\nwhile nearly destroyed. P ortunes were made almost upon a\\nturn of a spade, and lost with equal facility. The business is\\nprosecuted to a great extent. Exhaustless quantities of mine-\\nral exist here, over a tract of country two hundred miles in\\nextent.\\nFrom 1821, to September, 1823, the amount of lead made\\nin the vicinity of Galena, Illinois, was 335,130 pounds. Dur-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0681.jp2"}, "682": {"fulltext": "678 Appendix.\\ning the next succeeding ten years, the aggregate was about\\nseventy millions of pounds.\\nTli3 average nu nber of miners during the year 1825, was\\n100; in 1826, 400; and in 1827, 1,600. Many citizens of Il-\\nlinois, from the counties of St. Clair, Madison, c., went up\\nthe river with supplies of provision in the spring, to prosecute\\nmining, and returned downward and homeward at the ap-\\nproach of winter. From this trifling incident, a mischievous\\nwag from Yankeedom, ycleped the people of Illinois, Suck-\\ners, from these migratory miners.\\nCopper, in considerable quantities, is now raised and\\nsmelted on the Upper Mississippi.\\nSECTION THIRD.\\nFrench Settlements in Jlliiiois,\\nThe exact date of the first permanent settlements in Illinois,\\ncannot now be ascertained, unless we regard the trading post\\nof Creveccjcur, near the present site of Peoria, as the first,\\nand there is no evidence that this remained a continuous, and\\ntherefore permanent station. [See Annals, p. 39. J\\nCahokia, (called in early times, Notre Dame des Kahokias\\nfrom probable evidence appears to have been a trading post\\nand mission station earlier than Kaskaskia. We find no evi-\\ndence to sustain the statement of the author, whose very im-\\nperfect and incongruous work has been attributed to Tonti,\\nthat La Salle, on his return from his exploration of the Lower\\nMississippi, left colonies at these places. It is inferred from\\na variety of circumstances, that both Cahokia and Kaskaskia\\nwere settled by traders and missionaries, as early, if not previ-\\nous to 169D.\\nFather Allouez, a Jesuit missionary, and a companion of La\\nSalle, appears to have been the first at Kaskaskia. It is pos-\\nsible he, in company with some traders, laid the foundation of\\nKaskaskia, and, if so, its priority to Cahokia, is decided. P a-\\nther Gravier succeeded Allouez about 1690, and the station\\nwas called The Village of the Immaculate Conception of the\\nHoly Virgin.\\nAbout the period of Father Gravier, two missionaries, Pinet\\nand Binniteu, came to the country. It is stated on respectable\\nauthority, that Father Pinet founded Cahokia, and was\\nsuccessful in converting a large number of the aborigines.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0682.jp2"}, "683": {"fulltext": "French Settlements in Illinois. 679\\nHis chapel could accommodate only a part of the multitude\\nthat resorted to mass. The Indians were of the Cahokia and\\nTamaroas tribes, two branches of the confederacy of the Illi-\\nnois.\\nBinniteu followed the tribe to which he was attached, to\\ntheir hunting grounds in the interior, where he died with a\\nfever. Pinet soon after died, and Gabriel Marest joined the\\nIllinois missions, and for some time appears to have had the\\nwhole under his charge.\\nWhatever may be thought of the doctrines they taught, or\\ntheir mode of converting Indians, by Protestants, (a question\\nnot necessary to be discussed in this work,) they were a heroic,\\ndevoted, self-sacrificing class of men. Their journals as found\\nin that curious and instructive work, Letters Edifianies et\\nCurieuses, (Curious and Edifying Letters,) give abundant\\nproof of this fact, as they do of the general topography of the\\ncountry, and the number, position and characteristics of the\\nIndian tribes.\\nFather Marest, in his correspondence says Our life is\\npassed in rambling through thick woods, in climbing over hills,\\nin paddling the canoes across lakes and rivers, to catch a poor\\nsavage who flies from us, and whom we can neither tame by\\nteachings nor caresses.\\nSebastian Rasles, (or Rale, as given in his life in Sparks\\nbiography,) came to Illinois in 1692. He embarked at Que-\\nbec the 13th of August, 1691, spent the winter at Michilli-\\nmackinac, and reached Kaskaskia the following spring. A\\nletter before us gives an interesting description of the man-\\nners and customs of the Illinois Indians. He gives a descrip-\\ntion of the Indian mode of torturing their prisoners, and\\nsays: It was the Iroquois that invented this frightful mode\\nof putting captives to death, and it is but just that the Illinois\\nshould repay them in the same way. Rather strange morality\\nfor a religious teacher.\\nIt is but just, however, to give these missionaries in Illinois\\nthe credit of putting an end to the torture of prisoners among\\nthe tribes under their immediate instruction.\\nOn the difficulties of christianizing the Indians of Illinois\\nwe give the following extract from the communication of\\nFather Rasle, as translated from the Lettres Edifiantes, by\\nJohn Russell, Esq.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0683.jp2"}, "684": {"fulltext": "6S0 Appendix.\\nThat which we call Christianity, is known among the In-\\ndians only by the word Prayer. When in my letters 1 say\\nsuch and such tribes have embraced the Prayer, you are to\\nunderstand that they have become christianized. There would\\nbe infuutely less diihculty in converting the Illinois, if religion\\nand polygamy could go together. The Indians are ex-\\ntremely pleased with having me convert their wives and chil-\\ndren but when I talk to them they show their native incon-\\nstancy, and say they cannot think of being compelled to have\\nbut one wife and to keep that one always.\\nAt the hour of Matins and Vespers all the Indians, young\\nand old, attend in the chapel. All the children, except those\\nof the Povvows [Jongleurs,] arc baptized. The jongleurs are\\nthe greatest enemies to religion. It is in the baptism of the\\ninfants that the great fruits of our labor are manifest, for all\\nof these children do not die in infancy, and those who grow\\nup to adult age, are zealous, and would sooner die than re-\\nnounce their religion. It is a happy thing for the Illinois that\\nthey are so far from Quebec, for now brandy cannot be so\\neasily brought to them as to other tribes of Canada. This\\ndrink is the grand obstacle to christianizing tlie Indians, and\\nthe source of infinite crimes.\\nFather Rasle continued in Illinois two years, when he was\\nrecalled by the Superior and stationed among the Aberna-\\nquis in Maine, where himself and Indian converts were bar-\\nbarously massacred by a party of New Englanders.*\\nCharlevoix, in a series of letters addressed to the Duchess\\nLesdiguieres, entitled Journal of a Voyage to North Ameri-\\nca,* writes from Kaskaskia, October 20th, 1721, as follows\\nabout Cahokia:\\nWe lay last night in a village of the Caoquias and the\\nTamarous, two Illinois tribes which have been united, and to-\\ngether compose no very numerous canton. This village is\\nsituated on a very small river which runs from the east, and\\nhas no water but in the spring season, so that we were obliged\\nto walk half a league, before we could get to our cabins. I\\nwas astonished tliey had pitched upon so inconvenient a situa-\\ntion, especially as they had so many better in their choice.\\nBut I was told the Mississippi washed the foot of that village\\nwhen it was built that in three years it had lost half a league\\nof its breadth, and that the} were thinking of seeking out for\\nanother habitation, which is no great afl air among the Indians.\\nI passed the night in the missionaries house, who are two\\necclesiastics from the {Seminary of Quebec, formerly my dis-\\nciples, but they must now be my masters.\\nSco his Life in Spark s Biography, second series.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0684.jp2"}, "685": {"fulltext": "French Settlements in Illinois. 681\\nM. Taumur, the eldest of the two, was absent; but I found\\nthe youngest, M. le Mercier. such as he had been represented\\nto me, rigid to himself, full of charity to others, and display-\\ning in his own person, an amiable pattern of virtue.\\nOf Kaskaskia and the mission there, Father Charlevoix\\nsays, (p 221.)\\nYesterday I arrived at Kaskasquias about nine o clock in\\nthe morning. The Jesuits have here a veiy flourishing mis-\\nsion, which has lately been divided into two, thinking it con-\\nvenient to have two cantons of Indians instead of one. The\\nmost numerous is on the banks of the Mississippi, of which\\ntwo Jesuits have the spiritual direction half a league below\\nstands Fort Chartres, about the distance of a musket shot\\nfrom the river. M. de Boisbrilliard, a gentleman of Canada,\\ncommands here for the company, to whom this place belongs;\\nthe French are now beginning to settle the country between\\nthis fort and the first mission. Four leagues farther and about\\na league from the river, is a large village inhabited by the\\nFrench, who are almost all Canadians and have a Jesuit for\\ntheir curate. The second village of the Illinois lies farther\\nup the country, at the distance of two leagues from this last,\\nand is under the charge of a fourth Jesuit.\\nThe French in this place live pretty much at their ease; a\\nFleming, who was a domestic of the Jesuits, has taught them\\nto sow wheat which succeeds very well. They have black\\ncattle and poultry. The Illinois on their part manure the\\nground after their fashion, and are very laborious. They like-\\nwise bring up poultry, which they sell to the French. Their\\nwomen are very neat-handed and industrious. They spin the\\nwool of the buflalo, which they make as fine as that of the\\nEnglish sheep nay sometimes it might even be mistaken for\\nsilk. Of this they manufacture stuffs which are dyed blacky\\nyellow, or a deep red. Of these stuffs they make robes which\\nthey sew with thread made of the sinews of the roe-buck.\\nThe manner of making this thread is very simple. After\\nstripping the flesh from the sinews of the roe-buck, they ex-\\npose them to the sun for the space of two days after they\\nare dry they beat them, and then without difficulty draw out\\na thread as white and as fine as that of Mechlin, but much\\nstronger.\\nBesides those already mentioned, between the years 1680\\nand 1700, we find the names of Gabriel de la Ribourdie and\\nZenobe Mambre, as missionaries in Illinois. A congregation\\ncomposed of a few Frenchmen, and, probably, some Indians\\nespecially females, was collected near Fort St. Louis, on the\\nGreat Rock. This was on the Illinois river a few miles be-\\n43", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0685.jp2"}, "686": {"fulltext": "682 Appendix.\\nlow the present site of Ottawa. The traders generally mar-\\nried Indian wives and lived in amity with them. The success\\nin converting Indians, even to the Catholic faith, was not\\ngreat, for Father Gravier mentions only seven persons as bap-\\ntized, in his register of baptisms among the Indians, from the\\n20th of March, 1695, to the 22iid of February, 1699.*\\nIn the year 1718, the Directors of the Company of the West,\\nsent M. de Boisbriant, with a small military force, to establish\\na post near Kaskaskia, and the same year he began a fortifi-\\ncation called Fort Charlrcs. (This is probably the same offi-\\ncer Charlevoix names Boisbriiliard.) What rule of military\\nengineering was his guide in fixing the site on the American\\nbottom, three miles from the quarry of rock, a musket shot\\nfrom the river, and on ground subject to inundation, we cannot\\nconjecture. A more unfortunate location could not have been\\nselected. Some historians have stated that this fort was con-\\nstructed for a defence against Spanish aggression. But at the\\nperiod it was commenced, no Spanish post existed nearer than\\nSanta Fe, and no one dreamed of an attack from that quar-\\nter. The object was protection to the villages and the min-\\ning companies about to be sent forth, from any hostile demon-\\nstrations of the Indians.\\nThe plan of the structure erected by M, Boisbriant is un-\\nknown to the writer. Another structure built on the same site\\nin 175G, will be noticed in the next section.\\nDuring the years of 1718 and 1719, the French settlements\\nof Cahokia, Kaskaskia and Fort Chartres, were increased by\\nimmigration from Canada, and from France by the way of\\nNew Orleans. M. Renault, as has been noticed in the pre-\\nceding section, brought with him a large number of European\\nadventurers, and 500 slaves from the West Indies.\\nOn the 2nd of September, 1721, the council deputed by the\\nKing of France, for the government of the Royal Company\\nof the Indies, enacted a scries of articles, regulating trade,\\ncommerce, and even prices. This ordinance may be found in\\nDillon s Indiana, volume i. pages 40, 44.\\nThe trade and commerce of Louisiana was monopolized by\\nthe Company of the Indies, and for the upper district the fac-\\ntory or stone house was established at Fort Chartres. The\\ncomn^ndant of that post, M. Pierre Duque Boisbriant, the re-\\nDillon i) Indiana, i. 27.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0686.jp2"}, "687": {"fulltext": "Grants of Land in Illinois. 683\\npresentative of the crown, and the Commissary of Company,\\nor Principal Secretary, Marc Antoine de la Loire De Ur-\\nsins, jointly acted in granting lands.\\nThe oldest on record of which we are aware, is a grant\\nmade on the 10th of May, 1722,* to Charles Danie. The next\\nis on the 22nd of June, the same year, at which time Brois-\\nbriant and Des Ursins made a grant to the missionaries of Ca-\\nhokia and Tamarois, a tract of four leagues of land square,\\n(as expressed in the grant,) bounded on the west side of the\\nMississippi, including the adjacent islands, beginning a quar-\\nter of a league above the little river of Cahokia, and ex-\\ntending south and east for quantity. This grant was in fee\\nsimple, and from it have emanated the titles to the village\\ntract and common fields of Cahokia.f\\nIn the Annals, page 195, we mentioned the concealment or\\ndestruction of papers by Madame Rocheblave, the Governor s\\nwife, when Kaskaskia was taken by General Clark. It is\\nsupposed that many of the grants and concessions perished at\\nthis or some other period.\\nThere are no events of material importance in the records\\nof history, from the dissolution of the Company of the Indies,\\nuntil the war between England and France of 1756; the year\\nin which Fort Chartres was rebuilt, a sketch of which is con-\\ntained in the next section. The male population of the country,\\ninaddilion to the cultivation of their farms, were the voyageurs\\non the rivers, and the courieurs des bois in the trading expedi-\\ntions.\\nThe leaders in all the French colonies on the Mississippi,\\nwere gentlemen of education and energy of character, while\\nthe large majority were illiterate paysans, who possessed little\\nproperty and less enterprize.\\nBut they were a contented race, patient under hardships,\\nunambitious, ignorant oi the prolific resources, and destitute\\nof the least perception of its future destiny. They never trou-\\nbled themselves with the affairs of government, never indul-\\nged in schemes of aggrandizement, nor showed the least in-\\nclination for political domination. They were a frank,\\nopen-hearted, unsuspicious, joyous people, careless of the ac-\\nquisition of property.\\nAmerican State Papers, Public Lands, ii. 164.\\nt American State Papers, ii. 167.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0687.jp2"}, "688": {"fulltext": "684 Appendix.\\nThe following truthful and graphic sketch we copy from\\nSketches of the West, by James Hall, Esq.\\nThey made no attempt to acquire land from the Indians, to\\norganize a social system, to introduce municipal regulations,\\nor to establish military defences; but cheerfully obeyed the\\npriests and the king s officers, and enjoyed the present, with-\\nout troubling their heads about the future. They seem to\\nhave been even careless as to the acquisition of property, and\\nits transmission to their heirs. Finding themselves in a fruit-\\nful country, abounding in game, where the necessaries of life\\ncould be procured with little labor, where no restraints\\nwere imposed by government, and neither tribute nor per-\\nsonal service was exacted, they were content to live in\\nunambitious peace, and comfortable poverty. They took\\npossession of so much of the vacant land around them, as\\nthey were disposed to till, and no more. Their agriculture\\nwas rude and even to this day, some of the implements of\\nhusbandry, and modes of cultivation, brought from France a\\ncentury ago, remain unchanged by the march of mind, or the\\nhand of innovation. Their houses were comfortable, and\\nthey reared fruits and flowers; evincing, in this respect, an\\nattention to comfort and luxury, which has not been practised\\namong the English or American first settlers; but in the ac-\\ncumulation of property, and in all the essentials of industrj^\\nthey were indolent and improvident, rearing only the bare\\nnecessaries of life, and living from generation to generation\\nwithout change or improvement.\\nThe only new articles which the French adopted, in conse-\\nquence of their change of residence, were those connected\\nwith the fur trade. The few who were engaged in merchan-\\ndise, turned their attention almost exclusively to the traffic\\nwith the Indians, while a large number became hunters and\\nboatmen. The voyageiirs, engagccs, and couriers dcs bois, as\\nthey are called, form a peculiar race of men. They were ac-\\ntive, sprightly, and remarkably expert in their vocation. With\\nall the vivacity of the French character, they have little of\\nthe intemperance and brutal coarseness usually found among\\nthe boatmen and mariners. They are patient under fatigue,\\nand endure an astonishing degree of toil and exposure to\\nweather. Accustomed to live in the open air, they pass\\nthrough every extreme, and all the sudden vicissitudes of cli-\\nmate, with little apparent inconvenience. Their boats are\\nmanaged with expertness, and even grace, and their toil en-\\nlivened by the song. As hunters, they have roved over the\\nwhole of the wide plain of the west, to the llocky Mountains,\\nsharing the hospitality of the Indians, abiding for long peri-\\nods, and even permanently, with the tribes, and sometimes\\nseeking their alliance by marriage. As boatmen, they navi-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0688.jp2"}, "689": {"fulltext": "Character of the French Population. 685\\ngate the birch canoe to the sources of the longest rivers, and\\npass from one river to another, by laboriously carrying the\\npackages of merchandise, and the boat itself, across moun-\\ntains, or through swamps or woods, so that no obstacle stops\\ntheir progress. Like the Indian, they can live on game,\\nwithout condiment or bread like him they sleep in the open\\nair, or plunge into the water at any season, without injury.\\nThe French had also a fort on the Ohio, about thirty-six\\nmiles above the junction of that river with the Mississippi, of\\nwhich the Indians obtained possession by a singular strata-\\ngem. A number of them appeared in the day time on the\\nopposite side of the river, each covered with a bear-skin,\\nwalking on all-fours, and imitating the motions of that ani-\\nmal. The French supposed them to be bears, and a party\\ncrossed the river in pursuit of them. The remainder of the\\ntroops left their quarters, and resorted to the bank of the river,\\nin front of the garrison, to observe the sport. In the mean-\\ntime, a large body of Indian warriors, who were concealed\\nin the woods near by, came silently up behind the fort, entered\\nit without opposition, and very few of the French escaped\\nthe carnage. They afterwards built another fort on the same\\nground, which they called Massacre, in memory of this dis-\\nastrous event, and which retained the name of Fort Massac^\\nafter it passed into the hands of the American government.*\\nThe foregoing statement is a truthful one according to all\\nthe traditionary evidence we can collect. We find no authority\\nfor the word Marsiac, as given by Mr. Nicolet. f\\nThis post was a mission station as early as 1711, when the\\nOhio was called the Ouabache, as is shown in the corres-\\npondence in the Letters Edifiantes already alluded to. Pro-\\nbably it continued a trading post and mission station, until\\nthe British authorities came into possession of Illinois.\\nThe style of agriculture in all the French settlements was\\nsimple. Both the Spanish and French governments, in form-\\ning settlements on the Mississippi, had special regard to con-\\nvenience of social intercourse, and protection from the Indians.\\nAll their settlements were required to be in the form of villa-\\nges or towns, and lots of a convenient size for a door yard,\\ngarden and stable yard, were provided for each family. To\\neach village were granted two tracts of land at convenient\\ndistances, for common fields^ and commons.\\nA common field is a tract of land of several hundred acres,\\nSketches of the West, i. 180 to 182.\\nI Report, p. 79.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0689.jp2"}, "690": {"fulltext": "686 Appendix.\\nenclosed in common by the villagers, each person furnishing\\nhis proportion of labor, and each family possessing individual\\ninterest in a portion of the field, marked off and bounded\\nfrom the rest. Ordinances were n-ade to regulate the repairs\\nof fences, the time of excluding cattle in the spring, and the\\ntime of gathering the crop and opening the field for the range\\nof cattle in the fall. Each plat of ground in the common\\nfield was owned in fee simple by the person to whom granted,\\nsubject to sale and conveyance, the same as any landed pro-\\nperty.\\nA common is a tract of land granted to the town for wood\\nand pasturage, in which each owner of a village lot has a\\ncommon, but not an individual right. In some cases this tract\\nembraced several thousand acres.\\nBy this arrangement, something like a community system\\nexisted in their intercourse. If the head of a family was\\nsick, met with any casualty, or was absent as an engagce, his\\nfamily sustained little inconvenience. His plat in the com-\\nmon field was cultivated by his neighbors and the crop\\ngathered. A pleasant custom existed in these French villages\\nnot thirty years since, and which had come down from the\\nremotest period.\\nThe husbandman on his return at evening from his daily\\ntoil, was always met by his afl^ectionate fcmme with the\\nfriendly kiss, and very commonly with one, perhaps two of the\\nyoungest children, to receive the same salutation from le pere.\\nThis daily interview was at the gate of the door yard, and in\\nview of all the villagers. The simple-hearted people were a\\nhappy and contented race. A few traits of these ancient\\ncharacteristics remain, but most of the descendents of the\\nFrench are fully Americanised.\\nSECTION FOURTH.\\nState of the Country under British Domination.\\nAmongst the sources of information concerning the Illinois\\ncountry during the period of British rule, is a quarto volume\\nentitled, The present state of the European Settlements on the\\nMississippi; by Captain Phillip Pitman. It was published in\\nLondon, 1770, contains 108 pages, and is illustrated by maps\\nand charts.\\nCaptain Pitman was military Engineer in the British army.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0690.jp2"}, "691": {"fulltext": "Sketches of Illinois from Pitman. 687\\nand in that capacity was sent to survey the forts, munitions\\nof war and towns in Florida, in 1763, when the British took\\npossession of that country. Having surveyed the fortifica-\\ntions of Pensacola and Mobile, near the Gulph, he proceeded\\nto the posts and settlements on the Mississippi, and after sur-\\nveying New Orleans and the other posts in Louisiana proper,\\nhe reached Illinois about 1766. He describes the country of\\nIllinois, as bounded by the Mississippi on the West, by the\\nriver Illinois on the north, the rivers Ouabache and Miamies\\non the East, and the Ohio on the South. Of this tract of\\ncountry he says\\nThe air in general, is pure, and the sky serene, except in\\nthe month of March and the latter end of September, when\\nthere are heavy rains and hard gales of wind. The months of\\nMay, June, July and August, are excessively hot, and subject\\nto sudden and violent storms. January and February are ex-\\ntremely cold, the other months in the year are moderate.\\nVery probably during the seasons Captain Pitman was in\\nIllinois, heavy rains occurred in the latter end of September,\\nbut in the proportion of five years out of six, the autumnal\\nmonths are dry the pastures decay; and farmers find incon-\\nvenience in sowing wheat, from the drouth. During the\\nperiodical rise of the rivers in the spring, and especially the\\nannual rise of the Missouri in June, rain falls to a greater or\\nless extent. Captain Pitman, whose accuracy, in general,\\ncannot be questioned, probably drew his comparison of the\\nclimate and seasons in Illinois with England, to which he had\\nbeen accustomed. He continues\\nThe principal Indian nations in this country are, the Cas-\\ncasquias, Kahoquias, Mitchigamias, and Peoryas these four\\ntribes are generally called the Illinois Indians. Except in the\\nhunting seasons, they reside near the English settlements in\\nthis country. They are a poor, debauched, and detestable\\npeople. They count about three hundred and fifty warriors.\\nThe Pianquichas, Mascoutins, Miamies, Kickapous, and Pya-\\ntonons, though not very numerous, are a brave and war-like\\npeople.\\nThe soil of this country in general, is very rich and luxu-\\nriant; it produces all sorts of European grains, hops, hemp,\\nflax, cotton, and tobacco, and European fruits come to great\\np erfection.\\nThe inhabitants make wine of the wild grapes, which is\\nvery inebriating, and is, in color and taste, very like the red\\nwine of Provence.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0691.jp2"}, "692": {"fulltext": "688 Appendix.\\nIn the late wars, New Orleans and the lower parts of\\nLouisiana were supplied with flour, beef, wines, hams, and\\nother provisions from this country. At present its commerce\\nis mostly confined to the peltry and furs, which are got in\\ntraffic from the Indians; for which are received in return, such\\nEuropean commodities as are necessary to carry on that com-\\nmerce and the support of the inhabitants.\\nOf Fort Chartres, which was rebuilt in 1756, under the au-\\nthority of the French government, in view of the hostilities\\nthen existing between England and France for the possession\\nof the country on the Ohio, Captain Pitman gives the follow-\\ning description\\nFort Chartres, when it belonged to France, was the seat of\\ngovernment of the Illinois. The head quarters of the English\\ncommanding officer is now here, who, in fact, is the arbitrary\\ngovernor of this country. The fort is an irregular quadrangle;\\nthe sides of the exterior polygon are 490 feet. It is built of\\nstone, and plastered over, and is only designed as a defence\\nagainst the Indians. The walls are two feet two inches thick,\\nand are pierced with loop-holes at regular distances, and with\\ntwo port-holes for cannon in the faces, and two in the flanks\\nof each bastion. The ditch has never been finished. The\\nentrance to the fort is through a very handsome rustic gate.\\nWithin the walls is a banquette raised three feet, for the men\\nto stand on when they fire through the loop-holes. The build-\\nings within the fort are, a commandant s and commissary s\\nhouse, the magazine of stores, corps de garde, and two bar-\\nracks; these occupy the square. Within the gorges of the\\nbastion are a powder magazine, a bake-house, and a prison,\\nin the lower floor of which are four dungeons, and in the up-\\nper, two rooms, and an out-house belonging to commandant.\\nThe commandant s house is thirty-two yards long and ten\\nbroad, and contains a kitchen, a dining-room, a bed-chamber,\\none small room, five closets for servants, and a cellar. The\\ncommissary s house, (now occupied by officers.) is built on the\\nsame line as this, and its proportion and the distribution of its\\napartments are the same. Opposite these are the store-house\\nand the guard-house; they are each thirty yards long and\\neight broad. The former consists of two large store-rooms,\\n(under which is a large vaulted cellar,) a large room, a bed-\\nchamber, and a closet for the store-keeper the latter of a\\nsoldiers and officers guard room, a chapel, a bed-chamber, a\\ncloset for the chaplain, and an artillery store-room. The lines\\nof barracks have never been finished they at present consist\\nof two rooms, each for officers, and three for soldiers they\\nare each twenty feet square, and have betwixt them a small\\npassage. There are fine spacious lofts over each building", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0692.jp2"}, "693": {"fulltext": "Description of Fort Char Ires in 1820. 689\\nwhicli reach from end to end these are made use of to lodge\\nregimental stores, working and entrenching tools, c. It is\\ngenerally believed that this is the most convenient and best\\nbuilt fort in North America.\\nIn 1756, the fort stood half a mile from the bank of the\\nriver; in 1766, it was SO yards. In two years after, Captain\\nPitman states\\nThe bank of the Mississippi, next the fort, is continually\\nfalling in, being worn away by the current, which has been\\nturned from its course by a sand-bank, now increased to a\\nconsiderable island, covered with willows. Many experiments\\nhave been tried to stop this growing evil, but to no purpose.\\nEight years ago the river was fordable to the Island the\\nchannel is now forty feet deep.\\nIn the year 1764, there were about forty families in the vil-\\nlage near the fort, and a parish church, served by a Francis-\\ncan friar, dedicated to Ste. Anne. In the following year,\\nwhen the English took possession of the country, they aban-\\ndoned their houses, except three or four poor families, and set-\\ntled in the villages on the west side of the Mississippi, choos-\\ning to continue under the French government.\\nAbout the year 1770, the river made further encroachments,\\nand in 1772, it inundated portions of the American bottom,\\nand formed a channel so near this fort, that the wall and two\\nbastions on the west side, next the river, were undermined and\\nfell into the river. The British garrison abandoned it, and it\\nhas never since been occupied. Those portion s of the wall\\nwhich escaped the flood, have been removed by the inhabi-\\ntants of Kaskaskia and adjacent settlements for building pur-\\nposes.\\nIn 1820, Dr. Lewis C. Beck, of New York, while collecting\\nmaterials for his Gazetteer of Illinois and Missouri, visited\\nthese ruins, and aided by Mr. Hanson of Illinois, made a com-\\nplete and accurate survey, w^ith an engraved plan of the fort\\nas it then appeared. The line of the exterior wall was one\\nthousand four hundred and forty-seven feet. The two houses,\\nformerly occupied by the commandant and commissary, were\\neach ninety-six feet in length and thirty feet in breadth.\\nThe following description, as it then appeared, is from\\nBeck s Gazetteer, pp. 108, 109.\\nIn front, all that remains, is a small stone cellar, which\\nhas no doubt been a magazine some distance above, or north", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0693.jp2"}, "694": {"fulltext": "690 Appendix.\\nof this, is an excavation in the earth, which has the appear-\\nance of having been burned it may have been a furnace for\\nheating shot, as one of the cannon must have been in this\\nvicinity. Not a vestige of the wall is to be seen on this side,\\nexcept a few stones, which still remain in the ravine below.\\nAt the south-east angle there is a gate, and the wall is per-\\nfect. It is about fifteen feet high and three feet thick, and is\\nbuilt of coarse lime-stone, quarried in the hills about two miles\\ndistant, and is well cemented. The south side is, with few\\nexceptions, perfect; as is also the south-east bastion. The\\nnorth-east is generally in ruins. On the east face are two\\nport holes for cannon, which are still perfect they are about\\nthree feet square, formed by solid rocks or clefts worked\\nsmooth, and into proper shape here is also a large gate, IS\\nfeet wide, the sides of which still remain in a state of tolera-\\nble preservation the cornices and casements, however, which\\nformerly ornamented it, have all been taken aw ay. A consi-\\nderable portion of the north side of the fort, has also been de-\\nstroyed.\\nThe houses, which make up the square in the inside, are\\ngenerally in ruins. Sufficient, however, remains to enable the\\nvisitor to ascertain exactly their dimensions and relative situ-\\nations. The well, which is little injured by time, is about 24\\nfeet north of the north-east house, which, according to Pit-\\nman, was the commandant s house. The banquette is entire-\\nly destroyed. The magazine is in a perfect state, and is an\\nuncommon specimen of solidity. Its walls arc four feet thick,\\nand it is arched in the inside.\\nOver the whole fort, there is a considerable growth of trees,\\nand in the hall of one of the houses, there is an oak about 18\\ninches in diameter.\\nThere is now (1850) a large Island in the river where a\\nsand-bar covered with willows, had commenced at the pe-\\nriod of Captain Pitman s survey. A slough is next the\\nruins. Trees more than three feet in diameter, are within the\\nwalls. It is a ruin in the midst of a dense forest, and did we\\nnot know its origin and history, it might furnish a fruitful\\ntheme of antiquarian speculation.\\nCaptain Pitman gives the following description of Kaskas-\\nkia, or according to the French orthograph} of the period,\\nwhich he follows, Cascasqiiias.\\nThe village of Notre Dame de Cascasquias is by far the\\nmost considerable settlement in the country of the Illinois, as\\nwell from its number of inhabitants, as from its advantageous\\nsituation.\\nMons. Paget was the first who introduced water-mills in\\nthis country, and he constructed a very fine one on the river", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0694.jp2"}, "695": {"fulltext": "Description of Kaskaskia by Pitman. 691\\nCascasquias, which was both for grinding corn and sawing\\nboards. It lies about one mile from the village. The mill\\nproved fatal to him, being killed as he was working it, with\\ntwo negroes, by a party of the Cherokees, in the year 1764.\\nThe principal buildings are, the church and Jesuits house,\\nwhich has a small chapel adjoining it these, as well as some\\nother houses in the village, are built of stone, and, consider-\\ning this part of the world, make a very good appearance.\\nThe Jesuits plantation consisted of two hundred and forty\\narpents of cultivated land,* a very good stock of cattle, and\\na brewery; which was sold by the French commandant, after\\nthe country was ceded to the English, for the crown, in con-\\nsequence of the suppression of the order.\\nMons. Beauvais was the purchaser, who is the richest of\\nthe English subjects in this country he keeps eighty slaves;\\nhe furnishes eighty-six thousand weight of flour to the King s\\nmagazine, which was only a part of the harvest he reaped in\\none year.\\nSixty-five families reside in this village, besides mer-\\nchants, other casual people, and slaves. The fort, which\\nwas burnt down in October, 1766, stood on the summit of a\\nhigh rock opposite the village, and on the opposite side of the\\n[Kaskaskia] river. It was an oblongular quadrangle, of\\nwhich the exterior polygon measured two hundred and nine-\\nty, by two hundred and fifty-one feet. It was built of very\\nthick squared timber, and dove-tailed at the angles. An offi-\\ncer and twenty soldiers are quartered in the village. The offi-\\ncer governs the inhabitants, under the direction of the com-\\nmandant at Chartres. Here are also two companies of mili-\\ntia.\\nPrairie du Rocher, or La Prairie de Roches, as Captain\\nPitman has it, is next described\\nAs about seventeen [fourteen] miles from Cascasquias.\\nIt is a small village, consisting of twelve dwelling-houses, all\\nof which are inhabited by as many families. Here is a little\\nchapel, formerly a chapel of ease to the church at Fort Char-\\ntres. The inhabitants here are very industrious, and raise a\\ngreat deal of corn and every kind of stock. The village is\\ntwo miles from Fort Chartres. [This means Little Village^\\nwhich was a mile, or more, nearer than the fort.] It takes its\\nname from its situation, being built under a rock that runs\\nparallel with the river Mississippi at a league distance, for forty\\nmiles up. Here is a company of militia, the Captain of which\\nregulates the police of the village.\\nSaint Phillippe is a small village about five miles from Fort\\nChartres, on the road to Kaoquias. There are about sixteen\\nAn arpent is 85-lOOths of an English acre. Editor.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0695.jp2"}, "696": {"fulltext": "692 Appendix.\\nhouses and a small church standing; all of the inhabitants,\\nexcept the Captain of the militia, deserted it 1765, and went\\nto the French side, [Missouri.] The Captain of the militia\\nhas about twenty slaves, a good stock of cattle, and a water-\\nmill for corn and planks. This village stands in a very line\\nmeadow, about one mile from the Mississippi.\\nNext follows a description of Cahokia, or, in the orthogra-\\nphy of the time, Kaoquias, which we give entire. It will\\nbe kept in mind that Captain Pitman was officially employed\\nin surveying all the forts, villages and improvements to be\\nfound in the English territoiies on the Mississippi and Gulph\\nof Mexico that he was engaged several years in this work\\nby personal observation, and that the work from which these\\nextracts are made is an official document of great value\\nas filling up a chasm in the history of Illinois, for which no\\nother correct sources of information are to be found.\\nThe village of Saint Famille de Kaoquias, (so Pitman\\nwrites,) is generally reckoned fifteen leagues from Fort Char-\\ntres, and six leagues below the mouth of the Missoury. It\\nstands near the side of the Mississippi, and is marked from\\nthe river by an Island of two leagues long. [See Annals, p.\\n122.] The village is opposite the centre of this Island it is\\nlong and straggling, being three quarters of a mile from one\\nend to the other. It contains forty-five dwelling-houses, and\\na church near its centre. The situation is not well chosen;\\nas in the floods it is generally overfiowed two or three feet.\\nThis w^as the first settlement on the Mississippi. The land\\nwas purchased of the savages b} a few Canadians, some of\\nwhom married women of the Kaoquias nation, and others\\nbrought wives from Canada, and then resided there, leaving\\ntheir children to succeed them.\\nThe inhabitants of this place depend more on hunting,\\nand their Indian trade, than on agriculture, as they scarcely\\nraise corn enough for their own consumption they have a\\ngreat plenty of poultry and good stocks of horned cattle.\\nThe mission of St. Sulpice had a very fine plantation\\nhere, and an excellent house built on it. They sold this es-\\ntate and a very good mill for corn and planks, to a French-\\nman who chose to remain under the English government.\\nThey also disposed of thirty negroes and a good stock of cat-\\ntle to dilferent people in the country, and returned to France\\nin 1764. What is called the fort, is a small house standing\\nin the centre of the village. It differs nothing from the other\\nhouses, except in being one of the poorest. It was formerly\\nenclosed with high pallisades, but these were torn down and\\nburnt. Indeed, a fort at this place could be of but little use.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0696.jp2"}, "697": {"fulltext": "British Authority in Illinois. 693\\nIn the language of Captain Pitman, we have given a full\\nand accurate description of the settlements in Illinois, at the\\nperiod it passed from the dominion of France to that of Great\\nBritain. The population of all classes, other than the abori-\\ngines, could not have exceeded three thousand persons. About\\none-third of this number left the country. The missionaries,\\nwith their attendants, returned to France. Many families di-\\nrected their course to the vicinity of New Orleans. A still\\nlarger number crossed the river to Ste. Genevieve, St. Louis\\nand St. Charles. Not more than two thousand French, Eng-\\nlish and negroes remained. The increase during British rule\\ndid not exceed the number who retreated. The cession took\\nplace in 1763, but it remained in the possession of the French\\nuntil the year 1765. M. St. Ange de Belle Rive was com-\\nmandant at Fort Chartres, and Lieutenant Governor of the\\ndistrict of Illinois. He made some wise and salutary regula-\\ntions about titles to lands, and on the arrival of Captain Stir-\\nling, of the Royal Highlanders, to assume, in the name of His\\nBritannic Majesty, the government of the country, St. Ange\\nretired to St. Louis, and there exercised the functions of com-\\nmandant, much to the satisfaction of the people, until Novem-\\nber, 1770, when his authority was superceded by Piernas, com-\\nmandant under the Spanish government.\\nAt the period of the change of government in Illinois, Gen-\\neral Gage was Commander-in-Chief of the King s troops in\\nNorth America. Captain Stirling brought to the country the\\nfollowing proclamation of Governor Gage\\nWhereas, by the peace concluded at Paris, the 10th day of\\nFebruary, 1763, the country of Illinois has been ceded to his\\nBritannic Majesty, and the taking possession of the said coun-\\ntry of the Illinois, by the troops of his majesty, though delayed,\\nhas been determined upon; we have found it good to make\\nknown to the inhabitants\\nThat his ma-jesty grants to the inhabitants of the Illinois,\\nthe liberty of the catholic religion, as has already been granted\\nto his subjects in Canada. He has consequently given the\\nmost precise and effective orders, to the end, that his new\\nRoman Catholic subjects of the Illinois may exercise the wor-\\nship of their religion, according to the rites of the Romish\\nchurch, in the same manner as in Canada.\\nThat his majesty, moreover, agrees that the French inhabi-\\ntants or others, who have been subjects of the most Christian\\nking, (the king of France,) may retire in full safety and free-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0697.jp2"}, "698": {"fulltext": "694 Appendix.\\ndom wherever they please, even to New Orleans, or any\\npart of Louisiana although it should happen that the Span-\\niards take possession of it in the name of his Catholic majesty,\\n(the king of Spain,) and they may sell their estates, provided\\nit be to subjects of his majesty, and transport their effects as\\nwell as their persons, without restraint upon their emigration,\\nunder any pretence whatever, except in consequence of debts,\\nor of criminal processes.\\nThat those who choose to retain their lands and become\\nsubjects of his majesty, shall enjoy the same rights and privi-\\nleges, the same security for their persons and effects, and the\\nliberty of trade, as the old subjects of the king.\\nThat they are commanded by these presents, to take the\\noath of fidelity and obedience to his majesty, in presence of\\nSieur Stirling, captain of the Highland regiment, the bearer\\nhereof, and furnished with our full powers for this purpose.\\nThat we recommend forcibly to the inhabitants, to conduct\\nthemselves like good and faithful subjects, avoiding, by a wise\\nand prudent demeanor, all causes of complaint against them.\\nThat they act in concert with his majesty s officers, so that\\nhis troops may take possession of all the forts, and order be\\nkept in the country. By this means alone they will spare his\\nmajesty the necessity of recurring to force of arms, and will\\nfind themselves saved from the scourge of a bloody war, and\\nof all the evils which the march of an army into their country\\nwould draw after it.\\nWe direct that those presents be read, published, and\\nposted up in the usual places.\\nDone and given at head-quarters, New York signed with\\nour hands sealed with our seal at arms, and counter-\\nsigned by our Secretary, this 30th of December, 1764.\\nTHOMAS GAGE.*\\nBy his Excellency, G. Marturin.\\nCaptain Stirling remained but a short time in Illinois. He\\nwas succeeded by Major Farmer, of whose administration lit-\\ntle is known. Next in office was Colonel Reed, who made\\nhimself conspicuous by a series of military oppressions, of\\nwhich complaints were made without redress. He became\\nodiously unpopular and left the colony.\\nThe next in command was Lieutenant-Colonel Wilkins,\\nwho arrived at Kaskaskia on the 6th of September, 1768. On\\nthe 21st of November following, he issued a proclamation,\\nstating that he had received orders from Gen. Gage to estab-\\nlish a court of justice in Illinois, for settling all disputes and\\nBrown s lUinoi?, pp. 212, 213.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0698.jp2"}, "699": {"fulltext": "British Authority in Illinois. 695\\ncontroversies between man and man, and all claims in relation\\nto property, both real and personal.\\nAs military commandant, Colonel Wilkins appointed seven\\njudges, who met and held their first court at Fort Chartres,\\nDecember 6th, 176S. Courts w^ere then held once in each\\nmonth.\\nEven this system, though greatly preferable to a military\\ntribunal, was far from satisfying the claims of the people.\\nThey insisted on a trial by a jury, which being denied them,\\nthe court became unpopular.\\nIn 1772, after the tlood already noticed, the seat of govern-\\nment was removed to Kaskaskia.\\nWe know not at what period Colonel Wilkins left the\\ncountry, nor whether any other British officer succeeded him.\\nWhen taken possession of by Colonel Clark, in 1778, M.\\nRochblave, a Frenchman, was commandant. [See Annals,\\np. 195.]\\nCHAPTER II.\\nSKETCHES OF ILLINOIS HISTORY.\\nSke ches of Indian History in Illinois Progress of Illinois from 1800 to 1812 Inci-\\ndents of the War in Illinois.\\nSECTION FIRST.\\nEvents from 1777 to 1800.\\nA communication from Hon. John Reynolds, of Belleville,\\nIllinois, to whom we are indebted for several items of the\\nhistory of that State, gives the following statement, dated\\nApril 7th, 1850.\\nDear Sir: Mr. N. Boismenue, a native of Cahokia, gave\\nme the following facts, which he received from his father and\\nother citizens of Cahokia. They are connected with the revo-\\nlution, and date one or two years before Colonel Clark con-\\nquered the country. You may rest assured as to the truth of\\nthe same.\\nAs we have personal knowledge of Mr. Boismenue, and his\\ncharacter for veracity and a retentive memor}^, and having\\nbefore heard of such an enterprize, we have no hesitation in\\ngiving it a place, as an incident connected with Illinois.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0699.jp2"}, "700": {"fulltext": "696 Appendix.\\nEvidence has already been given, that the French popula-\\nlation disliked the British government, and only wanted a\\nfavorable opportunity to throw off the yoke.\\nNotwithstanding all that has been said in the preceding\\nchapter, of the quiet, peaceful, unambitious character of the\\nmany, there was restlessness and a daring spirit among the\\nfew. Of this class was the party described by ^Ir. Boismenue.\\nWhether their motives were purely patriotic or of a mixed\\ncharacter, cannot now be known.\\nWe give the facts substantially as communicated by our\\ncorrespondent.\\nThere was at Cahokia, a restless, adventurous, daring\\nman by the name of Thomas Brady, or as he was familiarly\\ncalled, Tom Brady; a native of Pennsylvania, who, by hunt-\\ning, or in some other pursuit, found himself a resident of Ca-\\nhokia. He raised a company of sixteen resolute persons, all\\nof Cahokia and the adjacent village of Prairie du Pont, of\\nwhich the father of Mr. Boismenue, the informant, was one.\\nAfter becoming organized for an expedition, the party moved\\nthrough the prairies to a place called the Cow Pens, on the\\nriver St. Joseph, in the south-western part of Michigan. Here\\nwas a trading-post and fort originally established by [the\\nFrench, but since the transfer of the country, had been occu-\\npied by the British by a small force, as a protection of their\\ntraders from the Indians. In 1777, it consisted of twenty-one\\nmen.\\nBrady, with his little band of volunteers, left Cahokia about\\nthe 1st of October, 1777, and made their w^ay to the fort,\\nwhich they captured in the night, without loss on either side,\\nexcept a negro. This person was a slave from some of the\\ncolonies on the Mississippi, who, in attempting to escape, was\\nshot. One object of this expedition, probably, was the Bri-\\ntish goods in the fort.\\nThe company started back as far as the Calumet, a stream\\non the border of Indiana, south-east of Chicago, when they\\nwere overtaken by a party of British, Canadians and Indians,\\nabout three hundred in number, who attacked the Cahokians\\nand forced them to surrender. Two of Brady s party Avere\\nkilled, two wounded, one escaped, and twelve were made\\nprisoners. These remained prisoners in Canada two years,\\nexcept Brady, who made his escape, and returned to Illinois", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0700.jp2"}, "701": {"fulltext": "Sketches of Illinois History. 697\\nbyway of Pennsylvania. M. Boismenue, senior, was one of\\nthe wounded men.\\nThe next spring a Frenchman, by the name of Paulette\\nMaize, a daring fellow, raised about 300 volunteers from Ca-\\nhokia, St. Louis, and other French villages, to re-capture the\\nfort on the river St. Joseph. This campaign was by land,\\nacross the prairies in the spring of 1778. It was successful\\nthe fort was re-taken, and the peltries and goods became the\\nspoil of the victors. The wounded men returned home with\\nMaize. One gave out; they had no horses; and he was dis-\\npatched by the leader, to prevent the company being detained\\non their retreat, lest the same disaster should befal them as\\nhappened to Brad}^ and his company. Some of the mem-\\nbers of the most ancient and respectable families in Cahokia,\\nwere in this expedition.\\nThomas Brady became the Sheriff of the county of St.\\nClair, after its organization by the Governor of the North-\\nwestern territory in 1790. He was regarded as a trust- worthy\\ncitizen and died at Cahokia many years since. After the con-\\nquest of Illinois, the ancient inhabitants of the new county\\nformed by Virginia, [Annals, p. 200,] took the oath of alle-\\ngiance to that State,\\nIn the spring of 1779, Colonel John Todd, bearing the com-\\nmission of County Lieutenant for the county of Illinois, visi-\\nted Post Vincennes and Kaskaskia, for the purpose of organ-\\nizing a temporary government, according to the provisions of\\nthe act of the General Assembly of Virginia, of October\\n1778. On the 15th of June, Mr. Todd issued the following\\nproclamation.*\\nIllinois \\\\county, to-rvit: Whereas, from the fertility and\\nbeautiful situation of the lands bordering upon the Mississip-\\npi, Ohio, Illinois, and Wabash rivers, the taking up the usual\\nquantity of land heretofore allowed for a settlement by the\\ngovernment of Virginia, would injure both the strength and\\ncommerce of this country I do, therefore, issue this procla-\\nmation, strictly enjoining all persons whatsoever from making\\nany new settlements upon the flat lands of the said rivers, or\\nwithin one league of said lands, unless in manner and form of\\nsettlements as heretofore made by the French inhabitants,\\nuntil further orders herein given. And in order that all the\\nclaims to lands in said county may be fully known, and some\\nDillon s Indiana, i. 18C.\\n44", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0701.jp2"}, "702": {"fulltext": "698 Appendix.\\nmethod provided for perpetuating by record the just claims,\\nevery inhabitant is required, as soon as conveniently may be,\\nto lay before the person in each district appointed for that pur-\\npose, a memorandum of his or her land, with copies of all\\ntheir vouchers; and where vouchers have never been given,\\nor are lost, such depositions or certificates as will tend to sup-\\nport their claims; ihe memorandum to mention the quantity\\nof land, to whom originally granted, and when deducing the\\ntitle through the various occupants to the present possessor.\\nThe number of adventurers who will shortly overrun this\\ncountry renders the above method necessary as well to ascer-\\ntain the vacant lands as to guard against trespasses which will\\nprobably be committed on lands not of record.\\nGiven under my hand and seal at Kaskaskia, the 15th of\\nJune, in the 3d year of the Commonwealth, 1779.\\nJOHN TODD, Jr.\\nFor the preservation of peace and the administration of\\njustice, a court of civil and criminal jurisdiction was institu-\\nted at Post Vincennes, in June, 1779. The couit \\\\a as com-\\nposed of several magistrates. Colonel J. M. P. Legras, hav-\\ning been appointed commandant of the town, acted as presi-\\ndent of the court, and in some cases exercised a controlling\\ninfluence over its proceedings. Adopting in some measure\\nthe usages and customs of the early French commandants, the\\nmagistrates of the Court of Post Vincennes began to grant or\\nconcede tracts of land to the French and American inhabit-\\nants of the town, and to different civil and military officers of\\nthe country. Indeed it appears that the court assumed the\\npower of granting lands to every applicant. Before the year\\n1783, about twenty-six thousand acres of land were granted\\nto different individuals. From 1783 to 1787, when the prac-\\ntice was stopped by General Ilarmar, the grants amounted\\nto twenty-two thousand acres.* They were given in tracts\\nvarying in quantities from four hundred acres to the size of a\\nhouse lot. Besides these small concessions there were some\\ngrants of tracts several leagues square. The commandant\\nand magistrates, after having exercised this power for some\\ntime, began to believe that they had the right to dispose of\\nall that large tract of land which, in 1742, had been granted\\nby the Piankeshaw Indians, for the use of the French inhabi-\\ntants of Post Vincennes. Accordingly an arrangement was\\nmade, by which the whole country to which the Indian title\\nwas supposed to be extinguished, was divided between the\\nmembers of the court, and orders to that effect entered on\\ntheir journal each member absenting himself from the court\\non the day that the order was to be made in his favor, so that\\nit might appear to be the act of his fellows only. J\\nColonel Todd was killed at the battle of Blue Licks, [An-\\nLetter written in 1790, from Winthrop Sargent to George Wasbingtt.n.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0702.jp2"}, "703": {"fulltext": "Incidents of Illinois, 1785\u00e2\u0080\u00941800. 699\\nnals, p. 272,] where he commanded the Kentuckians. He had\\nbeen to Virginia on business pertaining to Illinois, returning\\nthrough Kentucky, and not having resigned his command in\\nthe militia of that district, he led the troops to the battle field.\\nHad he lived he would have become a resident of Illinois.\\nHis administration in the new territory was patriotic and\\npopular.\\nThe successor of Colonel Todd was a French gentleman\\nby the name of Timothy de Monbrun, whose official signa-\\nture is found to land grants and other documents in the ar-\\nchives of Randolph county. His name appears at the head of\\na trading company at the French Licks, (Nashville, Tenn.) be-\\nfore the revolutionary war. How long he administered the\\naffairs of the country we know not, and whether any other\\nperson was his successor is equally doubtful. The reader will\\nrecollect that in 1784, Virginia ceded the North-Western ter-\\nritory to the Continental Congress, and that the territory of\\nIllinois remained without an organized government until 1790\\n[Annals, p. 576.]\\nThe next series of events demanding attention, are the\\nfirst American settlements in Illinois, and their difficulties\\nwith the Indians.\\nThe military expedition of General George Rogers Clark,\\nin 1788, and the subjection of the forts of St. Vincent, Kas-\\nkaskia, and Cahokia, was the occasion of making known\\nthe fertile plains of Illinois to the people of the Atlantic\\nStates, and exciting a spirit of emigration to the banks of the\\nMississippi. Some who accompanied him in that expedition,\\nshortly after returned and took possession of the conquered\\ncountry.\\nAt the period of which we speak, with the exception of the\\nold French villages of Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Prairie du Rocher,\\nFort Chartres, Village a Cote, Prairie du Pont, and a few\\nfamilies scattered along the Wabash and Illinois rivers, Illi-\\nnois was the abode of the untamed savage.\\nTradition tells us of many a hard-fought battle between the\\noriginal owners of the country and these intruders. Battle-\\nground creek is well known, on the road from Kaskaskia to\\nShawneetown, twenty-five miles from the former place, where\\nthe Kaskaskias and their allies were dreadfully slaughtered by\\nthe united forces of the Kickapoos and Pottawatomies.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0703.jp2"}, "704": {"fulltext": "700 Appendix\\nOf the Indians, the Kickapoos were the most formidable and\\nmost dangerous neighbors to the whites, and for a number of\\nyears kept the American settlements in continual alarm. At\\nfirst, they appeared friendly; but from 1786 to 1796, a period\\nof ten years, the settlements were in a continual state of alarm\\nfrom these and other Indians.\\nThe first settlement formed by emigrants from the United\\nStates, was made near Bellefontaine, Monroe county, in 1781,\\nby James Moore, whose numerous descendants now reside in\\nthe same settlement. Mr. Moore was a native of Maryland,\\nbut came to Illinois from Western Virginia, with his family, in\\ncompany with James Garrison, Robert Kidd, Shadrach Bond,\\nsen., and Larkin Rutherford. They passed through the wilder-\\nness of the Ohio river, where they took water, came down\\nthe river, and up the Mississippi to Kaskaskia. Mr. Moore,\\nand a portion of his party, planted themselves on the hills near\\nBellefontaine, and Garrison, Bond, and the rest, settled in the\\nAmerican bottom, near Harrisonville. This station became\\nafterwards known by the name of the block-house fort.\\nNothing deserving special notice occurred amongst this lit-\\ntle band of pioneers, till 17S5, when they were joined by Jos.\\nOgle, Jos. Worley, and James Andrews, with large families,\\nfrom Virginia. In 1786, the settlements were strengthened by\\nthe arrival of James Lemen, George Atcherson, and David\\nWaddell, with their families, and several others. The same\\nyear, the Kickapoo Indians commenced their course of preda-\\ntory warfare. A single murder, that of James Flannery, had\\nbeen committed in 1783, while on a hunting excursion, but it\\nwas not regarded as an act of war.\\nBut in 1786, they attacked the settlement, killed James An-\\ndrews, his wife and daughter, James White and Samuel Mc-\\nClure, and took two girls, daughters of Andrews, prisoners.\\nOne of these died with the Indians, the other was ransomed\\nby the French traders. She is now alive, the mother of a\\nlarge family, and resides in St. Clair county. The Indians\\nhad previously threatened the settlement, and the people had\\nbuilt and entered a block-hou.se but this family was out and\\ndefenceless.\\n1787. Early in this year, five families near Bellefontaine,\\nunited and built a block-house, surrounded it with palisades,\\nin which their families resided. While laboring in the corn-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0704.jp2"}, "705": {"fulltext": "Incidents of. Illinois, 1785\u00e2\u0080\u00941800 701\\nfield, they were obliged to carry their rifles, and often at night\\nhad to keep guard. Under these embarrassments, and in daily\\nalarm, they cultivated their corn-fields.\\n1788. This year the war assumed a more threatening as-\\npect. Early in the spring, William Biggs was taken prisoner.\\nWhile himself, John Vallis, and Joseph and Benjamin Ogle,\\nwere passing from the station on the hills to the Block-house\\nfort in the bottom, they were attacked by the Indians. Biggs\\nand Vallis were a few rods in advance of the party. Vallis\\nwas killed and Biggs taken prisoner. The others escaped un-\\nhurt. Biggs was taken through the prairies to the Kickapoo\\ntowns on the Wabash, from whence he was finally liberated\\nby means of the French traders. The Indians treated him\\nwell, offered him the daughter of a brave for a wife, and pro-\\nposed to adopt him into their tribe. He afterwards became\\na resident of St. Clair county, was a member of the territo-\\nrial legislature, judge of the county court, and wrote and\\npublished a narrative of his captivity among the Indians.\\nOn the 10th day of December, in the same year, James\\nGarrison and Benjamin Ogle, while hauling hay from the bot-\\ntom, were attacked by two Indians Ogle was shot in the\\nshoulder, where the ball remained Garrison sprang from the\\nload and escaped into the woods. The horses taking fright,\\ncarried Ogle safe to the settlements. In stacking the same\\nhay, Samuel Garrison and a IMr. Riddick were killed and\\nscalped.\\n1789. This was a period of considerable mischief. Three\\nboys were attacked by six Indians, a few yards from the\\nblock-house, one of which, David Waddel, was struck with a\\ntomahawk in three places, scalped, and yet recovered the\\nothers escaped unhurt. A short time previous, James Turner,\\na young man, was killed on the American bottom. Two men\\nwere afterwards killed and scalped while on their way to St.\\nLouis. In another instance, two men were attacked on a load\\nof hay one was killed outright, the other was scalped, but\\nrecovered. The same year John Ferrel was killed, and John\\nDempsey was scalped and made his escape. The Indians\\nfrequently stole the horses and killed the cattle of the settlers.\\n1790. The embarrassments of these frontier people greatly\\nincreased, and they lived in continual alarm. In the winter,\\na party of Osage Indians, who had not molested them hitherto.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0705.jp2"}, "706": {"fulltext": "702 Appendix.\\ncame across the Mississippi, stole a number of horses, and at-\\ntempted to recross the river. The Americans followed and\\nfired upon them. James Worley, an old settler, having got in\\nadvance of his party, was shot, scalped, and his head cut ofl\\nand left on the sand-bar. The same year, James Smith, a\\nBaptist preacher from Kentucky, while on a visit to these\\nfrontiers, was taken prisoner by a party of Kickapoos. On\\nthe 19lh May, in company with Mrs. Huff and a Frenchman,\\nhe was proceeding from the block-house to a settlement then\\nknown by the name of the Little Village. The Kickapoos\\nfired upon them from an ambuscade near Bellefontaine, killed\\nthe Frenchman s horse, sprang upon the woman and her\\nchild, whom they despatched with a tomahawk, and took\\nSmith. His horse being shot, he attempted to flee on foot;\\nand having some valuable papers in his saddle-bags, he threw\\nthem into a thicket, where they were found next day by his\\nfriends. Having retreated a few yards down the hill, he fell\\non his knees in prayer for the poor woman they Avere butcher-\\ning, and who had been seriously impressed, for some days,\\nabout religion. The Frenchman escaped on foot in the\\nthickets. The Indians soon had possession of Smith, loaded\\nhim with packs of plunder which they had collected, and took\\nup their line of march through the prairies. Smith was a\\nlarge, heavy man, and soon became tired under his heavy load,\\nand with the hot sun. Several consultations were held by the\\nIndians, how to dispose of their prisoner. Some were for\\ndespatching him outright, being fearful the whites would fol-\\nlow them from the settlement, and frequently pointing their\\nguns at his breast. Knowing well the Indian character, he\\nwould bare his breast as if in defiance, and point upwards to\\nsignify the Great Spirit was his protector. Seeing him in the\\nattitude of prayer, and hearing him sing hymns on his march,\\nwhich he did to relieve his own mind from despondency, they\\ncame to the conclusion that he was a great medicine, holding\\ndaily intercourse with the Good Spirit, and must not be put to\\ndeath. After this, they took off his burdens and treated him\\nkindly. They took him to the Kickapoo towns on the Wabash,\\nfrom whence, in a few months, he obtained his deliverance,\\nthe inhabitants of New Design paying one hundred and\\nseventy dollars for his ransom.\\n1791. In the spring of this year, the Indians again com-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0706.jp2"}, "707": {"fulltext": "Incidents of Illinois, 1785\u00e2\u0080\u00941800. 703\\nraenced their depredations by stealing horses. In May, John\\nDempsey was attacked, bat made his escape. A party of\\neight men followed. The Indians were just double their num-\\nber. A severe running fight was kept up for several hours,\\nand conducted with great prudence and bravery on the part\\nof the whites. Each party kept the trees for shelter; the In-\\ndians retreating, and the Americans pursuing, from tree to\\ntree until night put an end to the conflict. Five Indians were\\nkilled without the loss of a man or of a drop of blood on the\\nother side. This party consisted of Capt. N. Hull, who com-\\nmanded, Joseph Ogle, sen., Benjamin Ogle, James Lemen,\\nsen., J. Ryan, William Bryson, John Porter, andD. Draper.\\n1792. This was a season of comparative quietness. No\\nIndian fighting and the only depredations committed, were\\nin stealing a few horses.\\n1793. This was a period of contention and alarm. The\\nlittle settlements were strengthened this year by the addition\\nof a band of emigrants from Kentucky; amongst which was\\nthe family of Whiteside.\\nIn February, an Indian in ambuscade, wounded Joel White-\\nside, and was followed by John Moore, Andrew Kinney, Thos.\\nTodd, and others, killed and scalped. Soon after, a party of\\nKickapoos, supposed to have been headed by the celebrated\\nwar-chief, Old Pecan, made a predatory excursion into the\\nAmerican bottom, near the present residence of S. W. Miles,\\nin Monroe county, and stole nine horses from the citizens. A\\nnumber of citizens rallied and commenced pursuit; but many\\nhaving started without preparing for long absence, and being\\napprehensive that an expedition into the Indian country\\nwould be attended with much danger, all returned but eight\\nmen. This little band consisted of Samuel Judy, John White-\\nside, William L. Whiteside, Uel Whiteside, William Harring-\\nton, John Dempsey, and John Porter, with William Whiteside,\\na man of great prudence and unquestionable bravery in In-\\ndian warfare, whom they chose commander.\\nThey passed on the trail near the present site of Belleville^\\ntowards the Indian camps on Shoal creek, where they found\\nthree of the stolen horses grazing, which they secured. The\\nparty then, small as it was, divided into two parts of four men\\neach, and approached the Indian camps from opposite sides.\\nThe signal for attack was the discharge of the captain s gun.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0707.jp2"}, "708": {"fulltext": "704 Appendix.\\nOne Indian, a son of Old Pecan, was killed, another mor-\\ntally, and others slightly wounded, as the Indians fled, leaving\\ntheir guns. Such a display of courage by the whites, and be-\\ning attacked on two sides at once, made the Indians believe\\nthere was a large force, and the old chief approached the party\\nand begged for quarter. But when he discovered his foes to\\nbe an insignificant number, and his own party numerous, he\\ncalled aloud to his braves to return and retrieve their honor.\\nHis own gun he surrendered to the whites, but now he seized\\nthe gun of the captain, and exerted all his force to wrest it\\nfrom him. Captain Whiteside was a powerful man, and a\\nstranger to fear; but he compelled the Indian to retire, deem-\\ning it dishonorable to destroy an unarmed man, who had pre-\\nviously surrendered.\\nThis intrepid band was now in the heart of the Indian\\ncountry, where hundreds of warriors could be raised in a few\\nhours time. In this critical situation, Captain Whiteside, not\\nless distinguished for prudence than bravery, did not long\\nhesitate. With the horses they had recovered, they imme-\\ndiately started for home, without loss of time in hunting the\\nremainder. They travelled night and day, without eating or\\nsleeping, till they reached in safety Whiteside s station, in\\nMonroe county. On the same night, Old Pecan, with seventy\\nwarriors, arrived in the vicinity of Cahokia. From that time the\\nvery name of Whiteside struck terror amongst the Kickapoos.\\nHazardous and daring as this expedition was, it met with\\ngreat disapprobation from many of the settlers. Some alleged\\nthat Old Pecan was decidedly friendly to the whites that\\nanother party had stolen the horses; that the attack upon his\\ncamp was clandestine and wanton and that it was the cause\\nof much subsequent mischief. These nice points of casuistry\\nare difficult to be settled at this period. It has long been\\nknown, that one portion of a nation or tribe will be on the\\nwar-path, while another party will pretend to be peaceable.\\nHence it has been found necessary to hold the tribe responsible\\nfor the conduct of its party.\\n1794. The Indians, in revenge of the attack just narrated,\\nshot Thomas Whiteside, a young man, near the station,\\ntomahawked a son of William Whiteside, so that he died, all\\nin revenge for the death of Old Pecan s son. In February of\\nthe same year, the Indians killed Mr. Huff, one of the early\\nsettlers, while on his way to Kaskaskia.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0708.jp2"}, "709": {"fulltext": "Incidents of Illinois, 1785\u00e2\u0080\u00941800. 705\\n1795. Two men at one time, and some French negroes at\\nanother time, were killed on the American bottom, and some\\nprisoners taken. The same year, the family of Mr. McMahan\\nwas killed and himself and daughters taken prisoners. This\\nman lived in the outskirts of the settlement. Four Indians\\nattacked his house in day-light, killed his wife and four chil-\\ndren before his eyes, laid their bodies in a row on the floor of\\nthe cabin, took him and his daughters, and marched for their\\ntowns. On the second night, Mr. McMahan, finding the In-\\ndians asleep, put on their moccasins and made his escape. He\\narrived in the settlement just after his neighbors had buried\\nhis family. They had enclosed their bodies in rude coflins,\\nand covered them with earth as he came in sight. He looked\\nupon the newly formed hillock, and raising his eyes to heaven\\nin pious resignation, said, they were lovely and pleasant in\\ntheir lives, and in their death they were not divided. His\\ndaughter, now Mrs. Gaskill,of Ridge Prairie, was afterwards\\nransomed by the charitable contributions of the people.\\nNot far from this period, the Whitesides, and others, to the\\nnumber of fourteen persons, made an attack upon an en-\\ncampment of Indians, of superior force, at the foot of the\\nbluffs west of Belleville. Only one Indian ever returned to\\nhis nation to tell the story of their defeat. The graves of the\\nrest were to be seen, a few years since, in the border of the\\nthicket, near the battle ground. In this skirmish, Capt. Wm.\\nWhiteside was wounded, as he thought, mortally, having re-\\nceived a shot in his side. As he fell, he exhorted his sons to\\nfight valiantly, not to yield an inch of ground, nor let the In-\\ndians touch his body. Uel Whiteside, who was shot in the\\narm, and disabled from using the rifle, examined the wound,\\nand found the ball had glanced along the ribs and lodged\\nagainst the spine. With that presence of mind, which is\\nsometimes characteristic of our backwoods hunters, he whip-\\nped out his knife, gashed the skin, extracted the ball, and\\nholding it up, exultingly exclaimed, Father, you are not\\ndead! The old man instantly jumped on his feet, and re-\\nnewed the fight, exclaiming, come on, boys, 1 can fight them\\nyet Such instances of desperate intrepidity and martial en-\\nergy of character, distinguished the men who defended the\\nfrontiers of Illinois in those days of peril.\\nThe subjugation of the Indians in the Miami country, by", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0709.jp2"}, "710": {"fulltext": "706 Appendix.\\nGeneral Wayne, in 1794, and the treaty that grew out of it\\nthe following year, brought peace to the borders of Illinois,\\nand the settlers remained unmolested from these daily alarms.\\nA few horses were stolen from time to time, and in 1802, Jo-\\nseph Vanmeter and Alexander Dennis were killed on the\\nAmerican bottom, but no attack was made upon the settle-\\nments. Families again took up their abodes in the borders\\nof the prairies; emigrants from the States clustered around\\nthem, and the cultivation of the soil was pur.sued without fear\\nor interruption.\\nDuring most of the period we have gone over, these people\\nlived under the- jurisdiction of the North-Western territory.\\nThe administration of civil government was conducted in its\\nmost simple form; the morals of the people were pure, and\\nmuch of rural simplicity and hospitality was enjoyed.\\nThere was something peculiarly interesting in this primi-\\ntive society. The grosser vices were unknown. There was\\nbut very little use for the administration of either civil or crim-\\ninal laws. Ardent spirit, that outrage upon morals, social\\norder, and religion, had been introduced but in small quanti-\\nties thefts and other crimes were extremely rare, and fraud\\nand dishonesty in dealings, but seldom practised. The Moores,\\nOgles, Lemens, and other families, were of unblemished mor-\\nals, and were impelled by a love of freedom to leave the banks\\nof the Potomac, in A ^irginia, for a residence on the prairies of\\nIllinois. They were opposed to slavery, and took up their\\nlong line of march for these wild regions, that they and their\\nposterity might enjo} uninterrupted, the advantages of a\\ncountry unembarrassed with slavery.\\nFor the first eight or ten years of the period I have glanced\\nover, the only professor of religion in the colony was a female,\\nwho had been a member of the Presbyterian church yet the\\nsabbath was observed with religious consecration. The peo-\\nple were accustomed to assemble, sing hymns, and read a por-\\ntion of scripture or a sermon. No one ventured to offer a\\nprayer.\\nIn 1778, James Smith, a Baptist preacher from Kentucky,\\nwhose captivity with the Indians has been narrated, visited\\nthe settlement and preached to the people. The influence of\\nthe divine spirit descended, and some were converted. This\\nwas the first protestant preaching, and these were the first", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0710.jp2"}, "711": {"fulltext": "Incidents of Illinois, 1785\u00e2\u0080\u00941800. 707\\nconverts, and this the first revival of religion, ever known on\\nthe banks of the father of w^aters.\\nIn 1790, Smith made his first visit to the country, preached\\nseveral times, and other persons became anxious about their\\nsouls, amongst whom was the woman who was murdered,\\nwhen he was captured. Owing to the unsettled state of the\\ncountry, it was not deemed expedient to organize a church.\\nAmongst the converts made under the preaching of Smith,\\nwere Joseph Ogle and some of his children, James Lemon,\\nsen., their wives and others.\\nIn 1793, Joseph Lillard, a Methodist preacher, made a visit\\nto the country, and attended several meetings. Some of the\\nfamilies embraced Methodist principles. The succeeding year,\\nJosiah Dodge, a regular Baptist preacher, originally from Con-\\nnecticut, but then from Kentucky, visited Illinois, and preach-\\ned the gospel with some success. The next year he returned\\nand baptized James Lemen, sen., and wife, John Gibbons and\\nIsaac Enocks. This was the first instance of the ordinance of\\nbaptism being administered by a protestant in these ends of\\nthe earth. During the same year, 1796, elder David Badgley\\nfrom Virginia, visited Illinois, and organized the Baptist\\nchurch at New Design, which was the first regularly organ-\\nized protestant community.\\nIt is worthy of note, that the descendants of those early\\nsettlers whose attention was turned to religion, and for whom\\nthe Lord spread a table in the wilderness, are now worthy\\nand respectable members of christian churches. A large ma-\\njority of the Moores, Lemens and Ogles, are of this descrip-\\ntion.\\nIn a few years, preachers of the gospel were raised up in\\nthe country, many of whom are now alive; and notwithstand-\\ning the difficulties they had to surmount, and the privations\\nto endure, they have been instrumental in doing much good.\\nIn those days, that minister s library was thought to be well\\nsuppHed, that contained a complete copy of the Holy Scrip-\\ntures, a copy of Watts Psalms and Hymns, and Russell s sev-\\nen Sermons. There were preachers then, who taught the peo-\\nple in the best manner they were able, without possessing,\\nand without the power of obtaining a ivhole copy of the Word\\nof God.\\nThe opportunity of these pioneers to educate their children", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0711.jp2"}, "712": {"fulltext": "708 Appendix.\\nwas extremely small. If the mother could read, while tlie\\nfather was in the cornfield, or with his rifle upon the range,\\nshe would barricade the door to keep off the Indians, gather\\nher little ones around her, and by the light that came in from\\nthe crevices in the roof and sides of the cabin, she would teach\\nthem the rudiments of spelling from the fragments of some\\nold book. After schools were taught, the price of a rough\\nand antiquated copy of Dihvorth s spelling book was une dol-\\nlar, and that dollar equal in value tojive now.\\nThe first school ever taught for the American settlers, was\\nby Samuel Seely, in 1783. Francis Clark, an intemperate\\nman, came next. This was near Bellefontaine, in 1786.\\nAfter this, an inoffensive Irishman of small attainments, by\\nthe name of Halfpenny, was employed by the people for sev-\\neral quarters. Spelling, reading, writing, and the elements\\nof arithmetic, were all the branches attempted to be taught,\\nand these in a very imperfect manner.\\nFollowing him, the late pious and eccentric John Clark, a\\npreacher of the gospel, taught the youth of these settlements\\ngratuitously. He was a good scholar, of Scotch descent and\\neducation, and initiated the young men of that day, not only in\\nthe rudiments of an English education, but in several instan-\\nces, in mathematics, natural philosophy, and the latin lan-\\nguage.\\nThe year 1797 was distinguished for a mortal sickness that\\nprevailed in the settlement of New Design. A colony of one\\nhundred and twenty-six persons, left the south branch of the\\nPotomac, in Virginia, early in the spring, descended the Ohio\\nby water, landed at Fort Massac, bringing their horses and\\nwagons, with which they crossed the wilderness to New De-\\nsign. The season proved uncommonly rainy the mud was\\nexcessively deep, and frequently for miles in extent, they were\\nobliged to watle through sheets of water. They were twenty-\\none da^s in traversing this wilderness, which is mostly a tim-\\nbered region. The old settlers had been so long harrassed\\nwith Indian warfare, that agriculture had been neglected, their\\ncattl e were few in number, and their stock of provisions very\\nscanty. Their cabins usually consisted of a single room, for\\nall domestic purposes and though hospitality to strangers is\\na universal trait in frontier character, it was utterly beyond\\nthe power of the inhabitants to provide accommodations in", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0712.jp2"}, "713": {"fulltext": "Incidents of Illinois, 1785\u00e2\u0080\u00941800. 709\\nprovisions or shelter to these new comers, who arrived in a\\nfamishing, deplorable, and sickly condition. They did the\\nbest they could a single cabin frequently contained three or\\nfour families. Their rifles could procure venison from the\\nprairies; but the extreme rains were followed with unusual\\nheat; they had no salt, and their meat was often in spoiling\\norder, before they could pack it from the hunting grounds to\\nthe settlement. Medical aid was procured with the greatest\\ndifficulty, and that but seldom. Under such circumstances,\\nneed it surprise the reader, that of the one hundred and\\ntwenty-six emigrants who left Virginia in the spring, only\\nsixty-three remained at the close of summer. A little bluff\\nhad been entirely covered with newly-formed graves They\\nwere swept off by a putrid fever, uncommonly malignant, and\\nwhich sometimes did its work in a few hours. The old inhabi-\\ntants were healthy as usual.\\nThe settlers state, that no disease like it ever appeared in\\nthe country before or shice. Intelligence of this fatal sickness\\nreached the Atlantic states, found its way into the periodical\\njournals, and, more than all other events, has produced an im-\\npression abroad, that all Illinois is a sickly countr}- an im-\\npression wholly incorrect. Illinois, unquestionably, is as\\nhealthy a region as any western state.\\nSECTION II.\\nSketches of Indian History in Illinois,\\nThe territory of Illinois, south of a line from about Quincy\\nto Ottowa, was originally claimed by a confederacy of tribes\\nunder the general name of Illinois, or as called by Hennepin\\n(of doubtful authority,) lllini. We have searched every au-\\nthority within our reach, for the etymology and meaning of\\nthis name. The most elaborate work in our library on Indian\\nnames and the structure of numerous languages and dialects\\nof the aborigines of our country, is the second volumeyof the\\nArclicBologia Americana,^ or Transactions and Collections of\\nthe American Antiquarian Society. This work contains 422\\nlarge octavo pages, from the pen of the late Albert Gallatin,\\nEsq., whose researches in this department of literature are\\nthe most extensive to be found. The works of Eliot, Colton,\\nRoger Williams, and Edwards of New England the diction-\\nary of Father Rasle, illustrated by the learned and discrimina-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0713.jp2"}, "714": {"fulltext": "710 Appendix.\\nting Pickering and the researciies of Heckewelder and Zeis-\\nberger, on whose data have been reared the philosophical hy-\\npotheses of Du Ponceau; are investigations in the languages\\nand dialects of the Indian nations, most profound and search-\\ning. JNfr. Gallatin has brought together in one view, the lan-\\nf^uao^es and dialects of all the Indian nations of North Ameri-\\nca, so far as authentic specimens could be procured. We are\\nthus particular to remove any impressions that our suggestion\\nof the origin and meaning of the term Illinois is fanciful.\\nThe aborigines of this continent are not of one stock. In\\nlanguage, religion, manners, customs, figure, mental power,\\nand other characteristics, the native inhabitants of North\\nAmerica were divided into several distinct classes and these\\nagain, were subdivided into numerous confederacies and tribes,\\ndiffering from each other in dialect, and slight modifications of\\ncharacter. The first division, and the only one that demands\\nattention in this work, has been denominated by the French\\nthe Algonquin race by Mr. Schoolcraft, the Algic race.\\nThis was the most numerous class when the continent was\\nfirst visited by Europeans, and, embraced all the Indians of Can-\\nada, New England and New York, except the Iroquois or Six\\nNations, who are a different and a superior stock. The Len-\\nno-lcnape, or Delawares, of New Jersey and Pennsylvania the\\nPowhattan confederacy of Virginia, the Chouannons, or\\nShawanoes, from James River to Florida the Meaumies [Mi-\\namies] of Ohio and Indiana the O jibways, Ottawas, Potta-\\nwatomies, Musquakies, [Fox Indians] Saukies, Kickapoos, and\\nmany others, including the Illinois confederacy, are of the Al-\\ngonquin or Algic stock. They are called in the work before\\nus, the Algonquin- Lenape nations.\\nThe name Illinois is derived from Lenno, man. The Del-\\naware Indians (according to Heckewelder and Zeisberger) call\\nthemselves Lenno Lenape, which means original, or unmix-\\ned men. The term manly men, to distinguish themselves from\\nmean, trifling men, would convey the exact idea. Nape\\nmeans male, and Lenape a real man.\\nThe tribes along the Illinois gave the French explorers to\\nunderstand, they were real men. They said lenno, or len-\\nni. All uncouth, strange and barbarous sounds are liable to\\nbe misunderstood, and mis-spelt, unless long acquaintance and\\nTransactions, ii. 21.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0714.jp2"}, "715": {"fulltext": "Incidents of Illinois, 1785\u00e2\u0080\u00941800. 7X1\\na careful analysis produce accuracy. The word lenno expres-\\nsed the nation to which they belonged as a generic term.\\nThere was no particular tribe called Elini. The word Illinois\\nis partly Indian, and partly French. Every scholar knows\\nthat the termination is French. The river took its name from\\nthe Indians that occupied its banks.\\nThe confederacy under the generic name Illinois, consisted\\nof five tribes the Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Tamarouas, Peorias,\\nand Mitchigamias. This last (if Charlevoix is correct) was a\\nforeign tribe admitted into their confederacy, and which origi-\\nnally came from the other side of the Mississippi. This, we\\ndoubt, for originally they were about Lake Michigan, where\\nthey left their name. This confederacy are said to have been\\nnumerous, and before the visit of Marquette and Joliet, to con-\\nsist of ten or twelve thousand souls.\\nThe Iroquois, or five nations, were at war with them when\\nLa Salle visited Illinois. They claimed to have conquered\\nthe country, and exercised their right to dispose of it to their\\nally. Great Britain. The Chickasaws made war on them from\\nthe south the Sauks, Foxes, Kickapoos, Ottaw^as, Pottawato-\\nmies, and other bands from the north, and though once numer-\\nous, they were greatly reduced by their enemies.\\nStarved Rock, near the foot of the rapids of the Illinois, is a\\nperpendicular mass of lime and sand stone washed by the cur-\\nrent at its base, and elevated 150 feet. The diameter of its\\nsurface is about 100 feet, with aslope extending to the adjoin-\\ning bluff from which alone it is accessible.\\nTradition says that after the Illinois Indians had killed\\nPontiac, the great Indian Chief of the northern Indians\\nmade war upon them. A band of the Illinois, in attempting\\nto escape, took shelter on this rock, which they soon made in-\\naccessible to their enemies, and where they were closely be-\\nsieged. They had secured provisions, but their only resource\\nfor water was by letting down vessels with bark ropes to the\\nriver. The wily besiegers contrived to come in canoes under\\nthe rock and cut off their buckets, by which means the unfor-\\ntunate Illinois were starved to death. Many years after, their\\nbones were whitening on this summit.\\nIroquois river and county, in the eastern part of the State\\nreminds us of one victory, at least, the Illinois Indians gained\\nover their ancient enemies. The latter were driven from the\\nfield with considerable loss.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0715.jp2"}, "716": {"fulltext": "712 Appendix.\\nThe Tamarouas tribe were nearly exterminated by the\\nShavvanese, in a fight in the eastern part of Randolph county,\\nwhere their bones could be seen about the period of the con-\\nquest of Illinois by Clark. From that period their name was\\nlost.\\nWe are at some loss to arrange the Mascoutin tribe, or as\\ngiven by Father AUouez, Mascontens.*\\nCharlevoix says, and he is confirmed by Mr. Schoolcraft, that\\nMascontenck means a country without woods, a prairie. f\\nThere certainly was a tribe called by this name, in friendly re-\\nlations with the Illinois confederacy. They were a distinct\\nband when Colonel Clark negotiated with the Indians of Illi-\\nnois, in 1778. [Annals, 205.] They certainly were not Sauks,\\nFoxes, Kickapoos, nor Shawanese. Probably they, too, be-\\nlonged to the Illinois confederacy, and constituted the sixth\\nbranch.\\nThe Piankeshaws possessed the eastern part of the State\\nadjacent to the Wabash river. Formerly they claimed the\\ncountry on both sides of the Wabash, but about the middle\\nof the sixteenth century, they gave the Shau-anoes (who origi-\\nnated from the country on the Atlantic, between James river\\nand Florida) liberty to occupy the country on the Ohio and\\neastern side of the Wabash. In 1768, they granted a tract\\nof country east of the Wabash to the Delaware Indians.J\\nThey claimed the country from the Wabash west to the divi-\\nding ridge, which separates the waters emptying into the Sa-\\nline creek and the Kaskaskia river, from the streams that flow\\ninto the Wabash. They were a branch of the Miami confed-\\neracy.\\nThere is a tradition that the Kickapoos originally came\\nfrom beyond the Mississippi river, and yet their language,\\nmanners and customs are similar to those of the Sauks and\\nFoxes. They claimed the country on the Sangamon, Macki-\\nnaw and Vermillion rivers in Illinois, and had villages on the\\nWabash in Indiana. Indian titles and boundaries are extreme-\\nly vague and indeterminate. They have ever been a nomadic\\npeople, wandering from place to place. Attachment to the\\ngraves of their fathers is poetry.\\nRelation? of New France, 1G66.\\ntTransoelions Antiquarian Society, ii. 61.\\nX Transactions, ii. 63.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0716.jp2"}, "717": {"fulltext": "Incidents of Illinois, 1785\u00e2\u0080\u00941803. 713\\nThe Sauks originated from the region of Quebec and Mon-\\ntreal. Probably they were expelled by the Iroquois who con-\\nquered that country. We can naxt identify them on the north-\\nern side of Michigan, along Saganau bay, as the name im-\\nports. Saganau is from Sau-ke-nuk, (Saukietown.)\\nNext they are at Sauk river, in Wisconsin, ^below Green\\nBay, where they formed an alliance with the Ottagamies,\\nas called by the English and many Indians the Les Ren-\\nards by the French. Their true name is Mus-quau-kee, sin-\\ngular, or Mus-quau-ki-uk, plural. The meaning is red clay,\\nas Saukie means while clay. The Foxes possessed the coun-\\ntry about Green Bay, and along the river that bears their\\nname.\\nIt was not until some years after the French settled in Illi-\\nnois, they wandered to the Mississippi, and took possession of\\nthe peninsula of Rock River, where they dispossessed the\\nSauteaux, with whom the French had traded. These people\\nwere a branch of the Chippeway, or Ojibbeway nation.\\nTheir principal village was where Rock Island city now ex-\\nists, but they had several other village sites, one of which was\\nwhere Quincj^ now is. They took possession of the country\\nof the loways, [Aiouez] whom they partly subjugated. The\\nFoxes had their principal village on the west side of the Mis-\\nsissippi, at Davenport. A small Sauk village was on the west\\nside of the Mississippi river, near the mouth of the Des-\\nmoines.\\nThe Pottawatomies, Ottowas and Chippeways, have an\\naffinity in language, and have sustained a friendly relation-\\nship. They possessed the country in the north-eastern part of\\nIllinois and around Lake Michigan.\\nThe Mcnominees, (or Melominees of some writers) had their\\ncountry north-west of Green Bay, among the rice-lakes. Their\\nname signifies Rice-eaters, and hence the French call them\\nFolls-avoine, a term that signifies wild rice, or oats.\\nThis tribe is mentioned by the missionaries as early as 1669.\\nAnother small tribe about Green Bay and Sturgeon Bay, is the\\nPuants,^^ so called from their extreme filthy habits.\\n45", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0717.jp2"}, "718": {"fulltext": "714 Appendix.\\nSECTION THIRD.\\nProgress of Illinois from 1800 to 1812.\\nDuring this period, no important events of a thrilling char-\\nacter occurred to interrupt the quiet routine of peaceful life\\nin this remote territory. The termination of the Indian hos-\\ntilities invited immigration from the States. The settlements in\\nwhat is now Monroe county, became the temporary resort of\\nmany families from the two Carolinas, Virginia, Kentucky and\\nTennessee, who, in a year or two, passed over to Upper Louis-\\niana. The population of Illinois in 1790, did not much ex-\\nceed 2000 white persons, and in 1800, about 3000. (The es-\\ntimate in the preceding section included Indiana.) We have a\\nlist of the names of heads of American families, who came to\\nIllinois previous to 1788, and thereby became entitled to do-\\nnations of land, called head-rights. Their number is 80.\\nOf these the names of John Edgar, George Atcheson, Wm.\\nArundel, William Biggs, John Boyd, John Cook, John Dodge,\\nJames Garrison, Thomas Hughes, Jacob Judy, Peter Smith,\\nJames Lemen, sen., James Moore, Henry O llarra, Joseph\\nOMe, James Piggott, Larkin Rutherford, John K. Simpson, Jo-\\nseph Worley, James McRoberts, Thomas Brady, John Demp-\\nsey, Thomas Flannery, and many others, will be recollected\\nby the old settlers.\\nA letter from Governor Reynolds, dated Belleville, Illinois,\\nFebruary 29th, 1848, gives the following facts:\\nThe whole country both sides of the Mississippi, was call-\\ned Illinois in ancient times. When my father started from\\nKnox county, in East Tennessee, for the Spanibh country,\\nas he intended, it was called there Illinois. He left Tennessee\\nin the spring of 1800,crosi?ed the Ohio river at Lusk s ferry,\\nas it was called, and landed on the right bank of the Ohio,\\nwhere Golconda is now h^ituated. There was no house on the\\nroad to Kaskaskia, until we readied General Edgar s ferry,\\none miie above the town. In 1801, there were six famil.es\\neast of the Kaskaskia river in a settlement. The names were\\nStaceyMcDonough, James Hughes and Messrs. Pet tit, Dunks,\\nand Anderson. My father, Robert Reynolds, settl(;d near the\\nriver and town of Kaskaskia. Pettit, Anderson and Dunks,\\nresided on Nine Mile creek, a few miles north of the first\\nnamed persons, but it was called one settlement, although se-\\nveral miles in extent. No one at that period lived east near-\\ner than Vincennes.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0718.jp2"}, "719": {"fulltext": "American Settlements in Illinois. 715\\nla very early times a town by the name of Washington was\\nlaid off in Horse Prairie, and a few families resided there in\\n1800. Mr, Leonis had a saw mill on Horse Creek, and Gener-\\nal Edgar had a fine flouring mill on a small stream east of the\\nKaskaskia river. At a still earlier period, a town was estab-\\nlished at or near Bellefontaine, in Monroe county, where both\\nAmericans and French resided, and I have seen the vestiges\\nof it.\\nBefore 1790, General Edgar made salt at the foot of the\\nbluffs near the residence of Judge Bond, and near the termi-\\nnus of the bluffs at the south part of Monroe county. The\\nwater was not very strong, and yet considerable salt was made\\nat this lick. At the Salines, below Ste. Genevieve, considera-\\nble salt was manufactured, during many years, within sight\\nof the Illinois shore. And in still more ancient times, the\\nFrench from Vincennes made salt at the Salines in Gallatin\\ncounty.\\nGeneral John Edgar was an officer in the British navy, in\\nCanada, and on the lakes. He came to Kaskaskia during the\\nwar of the revolution. He was a trader and accumulated a\\nlarge amount of lands.\\nOf the Americans who resided in the town of Kaskaskia in.\\n1800, we give the names of John Edgar, James Edgar, Will-\\nliam Morrison, Robert Morrison, John Rice Jones, William\\nArundel, and probably some others. Colonel William Morri-\\nson was engaged in the Indian trade. He kept the principal\\nwholesale and retail store in the place for many years. He\\nwas a man of talents, enterprize, and indomitable energy, and\\ndied some years since at an advanced age.\\nThe old Kaskaskia tribe of Indians at that period, were\\nnumerous, and resided between the town and ruins of Fort\\nChartres. They counted 150 warriors, which makes their\\npopulation about 700 or 800. Their chief, old Du Coigne, was\\na man of strong mind and always friendly to the white peo-\\nple. The Kickapoos were frequently at war with the Kaskas-\\nkia Indians, and cut off many, but intoxicating drink killed\\nmany more.\\nTwo American settlements were commenced in the present\\nboundaries of St. Clair county previous to 1800. Turky Hill,\\na few miles east of Belleville, was first settled in 1798, by\\nWilliam Scott, John and Franklin Jarvis, Hosea Riggs, Saml.\\nShook, George Stout, and their families. From five to seven\\nmiles south-east of Belleville, another settlement was com-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0719.jp2"}, "720": {"fulltext": "716 Appendix.\\nmenced about 1797, by Abraham Eyman, John Teter, William\\nMiller and Mr. Randelman.\\nIn 1802, several families commenced settlem.ents in St. Clair\\ncounty, north of Belleville. Amongst these was Captain Jos.\\nOgle and his sons, J. J. Whiteside, and W. L. Whiteside.\\nAbout the same tinie Goshen settlement vi^as commenced, near\\nthe bluffs, in the present boundary of Madison county, south-\\nwest of Edwardsville and the settlements on Wood river and\\nRattan s prairie, a few miles east of the present site of Alton.\\nFrom this period until the organization of the territory of\\nIllinois, new settlements were formed in Gallatin, Johnson,\\nUnion and Jackson counties; and in White county, on the\\nWabash. In 1810, so great had been the increase that the\\ncensus gives the population of the territory at 12,284 inhabi-\\ntants. At the same time Indiana territory reported 24,520.\\nIn July, 1790, there were one hundred and forty-tkree heads\\nof families in Vincennes, who were residents of that place at\\nor before 1783 and eighty Americans who claimed rights to\\nlands in Knox county.\\nThe act of Congress for the organization of the Illinois ter-\\nritory in 1809, has already been mentioned. [Annals, 576, 577.]\\nThe territorial government was begun in due form on April\\n25th, 1809, on which day, the late Nathaniel Pope, the Secre-\\ntary and acting Governor, took the customary oath.\\nWe here give the commission of the Secretary from the\\nPresident, and the oath of office administered by judge Shra-\\nder, one of the United States Judges for the territory of\\nLouisiana.\\nJames Madison, President of the United States of America,\\nto all who shall see these presents. Greeting:\\nKnow Ye, that reposing special trust and confidence in the\\nintegrity, diligence, and abilities of Nathaniel Pope, of the\\nLouisiana territory, I have nominated, and by the advice and\\nconsent of the Senate, do appoint him Secretary to and for the\\nIllinois territory and do authorize and empower him to exe-\\ncute and fulfil the duties of that office, with all the powers, pri-\\nvileges and emoluments to the same of right appertaining, for\\nthe term of four years from the date hereof, unless the Presi-\\ndent of the United States for the time being, should be pleased\\nsooner to revoke and determine this commission.\\nIn testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made\\npatent, and the seal of the United States to be hereunto af-\\nfixed.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0720.jp2"}, "721": {"fulltext": "American Settlements in Illinois 7lt\\nGiven under my hand at the city of Washington, the seventh\\nday of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight\\nhundred and nine, and of the Independence of the United\\nStates of America, the thirty- third.\\nJAMES MADISON.\\nBy the President,\\nR. Smith, Secretary of State.\\nThe following was the oath of office\\nTerritory of Louisiana.\\nBe it remembered, That on the 25th day of April, 1809, per-\\nsonally appeared before me, Otho Shrader, one of the Judges\\nin and over the Territory of Louisiana, Nathaniel Pope, Esq.,\\nappointed Secretary in and for the Illinois territor} by com-\\nmission of the President of the United States, bearing date\\nthe 7th day of March last past, and took the following oath,\\nto wit That he will support the Constitution of the United\\nStates, and that he will perform the duties of his said office\\nwith fidelity, to the best of his knowledge and judgment.\\nNAT. POPE.\\nSworn to and subscribed before me at the town of Ste.\\nGenevieve, the day and year aforesaid.\\nOTHO SHRADER.\\nWe give these forms as a specimen, for the information of\\nour young readers, and others who may desire to know how\\nsuch government matters are conducted. In substance, the\\ncommission and form of oath is the same for United States\\nofficers in all territorial organizations.\\nOn the 28th of April, a proclamation was issued by the Sec-\\nretary as acting governor, making the counties of St. Clair\\nand Randolph, counties of the Illinois territory. The next\\nday, (29th,) application having been made to the acting gov-\\nernor, by affidavit before a justice of the peace, charging Jas.\\nDunlap with the murder of Rice Jones, and requesting the\\ngovernor of the Orleans territory to deliver up said Dunlap.\\nThis murder was the result of an affray between the parties,\\nthe particulars of which are not distinct in the mind of the\\nwriter.\\nOn the 3d of May, the following persons were commissioned\\nby the acting governor as justices of the peace\\nNicholas Jarrot, John Hay, Caldwell Cairns, Thomas Todd,\\nJacob A. Boyer, Jas. Lemen, sen., Enoch Moore, D. Badgley,\\nJames Bankston, William Biggs, Robert Elliot, John Finlay", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0721.jp2"}, "722": {"fulltext": "718 Appendix.\\nDavid White, Samuel S. Kennedy, Antoine Deschamps, Har-\\nvey M. Fisher, and Nicholas Boilvin. John Hays was ap-\\npointed Sheriff, Enoch Moore Coroner, and Elias Rector, At-\\ntorney General.\\nOn the 11th of June, Ninian Edwards, Governor, arrived\\nfrom Kentucky, and entered on the duties of his oltice. He\\nhad taken the oath before the Hon. Thomas Todd, Judge of\\nthe Supreme Court of Kentucky. On the 16th of the same\\nmonth the Governor and two Judges, constituting the legisla-\\ntive authority in the first stage of the territorial government,\\nre-enacted the laws of the territory of Indiana, that were ap-\\nplicable to Illinois. John Hay, (not the sheriff mentioned\\nabove,) was appointed clerk of the county of St. Clair, which\\noffice he held by successive re-appointments until his decease\\nin 1845.\\nBenjamin II. Doyle, who had been appointed Attorney Gen-\\neral in place of Elias Rector, having resigned, on the 30th\\nof December, 1809, John Jourdon Crittenden was appointed\\nAttorney General. On the 9th of April, 1801, the office be-\\ncoming again vacant, Thomas T. Crittenden was appointed.\\nFor eight years Illinois formed a part of Indiana, and the\\nprincipal statutes of that territory were re-enacted by the\\nGovernor and Judges, and became the basis of statute law in\\nIllinois, much of which, without change of phraseology, re-\\nmains in the revised code of that State, as the same laws, in\\nsubstance, originated in the legislation of the Governor and\\nJudges of the North-Western territory and by the Governor\\nand Judges of Indiana, were enacted in the territory of Lou-\\nisiana during the period of their temporary jurisdiction west\\nof the Mississippi, we give a synopsis of several of these\\nancient statutes. Since the penitentiary system of discipline\\nand punishment has been introduced into all these States, the\\npenalty of whipping and other inhuman modes of punishment\\nhave been changed to imprisonment with labor.\\nWe extract from the laws published in 1807, by Stout and\\nSmoot, Vincennes, la. The volume comprises those acts for-\\nmerly in force and as revised by Messrs. John Rice Jones and\\nJohn Johnson, territorial Judges, and passed (after some\\namendments by the territorial legislature with the original\\nacts passed at the first session of the second General Assem-\\nbly of the territory.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0722.jp2"}, "723": {"fulltext": "Synopsis of the Territorial Code. *J\\\\^\\nAt that period the counties in the whole territory, including\\nIllinois, were Dearborn, Clark and Knox, (which probably in-\\ncluded the eastern side of Illinois) in Indiana; and St. Clair\\nand Randolph, in Illinois.\\nJustices of the Peace. A competent number for each coun-\\nty, nominated and commissioned by the Governor; power\\nto take all manner of recognizances and obligations as any\\nJustices of the Peace in the U. States all to be certified to\\nthe Court of Common Pleas at next session, but those for a\\nfelony belong to the Court of Oyer and Terminer. One\\nor more Justices of the Peace, may hear and determine, by due\\ncourse of law, any petty crimes and misdemeanor.^, where the\\npunishment shall be fine only, not exceeding three dollars.\\nJustices required to commit the offender when crime was per-\\npetrated in their sight without further testimony. All war-\\nrants to be under the hand and seal of the justice. Justices to\\nhave power to punish by fine, as provided in the statute, all\\nassaults and batteries not of an aggravated nature and cause\\nto be arrested all affrayers, rioters and disturbers of the\\npeace, and bind them over by recognizance to appear at the\\nnext General Court,or Court of Common Pleas, to be held with-\\nin the county, and to require such persons to give security.\\nJustices of the Peace to examine into all homicides, murders,\\ntreasons, and felonies, done in their respective counties, and\\ncommit to prison all persons suspected to be guilty of man-\\nslaughter, murder, treason, or other capital offence, and hold\\nto bail all pereons suspected to be guilty of lesser offences\\nand require sureties for the good behavior of idle, vagrant,\\ndisorderly characters; swindlers and gamblers, as well as\\nevery description of disorderly and vagrant persons.\\nCourts. Courts of Common Pleas were organized in each\\ncounty, of three Judges, any two of whom were a quorum.\\nThey were appointed and commissioned by the Governor for\\nand during good behavior. Said Court to hear and determine,\\naccording to the common law, all crimes and misdemeanors,\\nthe punishment whereof did not extend to life, limb, impris-\\nonment for one year, or forfeiture of goods and chattels, lands\\nand tenements. This Court held pleas of assize, scire facias,\\nreplevins, and was empowered to hear and determine all man-\\nner of pleas, suits, actions and crimes, real, personal, and\\nmixed, according to law. The Court held annually six ses-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0723.jp2"}, "724": {"fulltext": "720 Appendix.\\nsions, at three of which no suits for criminal causes should be\\ntried. [This provision was made for speedy justice in all civil\\nactions.]\\nIf the court was not opened on the day appointed, the sheriff\\ncould adjourn from day to day for two days, and then until\\nthe next term.\\nCompensation of the judges of this court vca.% two dollars\\nand fifty cents per day, paid from the county levy.\\nThis court had power to take all recognizances and obliga-\\ntions, and all not triable in said court to be certified to the\\nnext court of oyer and terminer. All fines to be duly and\\ntruly assessed according to the quality of the offence, without\\naffection or partiality.\\nCriminals who had absconded from the counties to be\\nbrought back by warrant. Any person aggrieved may appeal\\nto the General Court. All writs issued to be in the name of the\\nUnited States. Judges had power to grant under seal, replev-\\nins, writs of partition, icrits of view, and all other writs and\\nprocess, under said pleas and actions, cognizable in said court,\\nas occasion may require.\\nThe court may issue subpoonas, under seal, and signed by\\nany clerk, into any county in the territory, summoning any\\nwitness. The clerk of said court was appointed by the gov-\\nernor during good behavior.\\nSupreme Court. Styled General Court held twice a year\\nat Vincennes, first Tuesdays in April and September; had\\nauthority to issue writs of habeas corpus, certiorari, and writs\\nof error. The members of the court were constituted circuit\\njudges, and required to hold a circuit court once in each year\\nin the counties of Dearborn, Clark, Randolph and St. Clair.\\nThis court was empowered to hear and determine all cases,\\nmatters and things, cognizable in said court; to examine and\\ncorrect errors of inferior courts, and punish to punish the\\ncontempts, omissions, neglects, favors, corruptions and de-\\nfaults of all justices of peace, sheriffs, coroners, clerks, and all\\nother officers; award process to collect all fines, forfeitures\\nand amercements; to hold courts of oyer and terminer, and\\ngeneral jail delivery. The governor was empowered to call\\na special term for capital offences.\\nJurymen were required to attend, and fined for non-attend-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0724.jp2"}, "725": {"fulltext": "Synopsis of the Territorial Code. 721\\nance, not exceeding eight dollars in the General Court, and\\nfive dollars in the court of common pleas.\\nSheriffs were appointed by the governor, and bonds of four\\nthousand dollars required. Their duty was to keep the peace,\\ncause all offenders to give recognizances, quell and suppress all\\naffrays, routs, riots and insurrections, and call to their aid all\\nthe power of the county pursue, apprehend and commit to\\njail all criminals, felons, traitors and fugitives from justice\\nexecute all processes, attend all courts of record have custody\\nof the jail of the county, and do all other dutie% enjoined by\\nlaw.\\nOaths of office. Every person appointed to a civil office\\nmust make oath, or affirmation. The form used was as fol-\\nlows:\\nI, A. B. being appointed to the office of do solemnly\\nswear I will execute the duties of my said office, according to\\nthe best of my skill and understanding, without favor, or par-\\ntiality, so help me God.\\nAny officer or other person scrupulously conscientious of tak-\\ning an oath, may Affirm according to the following form\\nI, A. B., being appointed to the office of do solemnly,\\nsincerely, and truly declare and affirm, that 1 will well and truly\\nexecute the duties of my said office, according to the best of\\nmy skill and understanding, without fraud or partiality, and 1\\ndeclare and affirm under the pains and penalties of perjury.\\nOaths and affirmations to be taken before the governor, or\\nsuch other persons as he may appoint and commission and\\nin absence of the governor, by the judges.\\nGrimes and Punishments. Capital crimes are treason, mur-\\nder, arson, rape, and horse-stealing, on second conviction. Petit\\ntreason defined and punished as murder. Capital punish-\\nment to be inflicted by hanging.\\nManslaughter punished as the common law heretofore point-\\ned out. Burglary by whipping, not more than thirty-nine\\nlashes, and to find sureties for good behavior for three years\\nand on default of sureties, to be committed to jail for the\\nterm of three years.\\nIf goods were actually stolen, the culprit to be fined treble\\nthe value of the goods stolen. If personal violence or injury\\nwere done, the penalty was forfeiture of all the estate of the", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0725.jp2"}, "726": {"fulltext": "722 Appendix.\\nconvict, out of which the party injured was to be remunera-\\nted. If death was caused, it was deemed murder.\\nRobbery of goods by force on the highway or field, the same\\nas burglary. If any person was killed, the act was murder.\\nAll abettors were regarded principals.\\nRiots and unlawful Assemblies. Three or more persons as-\\nsembling for mischief, or intention of any unlawful violence\\nagainst the person or property of another, were fined each\\nthe sum of sixteen dollars and costs, and had to find securities\\nfor good bel^vior six months. In case of riots, all ministerial\\nand judicial officers present, were required to make proclama-\\ntion. If the rioters did not disperse, then they were required\\nto call on all persons near, to suppress it; if they cannot,\\nthen call on the military. If any citizen or soldier refuses to\\nact, he was fined ten dollars. If any rioters were killed by\\nthe citizens or authorities when called on, the act was not\\ncriminal.\\nFor obstriicliag lawful a illwrity, the fine was not to exceed\\nthree hundred dollars; to be whipped not exceeding thirty-\\nnine lashes, and find security for good behavior one year. On\\nsecond conviction, the penalty was fine, whipping, and surety\\nfor three years.\\nPcijury. Fine not exceeding sixty dollars, or be whipped\\nnot exceeding thirty-nine lashes; sit in the pillory not exceed-\\ning two hours, and be incapacitated for giving testimony, or\\nbeing a juror, or sustaining any civil or militar}- ofiice. Pro-\\ncuring perjury, the same as if committed by the individual.\\nLarceny. P irst offence, the penalty was to restore the value\\ntwo-fold or be whipped not over thirty-one stripes second\\noffence, restitution, a fine not exceeding four-fold, and whip-\\nped not exceeding thirty-nine stripes. If the culprit had no\\nproperty to pay the fine, the sheriff was to bind him out to\\nservitude, under direction of the court, seven years, lleceivers\\nof stolen goods to be deemed principals, and punished ac-\\ncordingly. Any person compounding for stolen goods, upon\\nconviction, shall forfeit twice the value, but no person was de-\\nbarred from taking his own property if he prosecuted the thief.\\nNo parent was obliged to prosecute his own child.\\nForgery. Penalty, double the sum defrauded by the forgery,\\nimposed ;as a fine, one half to the party injured the culprit\\nrendered incapable of giving testimony, serving on a jury, or", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0726.jp2"}, "727": {"fulltext": "Synopsui of the Territorial Code. 723\\nsustaining any office of trust and to set in the pillory not\\nless than three hours. All persons aiding to be deemed\\nprincipals.\\nUsurpation of OJficc. On conviction, to be fined not exceed-\\ning one hundred dollars.\\nAssault and Battery. Fine not over one hundred dollars,\\nand surety for good behavior one year.\\nFraudidcnl Deeds; with intent to deceive and defraud,\\nwere null and void; fine not over three hundred dollars, and\\ndamages to the injured party.\\nDisobedience of Children or Sjrvants. On complaint to justice\\nof the peace, he may send to jail, or the house of correction,\\nto remain there until sufficiently humbled. For striking the\\nparent or master, on conviction before two justices, the party\\nshall be whipped not exceeding ten stripes.\\nObtaining Goods under Fraudulent Pretences. Penalty same\\nas larceny.\\nArson. For setting fire to, or burning any building, the pen-\\nalty was death!\\nHorse-stealing. First conviction to pay the value and costs,\\nand receive not less than fifty, nor more than two hundred\\nstripes and stand committed to jail until the value and costs\\nwere paid. For second conviction, death\\nHog-stealing. For stealing, marking, or altering the marks\\nof the hog kind penalty not less than fifty nor more than\\ntwo hundred dollars; and also not less than twenty-five, nor\\nover thirty-nine stripes. Persons may mark their own un-\\nmarked hogs while running at large.\\nFor altering or defacing any marks or brands of cattle, hor-\\nses, hogs, etc., penalty, five dollars, besides the value of the\\nanimal. Prosecution to be within six months after discovery\\nand, moreover, to receive forty stripes. For second offence,\\nto pay the fine aforesaid, and stand in the pillory two hours,\\nand be branded on the left hand with the letter T.\\nFor mis-marking or branding, etc., fine, five dollars.\\n[In all frontier settlements, horses, cattle, hogs, etc., run at\\nlarge on the range. Horses are commonly branded, and cat-\\ntle and hogs marked in the ear: each settler having his pe-\\nculiar mark, which is recorded in books of the county. Hence\\nthe severe penalties for marking, etc.]\\nPersons who know of this oflence and conceal it, and not", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0727.jp2"}, "728": {"fulltext": "724 Appendix.\\ndiscover it to some magistrate within ten days, shall pay a fine\\nof ten dollars. Persons killing cattle or hogs in the woods,\\nshall show the heads to some magistrate, or to two substan-\\ntial freeholders, within three days, on penalty of ten dollars.\\nEvery man shall have an car-mark, and record it in the clerk s\\noffice of the county where he resides.\\nMaiming. Penalty for unlawfully cutting, maiming, biting,\\ngouging a member or limb, maliciously and in fighting,\\nfine not less than fifty, nor more than one thousand dollars; to\\nbe confined in jail not less than one, nor more than six months;\\none-fourth of the fine to the territory, and three-fourths to the\\nparty injured. For want of means to pay the fine, the party\\nto be sold for a term not exceeding five years.\\nSodom]/, is defined the crime against nature, and with\\nbeasts. Fine not less than fifty, nor more than five hundred\\ndollars; imprisonment not less than one, nor more than five\\nyears; whipping not less than one hundred nor more than^five\\nhundred stripes and accounted infamous, and incapable of\\nholding any ofiice, or giving testimony.\\nBigamy. Penalty, to be whipped not less than one hundred\\nnor more than three hundred stripes; fine, not less than one\\nhundred, nor more than five hundred dollars, for the use of the\\nparty injured and imprisonment not less than six, nor more\\nthan twelve months, and made infamous. Provided, one party\\nbe beyond the seas for seven years, or elsewhere the same pe-\\nriod and not heard from, the marriage is lawful. Forcible or\\nstolen marriages made felony.\\nFor marrying a minor without the guardian s consent; im-\\nprisonment not more than two years.\\nSelling Criminals. Persons convicted and unable to pay\\nfines and costs, may be sold, or hired out to pay the demapd.\\nIf such per.sons abscond, they may be whipped thirty-nine\\nstripes, and serve two days for one.\\nMarriages. Males of seventeen, and females of fourteen\\nyears, may lawfully marry. Judges of the General Court,\\nand Court of Common Pleas; .Justices of the Peace in each\\ncounty; Ministers of the Gospel in any religious society in\\nthe district in which they are settled; and the society of\\nQuakers in their public meetings, may join together the par-\\nties in marriage. Intentions of the parties to be publisHed,\\neither three times in religious meetings, or a public notice set", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0728.jp2"}, "729": {"fulltext": "Synopsis of the Territorial Code. 725\\nup under the hand and seal of a magistrate; or a license\\nfrom the clerk of the Courts of Common Pleas, authorizing\\nmarriage. Fee for license one dollar, and the clerk to record\\nthe certificate of the person who officiates. Males under the\\nage of twenty-one, and females under eighteen years, not to\\nmarry, unless leave be obtained of the parents and guardian.\\n[The plan of license from the clerk, has been the exclusive\\nmode in Illinois.]\\nCoroners to be appointed by the Governor in each county,\\nand their duties w^ere prescribed by law^\\nTownships. The Court of Common Pleas were authorized\\nto divide the counties into townships, and establish bounda-\\nries to the same.\\n[In Illinois, the township divisions were abolished, and the\\nonly civil division has been counties, until recently under the\\nnew Constitution, the counties are authorized to organize\\ntownships, upon a vote of the people.]\\nPrisons and Prison Bounds. Courts of Common Pleas to\\nlay off prison bounds, not to exceed more than two hundred\\nyards from the jail. Persons imprisoned for debt, by giving\\nbond with double security for the debt, ma}^ use bounds. [No\\nimprisonment for debt has existed in these Slates; consequent-\\nly prison bounds are unknown\\nPersons who convey tools and other aid in the escape of a\\nprisoner, to be fined not exceeding one hundred dollars; and\\nif the prisoner escape, the abettor to be liable to the same\\npenalty as the prisoner. But if liable to capital punishment,\\nhe who aids in escape, shall be fined, whipped, imprisoned,\\nstand in the pillory, or sit on the gallows with a rope around\\nhis neck, as the Court may order. Jailors who suffer a pris-\\noner to escape voluntarily, shall sufier the same penalties as\\nany other abettor.\\nThe Judges of the Court of Common Picas to enquire into\\nthe condition of the prison at each term.\\nSherifi^s required to keep persons of different sexes in sepa-\\nrate rooms, unless married to provide proper food, meat,\\ndrink and bread; and if the prisoner be unable to pay, the\\ncount}^ to be taxed for such expenses.\\nExecution Laws.^Real estate to be sold for debt, under\\njudgment. Personal property to be advertised by the sheriff,\\nten days previous to sale.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0729.jp2"}, "730": {"fulltext": "726 Si/nopsis of the Territorial Code.\\nAdministration Laws. Clerks of the Courts of Common\\nPleas to take proofs of wills; grant letters of administration\\nduring vacancy of Court. The Court of Common Pleas Nvas\\nthe Probate Court. Rights of minors and orphans well guar-\\nded and secured. No minor or orphan to be put under the\\ncontrol of persons of a different religious persuasion from their\\nparents; nor against their own mind or inclination.\\nThe true interest or meaning of testator to be duly regar-\\nded in all wills. Administrators to give bonds with two or\\nmore sureties respect being had to the value of the estate.\\nChildren of intestates to share equally in the distribution of\\nthe estate. When no heirs, the widow to have one half the es-\\ntate. Courts of Common Pleas may order sale of real estate,\\nwhere the personal estate is not sufficient to pay the debts, or\\nsupport and educate the children.\\nTavern Lieenscs. No person to keep a tavern, ale-house,\\ndram-shop, or house of entertainment, [in which any intoxica-\\nting liquor is sold] without license, under penalty of one dol-\\nlar each day; two-thirds to the poor of the county, and one-\\nthird to the informer. No licensed person shall allow drunk-\\nenness, gaming, etc., in or about his house, under penalty of\\nfive dollars.\\nAll tavern keepers shall provide good entertainment for\\nman and beast penalty five dollars.\\nThe Court shall demand twelve dollars for license to keep\\na tavern, annually. No license to be granted unless the per-\\nson becomes bound to the Governor of the Territory to keep\\nan orderly house, and conform to the law in every respect.\\nAnother act provided that no license shall be granted, un-\\nless the person requiring the same shall first become bound to\\nthe Governor of the Territory, with security, if required, in\\nany sum not exceeding three hundred dollars, that he, she, or\\nthey, obtaining such licen.se, shall, at all times, be prepared to\\naccommodate lour lodgers, and stabling and feed for four hor-\\nses.\\nSevere penalties were enacted for selling intoxicating li-\\nquors to Indians, slaves, apprentices and minors.\\nWe have given a synopsis only of such statutes as may\\nserve to illustrate the principles of Territorial Legislation in\\nall the North- Western region. Most of the same principles\\nhave been transferred to Oregon, and form the basis of law in", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0730.jp2"}, "731": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 727\\nthat remote Territory. Similar statutes pertaining to the Ter-\\nritory of Louisiana, may be found in the Territorial Laws of\\nMissouri, 1842, volume i. pp. 15 to ti6.\\nNote. Since the caption of this chapter was prepared and\\nwent to press, we have thought it to be expedient to alter our\\nplan. Incidents of war in Illinois, we have reserved for\\nthe next chapter, and substituted the foregoing Si/nopsis, in\\nits place. By an oversight, the caption of Section First, was\\nleft out in the contents of the chapter.\\nCHAPTER IIL\\nINCIDENTS OF THE WAR.\\nThreatening aspects of the Icdiatis Various incidents of the AVar in Illinois and Mis-\\nsouri Expedition to Peoria and Erection of Fort Clark.\\nSECTION FIRST.\\nIndian HostiUtlea Threatened.\\nThe manifestation of hostile intentions among some of the\\ntribes of northern Indians, was made as early as 1S09. Even\\nin December, 1808, the sub-agent on the Missouri, wrote to\\nGeneral William Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at\\nSt. Louis, as follows\\nlam sorry to inform you, that on the loth instant, a cer-\\ntain John Rufty was fired upon and killed, about six miles\\nabove this place, [Fort Osage.] Rufty belonged to McClel-\\nland s party of hunters.\\nThere were only two men in a canoe the survivor was un-\\nable to ascertain to what nation of Indians the party belonged.\\nOn that subject there are various conjectures; some suspect\\nthe Kanzas, others the lowas, the Ottoes, the Sioux, and the\\nPanis.\\nBy the requisition of the Secretary of War, under the act\\nof Congress of 1808, for arming and equiping one hundred\\nthousand militia in the United States, Governor Lewis of the", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0731.jp2"}, "732": {"fulltext": "728 Indian Hostilities Manifested\\nterritory of Louisiana, made proclamation for raising and\\nequipping three Imndred and seventy-seven militia of the ter-\\nritory, which were duly apportioned in the counties of St.\\nCharles, St. Louis, Ste. Genevieve, Cape Girardeau, New\\nMadrid, and Arkansas.\\nOn the 28th of June, 1809, Nicholas Jarrot, of Cahokia,\\nwho had just returned from Prairie du Chien, made affidavit,\\nthat the British Agents and traders at that place, and on the\\nFrontiers of Canada, were stirring up the Indians, furnishing\\nthem guns and ammunition, and preparing them for hostile\\ndemonstrations.\\nIn November, a communication from Messrs. Portier and\\nBleakly, of Prairie du Chien, denying the statements of M.\\nJarrot. They were persons implicated. About the same\\nperiod, hostile demonstrations were made on the part of the\\nSac and Fox nations, against Fort Madison. During the same\\nmonth, hostilities commenced between the Osages and lowas\\nthe latter having killed some of the former, not far from\\nwhere Liberty is now situated, north of the Missouri river.\\nIn 1810, hostile demonstrations were made by the Indians on\\nthe Wabash. [Annals, 577 to 581.]\\nIt was in July, 1810, that a band of hostile Indians, sup-\\nposed to be Pottawatomics, came into a frontier settlement on\\nthe Loutre, at the upper partof Loutre Island, and nearly op-\\nposite the mouth of the Gasconade river, and stole a number\\nof horses. A company was raised, consisting of Stephen\\nCooper, William T. Cole, Messrs. Brown, Gooch, Patton, and\\nanother person, making six, who followed the Indians acro-ss\\nGrand Prairie to a branch of Salt river, called Bone Lick.\\nThe party discovered the Indians, eight in number, who, in\\nthe retreat, threw off their packs and plunder, and scattered\\nin the woods. Night coming on, the party struck a camp and\\nimmediately lay down to sleep, though Stephen Cole, the\\nleader, warned them against it, and proposed a guard. This\\nnotion was hooted at as an evidence of cowardice. About\\nmid-night they were awakened by the Indian yelT and the\\ndeath-dealing bullet Stephen Cole killed four Indians and\\nwounded the fifth, though severely wounded himself. W. T.\\nCole, his brother, was killed at the commencement of the\\nfight. Two others of the party were killed.\\nThe survivors reached the settlements next morning to tell", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0732.jp2"}, "733": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 729\\nthe dreadful tidings, and a party returned to the ground, buri-\\ned the dead, but found the Indians had escaped.\\nWe obtained this incident from Samuel Cole, in 1849, whose\\nfather was killed in the action, but he gave it from memory,\\nand placed it in 1807. The early files of the Gazette, pub-\\nlished in St. Louis from 1808, is our authority for the date of\\nthis and several preceding incidents.\\nThe settlement on the Loutre, commenced, probably, in\\n1806 or 1807, and until 1810, was the Far West, except the\\nFrench hamlet of Cote Sans Dessein. During that year emi-\\ngrant families found their way to the Boone s Lick country,\\nnow Howard county, Missouri. The incidents of the war in\\nthat quarter, we will leave for a subsequent section.\\nIn July, 1811, a company of rangers, or mounted rifle-\\nmen, was raised in Goshen settlement, Illinois. The intelli-\\ngence of the battle of Tippecanoe was peculiarly alarming to\\nthe inhabitants of Illinois and Missouri, and measures as\\nprompt and efficient as circumstances admitted, were adopted\\nby the Governors of the two territories.\\nEarly in 1812, the Indians on the Upper Mississippi were\\nvery hostile, and committed frequent murders.\\nAn express from Fort Madison came down the river on the\\nice in a sleigh, with some traders, and reached St. Louis on\\nthe 13th of February. They were fired on frequently by war\\nparties, and especially a few miles above Salt river, where the\\nIndians chased them some distance. A family by the name\\nof O Neal was killed in the district of St. Charles, about the\\nsame time.\\nThe following item from the Louisiana Gazette of March\\n21, is corroborated by other evidence\\nSince Christmas last, the following murders have been com-\\nmitted by the Indians in this country. Tico persons near the\\nMines on the Mississippi, nine in the district of St. Charles\\nwithin the settlements, supposed to be killed by the Kicka-\\npoos one man at Fort Madison, on the third instant, by the\\nWinnebagoes. There were several men who left Fort Madi-\\nson for this part of the territory, about the 17th February,\\nwho are supposed to have fallen into the hands of the enemy,\\nas they have not been heard of.\\nMain Poc, the Pottawatomie chief, is preparing a war\\nparty to proceed against the Osages. This fellow has been\\nlately at Fort Maiden, and it is thought at Peoria that he in-\\ntends to strike at the whites.\\n46", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0733.jp2"}, "734": {"fulltext": "730 Indian Hostilities Increase.\\nTravelers and spies who have been amongst them, all con-\\ncur in the same story, that the Indians have no desire to make\\npeace with us that red wampum is passing through the up-\\nper villages, from the Sioux of St. Peters, to the head of the\\nWabash that at every council fire the Americans are devo-\\nted and proscribed; and in short, that a general corrbination\\nis ripening fast.\\nAt the same period, the few companies of rangers, raised by\\nthe act of Congress, and the militia volunteers, were the only\\ndefence of the towns and settlements of Missouri and Il-\\nlinois.\\nA company of rangers under command of Capt. Kibby, in\\nthe district of St. Charles, as fine a body of hardy pioneers as\\never took the field, by constant and rapid movements, pro-\\ntected the tract of country from the mouth of Salt river to\\nLoutre Island on the Missouri.\\nIn the month of April, 1812, a deputation of Pottawato-\\nmies, Kickapoos and Chippeways, came down the Mississippi,\\nheaded by Gomo, to negotiate a treaty with Gov. Edwards.\\nThey met at Cahokia, where the Governor addressed them in\\na forcible speech, told them of the strong desire of our gov-\\nernment to maintain peace and harmony with all the Indian\\nnations warned them of the arts and deceptions of the\\nShawanese prophet, and the agents and traders from Canada;\\nassured them he perfectly understood the hostile dispositions\\nof the Indians the murders and depredations already com-\\nmitted and the combination amongst the tribes attempted\\nto be formed and should adopt energetic measures to pro-\\ntect the white people. He insisted that the murderers must\\nbe delivered up, or the whole nation w^ould sutler.\\nThey professed to be humble, professed their inability to\\ndeliver up the murderers, laid the blame on the Winnebagoes,\\nand promised good behavior on their part. Some of these\\nfellows were concerned in the massacre at Chicago in Au-\\ngust.\\nDuring the summer of 1812, hostile Indians were lurking\\nabout the settlements in the Boone s Lick country, and along\\nthe Missouri river. Fort Mason had been established on the\\nMisssissippi, as a rendezvous for the United States troops and\\nrangers. Of this class of troops, who furnished their own\\nhorses, equipments, forage and rations, at one dollar per day,", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0734.jp2"}, "735": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 731\\nten companies were raised by an act of the last Congress\\nfour in Illinois, two in Missouri, and four in Indiana. The\\nterm of service was for one year, but by re-enlistments were\\ncontinued from year to year during the war.\\nTwo companies in Illinois, and one in Missouri, had been\\nraised the preceding year. These rangers, as a protection to\\nthe defenceless settlements, were a most effective corps.\\nMany were heads of families, and all were of the most enter-\\nprizing and industrious class of citizens, and deeply interested\\nin the defence of their families and friends.\\nIt is no more than justice to this worthy class of citizens,\\nwho defended the settlements in the now flourishing States of\\nIndiana, Illinois and Missouri, that we should devote a page\\nor two of this work to this subject. And we cannot do it bet-\\nter justice than in the language of a Memorial from the Gen-\\neral Assembly of Illinois, in 1833, to the Congress of the Uni-\\nted States, asking for a donation of land, as was given to re-\\ngular soldiers.\\nTo the honorable the Senate and House of Representatives in\\nCongress assembled\\nYour memorialists, the General Assembly of the State of\\nIllinois, would respectfully present to your honorable body,\\nthe necessity and justice of calling your attention to the re-\\nlief of the soldiers who defended this frontier during the late\\nwar: The class of citizens, now for the first time attempted\\nto be brought forward to your consideration, are not the least\\ndeserving your aid, though they are the last almost of your\\ndefenders of our country who have asked for any remunera-\\ntion. Their claims to this attention and favor of Government\\nwill be better understood by a brief outline of the condition\\nof the country, the nature of their services, and the great re-\\nliance and dependence placed upon their faithfulness, forti-\\ntude and courage. In the year 1812, and long before, the set-\\ntlements of this country were confined to a few inhabitants\\non the margins of the rivers Mississippi and Ohio, while all\\nbetween was a wilderness so little frequented by the whites,\\nthat it was the constant abode of the Indian when the late\\nwar broke out, the inhabitants were always open to their at-\\ntack, and actually subject to their perpetual hostilities. In\\nthis state of things the weakness of their situation caused them\\nto erect a house here and there something larger than their\\nordinary dwellings, which they dignified with the name of\\nstation; some of them had not even this primitive defence,\\nand with it they were exposed, either to the open assault, or", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0735.jp2"}, "736": {"fulltext": "732 Memorial for the Rangers.\\nthe sly ambush of the enemy, and were daily falling a human\\nsacrifice to the most ferocious cruelty. To depict their situa-\\ntion, in one word, it is only necessary to say, that a few ad-\\nventurers had left a peaceable and cultivated land, where the\\nsavage war-whoop was known only by tale or history, and\\nsettled in an Indian country, destitute of money and the ne-\\ncessaries they had been accustomed to a little spot of corn\\nground was their only hope of subsistence, and with a sword\\nslung to the plough handle they cultivated it. Thus the lives\\nand property of the whites were always in jeopardy and often\\ndestroyed and the government of the territory itself, which\\nhad been recently established under the authority of the Uni-\\nted States, was immediately in danger. The late war with\\nGreat Britain breaking out just at this time with all its vio-\\nlence, and while the great body of the forces of the United\\nStates were engaged in defending the more populous and val-\\nuable parts of the Union, this territory was without the paren-\\ntal aid of the Government; left to rely upon its own strength\\nand courage for its defence against the Indians, who lay en-\\ncamped in myriads within it. The then Governor of the Ter-\\nritory, Ninian Edwards, by his prompt and vigorous exertions,\\ncontributed greatly to advance the means of defence, and by\\nacts of disinterested patriotism and magnanimity, almost un-\\nexampled, relieved the necessities of the soldiers by advan-\\ncing from his private funds their pay, without which they could\\nnot have rendered any service. Relying upon individual means\\nand seeking only to relieve the country of distress, the class\\nof citizens whose claims it is the object of this memorial to\\nurge, came boldly forward, and did elliectually defend the citi-\\nzens and property of the United States. It has not escaped\\nthe observation of your memorialists that it may be contended\\nthat one dollar per day, which was the allowance to each in-\\ndividual, was more than usual for soldiers, and extremely lib-\\neral but in the estimation of your memorialists, their servi-\\nces have far outgone that consideration, for the ranger was\\nbound, out of this, to furnish himself with a horse, arms, cloth-\\ning, ammunition, and provisions not one cent Mas ever con-\\ntributed by Government towards their sustenance, no conven-\\nience provided, but that, which their own well earned money\\npaid for.\\nMany of them had families, whose reliance for support was\\nupon him who was upon duty, and who were provided for out\\nof his wages; while in service they often failed in cultivating\\ntheir farms for an entire season, and the loss of a crop to the\\ninhabitants of the territory was a misfortune of no small mag-\\nnitude. Add to these circumstances, the information that a\\nhorse of middling qualities would cost 100 dollars, a gun from\\ntwenty-five to forty dollars, and all other articles of consump-\\ntior, use or necessity cost in the same proportion. Deduct", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0736.jp2"}, "737": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 733\\nfrom their pay those articles of necessity, without which they\\nwere not qualified for service, what remains as a remunera-\\ntion for the time, service and devotion of these citizen soldiers?\\nYour memorialists answer unhesitatingly, nothing. They left\\ntheir fire-sides, their families, and their farms, penetrated the\\nuninhabited wilderness, traversed countries without roads or\\nbridges; and met without a murmur, all the inclemencies of\\nthe weather to beard the lion in his den, the savage in his\\nambuscade, and rid the country of violence, outrage and\\ndeath.\\nFor services like these, your memorialists relj ing confident-\\nly upon the justice and liberality of Congress, ask for a remu-\\nneration to all these organized militiamen, mounted militia-\\nmen, and rangers who defended this frontier during the late\\nwar under the authority of Congress. There are near thirty\\nmillions of acres of unappropriated lands in the State of Illi-\\nnois. A liberal donation of this land would be but little ex-\\npense to the General Government, and would be of great ad-\\nvantage to those for whom it is asked, and an easy method of\\nremunerating such signal services and so devotedly rendered.\\nWhich was read.\\nOn the question. Will the House concur with the commit-\\ntee, in the adoption of said memorial?\\nIt was decided in the affirmative.\\nSECTION SECOND.\\nIncidents of the War continued.\\nIt was in the month of April, 1812, that three families were\\nmurdered by the Indians, at no great distance from Vin-\\ncennes. One was the family of Mr. Hutson,on the Wabash\\nanother, the family of Mr. Harriman, on the Embarras, and\\nthe third a family of Mr. Hinton, on Driftwood fork of White\\nriver. In May, a party of Indians came to the house of a\\nMr. McGowan, about forty miles from Vincennes, and killed\\nhim in bed. His family escaped.\\nThe news of the declaration of war produced no other ef-\\nfect than to inspire the people with more zeal in defending\\nthe settlements and repelling the savage foe that hovered\\naround them.\\nThere was a United States factory and a small stockade\\nfort at Bellevue, up the Mississippi, which was besieged by a\\nparty of Winnebagoes, about two hundred in number. It was\\nnot an eligible situation for defence, as from points of steep\\nand high bluffs, the invaders could throw fire-brands and burn-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0737.jp2"}, "738": {"fulltext": "734 Incidents of the War Continued.\\ning sticks on the block-houses. The commanding officer, Lt.\\nThomas Hamilton, with Lieutenant B. Vasquez and a small\\nforce, resolutely defended the fort, and drove off the assail-\\nants.\\nWe have already given a sketch of the expedition of Gov-\\nernor Edwards and Colonel Russell, against the Kickapoos at\\nthe head of Peoria Lake. [Annals, 617 619.]\\nThe year 1813, opened with gloomy prospects to these far\\noff and exposed territories. On the 9th of February, ten In-\\ndians contrived to elude the vigilance of the rangers in Illi-\\nnois, passed down near the Wabash, and massacred two fami-\\nlies at the mouth of Cache [Cash] river, on the Ohio, seven\\nmiles from the Mississippi.\\nIndians frequently crossed the Mississippi above the mouth\\nof the Illinois river, and committed depredations, killed and\\nscalped individuals, and in some instances families, in Saint\\nCharles county. The exposed settlements were in the district\\nnow included in Lincoln and Pike counties.\\nIn the month of March, David McLain, a minister of the\\ngospel, and a Mr. Young, traveling from the Boone s Lick\\nsettlement into Kentucky, after having crossed the Kaskaskia\\nriver at Hill s ferry, in the present county of Clinton, in\\nIllinois, were fired on by a party of Indians. Young was\\nkilled and scalped; McLain s horse was shot, and fell, but he\\nescaped in the woods, and ran with great speed, with several\\nIndians in chase. Soon all fell back but one, who was an\\nathletic fellow, and appeared determined not to lose his prey.\\nMr. McLain was encumbered with a thick overcoat, wrap-\\npers on his legs and spurs on his feet. The Indian fired and\\nmissed him, which gave him a little chance to throw off his\\ncoat, in hopes the prize would attract the attention of the\\nsavage. Finding no other Indians in pursuit, and as this one\\napproached, McLain would make signs of surrender, until\\nthe Indian was within a few feet, when he would assume an\\nattitude of defiance, watch the motion of his enemy, and at\\nthe instant he fired, dodge the ball and then put on all his en-\\nergy to escape. The contest continued for more than an hour,\\nduring which^is foe fired at him seven times. In one case,\\nas he threw his breast forward, he unfortunately threw his\\nelbow back and received the ball in his arm\\nDuring the chase he contrived to throw off his boots. They", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0738.jp2"}, "739": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 735\\nhad made a considerable distance in the timbered bottom down\\nthe river. Finding himself nearly exhausted, the last and\\nonly chance was to swim the river. He plunged in, making\\nthe utmost effort of his remaining strength, and yet he had to\\nkeep an eye constantly fixed on his wily foe, who had loaded\\nhis gun the eighth time, and from the bank brought it to a\\npoise, and fired a second after McLain had dove in deep\\nwater. By swimming diagonally down stream he had gained\\non his pursuer, who, with the peculiar yell on such occasions,\\ngave up the chase. Doubtless his report to the braves was,\\nthat he had followed a great medicine, who was so charm-\\ned that his musket balls could not kill him. Mr. McLain was\\nso exhausted that it was with the utmost difficulty he could\\ncrawl up the bank; having, in a state of profuse perspiration,\\nplunged into the cold water of the river. He was wet, chill-\\ned, badly wounded, and scarcely able to stand. Two days\\nprevious, two or three families about Hill s ferry, had become\\nalarmed from Indian signs, and removed to the west of Sil-\\nver creek. It was thirty-five miles to the Badgley settlement,\\nwhich McLain, after incredible effort and suffering, reached\\nthe next morning. Here with his wound and a severe fever,\\nhe lay several weeks. A party of volunteers went over the\\nKaskaskia, buried Mr. Young, found Mr. McLain s saddle-\\nbags, but saw no Indians.\\nThe fact of this rencontre may be found in the Missouri\\nGazette of March 20th the particulars we obtained from\\nthe heroic sufferer at his residence in Howard county. Mo., in\\n1818.\\nA farmer, of the name of Boltenhouse, was killed near the\\nWabash, a few miles south of Albion, in a little prairie that\\nperpetuates his name. A Mr. Moore and his son, while haul-\\ning a load of corn in the South-Eastern part of Jefferson coun-\\nty, Illinois, were killed and scalped in the prairie that bears\\nhis name. One or two more persons were killed between that\\nplace and the U. S. Saline.\\nThe Gazette reckons sixteen men, women, and children\\nwho fell victims to savage ferocity, in Missouri and Illinois,\\nbetween February 8th and March 20th.\\nThe same paper has a communication from a gentleman in\\nIllinois, of the efforts of the rangers and volunteers, un-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0739.jp2"}, "740": {"fulltext": "736 Incidents of the War Continued.\\nder the direction of Governor Edwards, to protect the settle-\\nments.\\nWe have now nearly finished twenty-two family forts,\\n[stations,] extending from the Mississippi, nearly opposite\\nUellefontaine, [mouth of the Missouri,] to the Kaskaskia river,\\na distance of about sixty miles. Between each fort, spies are\\nto pass and repass daily, and communicate throughout the\\nwhole line, which will be extended to the U. S. Saline, and from\\nthence to the mouth of the Ohio. Rangers and mounted\\nmilitia, to the amount of five hundred men, constantly scour\\nthe country from twenty to fifty miles in advance of our set-\\ntlements, so that we feel perfectly easy as to an attack from\\nour red brethren, as Mr. Jefterson very lovingly calls them.\\nNotwithstanding these measures, the Indians would fre-\\nquently prowl through the unsettled country between Kaskas-\\nkia and the Ohio river, and occasionally commit outrages.\\nOn the last of April they attacked a house about twelve miles\\nsouth-east of that town, and tomahawked and scalped a\\nboy.\\nAmongst the British traders, that had great influence over\\nthe northern Indians, was a Mr. Robert Dickson, who, at this\\nperiod, had stationed himself at Prairie du Chien, and furnished\\nthe savages with large supplies of goods and munitions of\\nwar. Mr. Dickson had the manners and appearance of a\\ngentleman, but doubtless, as did many other British subjects,\\nwho anticipated a war between Great Britain and the United\\nStates, felt himself authorized to enlist the Indians as parti-\\nsans.\\nAbout the first of June, (1813,) Mr. Manuel Lisa, a citizen\\nof St. Louis, and an acting partner of the Missouri Fur Com-\\npany, arrived from the Mandan villages on the Upper Mis-\\nsouri. He reported, [Gazette, June 5,] that the Auricarees,\\nChiennes, Gros Ventres, Crows, and Arrapahoes, were hostile\\nto the Americans that the British North West Company had\\na number of trading houses within a short distance of the\\nw^aters of the Missouri, and were active in their endeavors to\\nenlist the savages against the Americans.\\nAbout this period, Benjamin Howard, Governor of Mis-\\nsouri, resigned the office, and accepted the commission of\\nBrigadier-General in command of the rangers in both territo-\\nries, and as the United States government had made no pro-\\nvision to sustain the militia volunteers, those in Illinois were", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0740.jp2"}, "741": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 737\\ndischarged from further services by Governor Edwards, as\\nCommander-in-chief. The order is dated on the eighth of\\nJune.\\nAbout twenty horses were stolen by Indians on the remote\\nsettlements of Shoal creek, Illinois, during this month.\\nFort Madison, (in Iowa, above the Lower Rapids,) was sub-\\nject to repeated attacks from the Sacs, Foxes and Winncba-\\ngoes.\\nOn the 16th of July, the enemy carried a block-house,\\nlately erected by the commanding officer, to command a ra-\\nvine in which they had taken advantage in all their attacks\\nupon this place they kept up a fire on the garrison for about\\ntwo hours. This is the ninth or tenth rencontre that has taken\\nplace on our frontier, between the 4th and 17th of this month.\\n[Gazette, July 31st.]\\nAn editorial in the same paper, gives some important facts\\nconcerning Prairie du Chien, and the resources at the trading\\nposts in Wisconsin, for supplying both British and Indians in\\ntheir hostilities. A letter about the same time from Governor\\nEdwards to Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, designed to call\\nthe attention of the government to the occupancy of that\\nposition, contains similar facts. We copy the editorial\\nLast winter, we endeavored to turn the attention of gov-\\nernment towards Prairie du Chien, a position which we ought\\nto occupy, by establishing a military post at the village, or on\\nthe Ouisconsin, six miles below.\\nFor several months we have not been able to procure any\\nother than Indian information from the Prairie, the enemy\\nhaving cut off all communication with us but we are per-\\nsuaded that permanent subsistence can be obtained for one\\nthousand regular troops in the upper lake country. At Prai-\\nrie du Chien there are about fifty families, most of whom are\\nengaged in agriculture their common field is four miles long,\\nby half a mile in breadth. Besides this field, they have three\\nseparate farms of considerable extent, and twelve horse mills\\nto manufacture their produce.\\nAt the village of L abre Croche, an immense quantity of\\ncorn is raised: from thence to Milwaukee, on lake Michigan,\\nthere are several villages where corn is grown extensively.\\nThese supplies, added to the fine fish which abound in the\\nlakes and rivers, will furnish the enemy s garrison with pro-\\nvision in abundance.\\nOur little garrison on the Mississippi, half way up to the", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0741.jp2"}, "742": {"fulltext": "738 Views of Governor Edwards.\\nPrairie, has taught the Indians a few lessons on prudence.\\nWith about thirty efl ective men, those brave and meritorious\\nsoldiers, Lieutenant Hamilton and A asquez, in a wretched\\npen, improperly called a ibrt, beat off five hundred savages of\\nthe North-west.\\nThis was BcUevue, already noticed, and the site of the town\\nof that name in Jackson county, Iowa.\\nThe movements of the government against Canada and the\\ncombined forces of the British and Indians, wrought convic-\\ntion in the sagacious mind of Governor Edwards, that should\\nthey be defeated (as was the case at the battle of the Thames.)\\nthe savages would retreat, and by marauding bands attack\\nthe settlements of Illinois and Missouri. His correspondence\\non this subject with the War Department was frequent and\\nvoluminous. Our limited space will allow only a passing no-\\ntice of the fact.\\nEarly in August, one man was killed and another wounded\\nin a field near Stout s fort, on the Cuivre, in St. Charles\\ncounty. The scattered settlements, through what is now Lin-\\ncoln and the South-Eastern part of Pike counties, were often\\nharrassed with small scouting parties of Indians, in 1813.\\nOn the 15th of the same month, a party of sixteen picked\\nmen from the company of rangers, under the command of\\nCaptain Nathan Boone, were attacked late at light, between\\nthe Illinois and ^Mississippi rivers, by a party of forty or fifty\\nIndians. Captain Boone formed his men back from the fires,\\nand, as they expected, the Indians rushed on the camping\\nground. Unfortunately, owing to a recent rain, the guns of\\nthe party were wet, did but poor execution, and they were\\nobliged to retreat. One of the party received a slight wound\\nin the I. and. This party had been sent out by General How-\\nard as spies.\\nDuring the campaign in the summer and autumn of 1813,\\nall the companies of rangers from Illinois and Missouri were\\nunder the command of General Howard. Large parties of\\nhostile Indians were known to have collected about Peoria,\\nand scouting parlies traversed the district between the Illinois\\nand Mississippi rivers, then an entire wilderness.\\nIt was from these marauding parties that the frontier settle-\\nments of Illinois and Missouri, were harrassed. It became an\\nobject of no small importance, to penetrate the country over", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0742.jp2"}, "743": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 739\\nwhich they ranged, and establish a fort at Peoria, and thus\\ndrive them to the northern wilderness. Our authorities for the\\nincidents of the cannpaign, is a long letter from the honorable\\nJohn Reynolds, who was anon-commissioned officer in a com-\\npany of spies; and the Missouri Gazette, of November\\n6th. The rendezvous for the Illinois regiment was Camp\\nRussell, two miles north of Edwardsville. The whole party\\nwhen collected, made up of the rangers, volunteers and mili-\\ntia, amounted to about fourteen hundred men, under the com-\\nmand of Gen. Howard. Robert Wash, Esq., and Dr. Walk-\\ner, of St. Louis, were of his staff Colonels Benjamin Ste-\\nphenson, then of Randolph county, Illinois, and Alexander\\nMcNair, of St. Louis, commanded the regiments. VV. B.\\nWhiteside and John Moredock, of Illinois, were Majors in the\\nsecond regiment, and William Christy and Nathan Boone fill-\\ned the same office in the first, or Missouri regiment. A Major\\nDesha, a United States officer from Tennessee, was in the\\narmy, but what post he occupied we do not learn. Colonel\\nE. B. Clemson, of the United States Army, was Inspector.\\nGovernor Reynolds states, there were some United States\\nrangers from Kentucky, and a company from Yincennes. We\\nhave no means of ascertaining the names of all the subaltern\\nofficers. We know that Samuel Whiteside, Joseph Phillips,\\nNathaniel Journey and Samuel Judy, were Captains in the\\nIllinois companies.\\nThe Illinois regiment lay encamped on the Plasau, opposite\\nPortage de Sioux, waiting for more troops, for three or four\\nweeks. They then commenced the march, and swam their\\nhorses over the Illinois river, about two miles above the mouth.\\nOn the high ground in Calhoun county, they had a skirmish\\nwith a party of Indians. The Missouri troops, with General\\nHoward, crossed the Mississippi from Fort Mason, and form-\\ned a junction with the Illinois troops. The baggage and men\\nwere transported in canoes, and the horses swam the river.\\nThe army marched for a number of days along the JMissis-\\nsippi bottom. On or near the site of Quincy, was a large\\nSac village, and an encampment, that must have contained a\\nthousand warriors. It appeared to have been deserted but a\\nshort period.\\nThe army continued its march near the Mississippi, some\\ndistance above the Lower Rapids, and then struck across the", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0743.jp2"}, "744": {"fulltext": "740 General Howard^s Expedition.\\nprairies for the Illinois river, which they reached below the\\nmouth of Spoon river, and marched to Peoria village. Here\\nwas a small stockade, commanded by Colonel Nicholas of the\\nUnited States Army. Two days previous, the Indians had\\nmade an attack on the fort, and were repulsed. The army,\\non its march from the Mississippi to the Illinois river, found\\nnumerous fresh trails, all passing northward, which indicated\\nthat the savages were fleeing in that direction.\\nNext morning the General marched his troops to the Sen-\\natchwine, a short distance above the head of Peoria Lake,\\nwhere was an old Indian village, called Gomo s village.\\nHere they found the enemy had taken water and ascended the\\nIllinois. This, and two other villages, were burnt. Finding\\nno enemy to fight, the army was marched back to Peoria, to\\nassist the regular troops in buildmg Fort Clark, so denomina-\\nted in memory of the old hero of 1778; and Major Christy,\\nwith a party, was ordered to ascend the river with two keel\\nboats, duly armed and protected, to the foot of the rapids, and\\nbreak up any Indian establishments that might be in that quar-\\nter. Major Boone, with a detachment, was dispatched to\\nscour the country on Spoon river, in the direction of Rock\\nRiver.\\nThe rangers and militia passed to the east side of the Illi-\\nnois, cut timber, which they hauled on truck-wheels by drag\\nropes to the lake, and rafted it across. The fort was erected\\nby the regular troops under Captain Phillips. In preparing\\nthe timber, the rangers and militia were engaged about two\\nweeks.\\nMajor Christy and the l)oats returned from the Rapids with-\\nout any discovery, except additional proofs of the alarm and\\nfright of the enemy, and Major Boone returned with his force\\nwith the same observations.\\nIt was the plan of General Howard to return by a tour\\nthrough the Rock River valley, but the cold weather set in un-\\nusually early. By the middle of October it was intensely cold,\\nthe troops had no clothing for a winter campaign, and their\\nhorses would, in all probability, fail the Indians had evident-\\nly fled a long distance in the interior, so that, all things con-\\nsidered, he resolved to return the direct route to Camp Rus-\\nsell, where the militia and volunteers were disbanded on the\\n22nd of October. Supplies of provisions, and munitions of", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0744.jp2"}, "745": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 741\\nwar had been sent to Peoria, in boats, which had reached\\nthere a few days previous to the army.\\nIt may seem to those, who delight in tales of fighting and\\nbloodshed, that this expedition was a very insignificant affair.\\nVery few Indians were killed, very little fighting done, but one\\nor two of the army were lost, and yet as a means of protect-\\ning the frontier settlements of these territories, it was most\\nefficient, and gave at least six months quiet to the people.\\nAfter this, Indians shook their heads and said White men\\nlike the leaves in the forest, like the grass in the prairies,\\nthey grow every where.\\nSECTION THIRD.\\nCampaign of 1814.\\nThe first act of hostilities we find on record for 1814, is an\\nattack on a party of surveyors in the vicinity of the United\\nStates Saline, in Saline county, Illinois, when Major Nelson\\nRector was severely wounded. His left arm was broken, a\\nball entered his left side, below the collar bone, and another\\ncut the skin on the right side of his head. The Indians were\\nconcealed under the bank of a creek. This was on the first\\nof March.\\nTwo brothers, by name of Eastwood, were trapping for bea-\\nver on the head waters of the Gasconade and White rivers,\\nwhen they were attacked by a party of Osages, who after-\\nwards said they mistook them for southern Indians, with whom\\nthey were at war. They killed one brother, and the other\\nmade his escape. The Osage nation professed to be friendly\\nto the United States. Subsequently, on the 27th of May,\\nPierre Chouteau, Esq., agent for the Osages, arrived in St.\\nLouis, with several chiefs, with three Osages as prisoners,\\nwho had been given up as the murderers.\\nAbout the first of May, Governor Clark fitted out five bar-\\nges, with fifty regular troops and one hundred and forty vol-\\nunteers, and left St. Louis on an expedition to Prairie du\\nChien. On the 13th of June, Governor Clark, with several\\ngentlemen who accompanied him, returned with one of the\\nbarges, having left the officers and troops to erect a fort and\\nmaintain the position.\\nNo Indians molested the party till they reached Rock river,", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0745.jp2"}, "746": {"fulltext": "742 Battle at Prairie du Chien.\\nwhere they had a skirmish with some hostile Sauks. The\\nFoxes resided at Dubuque, and professed to be peaceable, and\\npromised to fight on the American side.\\nTwenty days before the expedition reached Prairie du\\nChien, the British trader, Dickson, left that place for Macki-\\nnac, with eighty Winnebagoes, one hundred and twenty Folls-\\navoine, and one hundred Sioux, probably as recruits for the\\nBritish army along the lake country. He had gained infor-\\nmation of the expedition of Governor Clark from his Indian\\nspies, and had left Captain Deace with a body of Mackinac\\nfencibles, with orders to protect the place. The Sioux and\\nRenards, (Foxes,) having refused to fight the Americans,\\nDeace and his soldiers fled. The inhabitants also fled into\\nthe country, but returned as soon as they learned they were\\nnot to be injured. A temporary defence was immediately\\nerected. Lieutenant Perkins, with sixty rank and file from\\nMajor Z. Taylor s company of the 7th regiment, took posses-\\nsion of the house occupied by the Mackinac Fur Company, in\\nwhich they found nine or ten trunks of Dickson s property,\\nwith his papers and correspondence. A writer in the Ga-\\nzette says:\\nThe farms of Prairie du Chien are in high cultivation be-\\ntween two and three hundred barrels of flour may be manu-\\nfactured there this season, besides a vast quantity of corn.\\nTwo of the largest boats were left in command of Aid-de-\\ncamp Kennerly, and Captains Sullivan and Yeizer, whose\\nunited forces amount to one hundred and thirty-five men.\\nThe regulars under command of Lieutenant Perkins, are sta-\\ntioned on shore, and are assisted by the volunteers in building\\nthe new fort.\\nThis was called Fort Shelby. On his return, the people of\\nSt. Louis gave the Governor a public dinner, and expressed\\ntheir heart} gratulations for the success of the enterprize.\\nAbout the last of June, Captain John Sullivan, with his\\ncompany of militia, and some volunteers whose term of ser-\\nvice had expired, returned from Prairie du Chien, and report-\\ned that the fort was finished, the boats well manned and bar-\\nricaded that the Indians were hovering around, and had\\ntaken prisoner a Frenchman while hunting his horses. The\\nboats employed, carried a six pounder on their main deck, and\\nseveral howitzers on the quarters and gangway. The men\\nwere protected by a musket-proof barricade.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0746.jp2"}, "747": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 743\\nOn the 6th of August, the Gazette, (our authority in these\\ndetails,) states\\nJust as we had put our paper to press, Lieutenant Perkins,\\nwith the troops which composed the garrison at Prairie du\\nChien, arrived here. Lieutenant Perkins fought the conibined\\nforce of British and Indians three days and nights, until they\\napproached the pickets by mining provisions, ammunition\\nand water expended, when he capitulated. The officers to\\nkeep their private property, and the whole not to serve until\\nduly exchanged. Five of our troops were wounded durin\\nthe siege.\\nIn a letter from Captain Yeizer, to Governor Clark, dated,\\nSt. Louis, July 28th, 1814, we find the following facts. Cap-\\ntain Y. commanded one of the gun-boats, a keel-boat fitted\\nup in the manner heretofore described. On the 17th July, at\\nhalf past one o clock, from twelve to fifteen hundred British\\nand Indians, marched up in full view of the fort and the town\\nand demanded a surrender, which demand was positively re-\\nfused. They attacked Mr. Yeizer s boat at three o clock, at\\nlong-shot distance. He returned the compliment by firing\\nround-shot from his six pounder, which made them change\\ntheir position to a small mound nearer the boat. At the same\\ntime the Indians were firing from behind the houses and\\npickets. The Boat then moved up the river to the head of the\\nvillage; keeping up a constant discharge of firearms and ar-\\ntillery, which was answered by the enemy from the shore.\\nThe enemy s boats then crossed the river below, to attack the\\nAmericans from the opposite side of the river. A gallino-\\nfire from opposite points was now kept up by the enemy, on\\nthis boat, until the only alternative was left for Captain Yei-\\nzer to run the boat through the the enemy s lines to a point\\nfive miles below; keeping up a brisk fire.\\nIn the meantime, another gun-boat that lay on shore, was\\nfired on until it took fire and was burnt. In Captain Yeizer s\\nboat, two officers and four privates were wounded, and one\\nprivate killed.\\nThe British and Indians were commanded by Colonel Mc-\\nCay, (or Mackey,) who came in boats from Mackinac, by Green\\nBay and the Wisconsin, with artillery. Their report gives\\nfrom one hundred and sixty to two hundred regulars, and Mi-\\nchigan fencibles, and about eight hundred Indians. They\\nlanded their artillery below the town and fort, and formed a", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0747.jp2"}, "748": {"fulltext": "744 Baltic at Rock hland.\\nbattery; attacking the forts and the boats at the same time.\\nAfter Captain Yeizer s boat had been driven from its anchor-\\nage, sappers and miners began operations in the bank, one\\nhundred and fifty yards from the fort. Lieutenant Perkins\\nheld out while hope lasted. In the fort were George and\\nJames Kennerly, the former an aid to Governor Clark the\\nlatter a Lieutenant in the militia.\\nDuring this season strenuous efforts were made by the small\\nforce at command, to plant forts along the Upper Mississippi.\\nCape au Gris, (Cap au Grey) an old French hamlet on the left\\nbank of the Mississippi, a few miles above the mouth of the\\nIllinois river, was the place of rendezvous. Armed boats, al-\\nready described, the means of transportation.\\nAmong the persons in command were brevet Major Zacha-\\nry Taylor, (President of the United States, in 1850,) and Cap-\\ntain Campbell, of the United States regular army. Among\\nthe commanders of companies, or of boats, we find the nan.es\\nof Captain Whiteside and N. Rector.\\nA detachment, under command of Major Taylor, left Cape\\nau Gris on the 23d of August, in boats, for the Indian town at\\nRock River. The detachment consisted of three hundred and\\nthirty-four effective men, officers, non-commissioned officers\\nand privates, A report from the commanding ofTicer to Gen-\\neral Howard, dated from Fort INladi. -on, September 6th, and\\npublished in the Missouri Gazette of the 17th, gives the de-\\ntails of the expedition. They met with no opposition until\\nthey reached Rock Island, where Indian villages were situa-\\nted on both sides of the river, above and below the Rapids.\\nThe object was to destroy these villages and the fields of corn.\\nThey continued up the rapids to Campbell s Island, so named\\nfrom the commander of one of the boats so named from some\\nhard fighting his detachment had with .some of the Indians.\\nThe policy of the commanding officer was to commence with\\nthe upper villages, and sweep both sides of the river. But\\nthe policy was interrupted by a party of British, and more\\nthan a thousand Indians, with a six and a three pounder,\\nbrought from Prairie du Chicn. Captains Whiteside and\\nRector, and the men under their charge, with Lieutenant Ed-\\nward Hempstead, who commanded a boat, fought the enemy\\nbravely for several hours as they descended the Rapids. The\\ndanger consisted in the enemy s .shot sinking the boats, and", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0748.jp2"}, "749": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 745\\nthey were compelled to fall down below the rapids to repair\\nthe boats.\\nI then called the officers*together, and put to them the fol-\\nlowing question: Are we able, 334 effective men, to fight the\\nenemy, with any prospect of success and effect, which is to\\ndestroy their villages and corn They were of opinion the\\nenemy was at least three men to one, and that it was not\\npracticable to effect either object. I then determined to drop\\ndown the river to the Desmoines, without delay, as some of\\nthe officers of the rangers informed me their men were short\\nof provisions, and execute the principal object of the expedi-\\ntion in erecting a fort to command the river.\\nIn the affair at Rock river, 1 had eleven men badly wound-\\ned, three mortally, of whom one has since died.\\nI am much indebted to the officers for their prompt obedi-\\nence to orders, nor do I believe a braver set of men could\\nhave been collected than those who compose this detach-\\nment. But, Sir, I conceive it would have been madness in me,\\nas well as in direct violation of my orders, to have risked the\\ndetachment without a prospect of success.\\nI believe I would have been fully able to have accom-\\nplished your views, if the enemy had not been supplied with\\nartillery, and so advantageously posted, as to render it impos-\\nsible for us to have dislodged him, without imminent danger\\nof the loss of the whole detachment.\\nFort Johnston, a rough stockade with block-houses of round\\nlogs, was then erected on the present site of the town of War-\\nsaw, opposite the mouth of the Desmoines.\\nOn the 18th of September, General Benjamin Howard,\\nwhose military district extended from the interior of Indiana\\nto the frontier of Mexico, died in St. Louis, after a short, but\\npainful illness. He was a native of Virginia, removed with\\nhis father to Kentucky at an early period, and was engage\\nin the defence of the frontiers before the treaty of Greenville.\\nAfter that period, he commenced the study of the law, and ia^\\nthe course of a few years, was ranked among the ablest men of\\nhis profession, when he was appointed to a seat on the bench.\\nAbout 1806, or 1807, he was elected to Congress from the\\nLexington district, and was in Congress when he was ap-\\npointed Governor of Missouri Territory, as the successor of\\nGovernor Lewis. An interesting biographical sketch is to be\\nfound in the Missouri Gazette, of October 1st. We have also\\na letter from the venerable David Todd, of Columbia, Mis-\\nsouri, giving a sketch of his family connections, character and\\n47", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0749.jp2"}, "750": {"fulltext": "746 Death of General Howard.\\npersonal appearance, for which we have not room in this\\nsection.\\nFort Madison, after sustaining repeated attacks from the\\nIndians, was evacuated and burnt. And in the month of Oc-\\ntober, the people of St. Louis were astounded with the intelli-\\ngence, that the troops stationed in Fort Johnston, had burnt\\nthe block-houses, destroyed the works, and retreated down the\\nriver to Cape au Gres. The officer in command, (Major Tay-\\nlor having previously left that post,) reported they were out of\\nprovisions and could not sustain the position. It should be\\nhere noticed, that the defeat of the Indians in the battle of the\\nThames, drove back a large force of hostile savages to the\\nMississippi.\\nColonel Russell, who had been in a bad state of health, ar-\\nrived in St. Louis on the 8th of October, and soon after held a\\nconference with Governors Clark and Edwards on measures\\nfor the future defence of the two territories.\\nTwo rangers were killed by Indians near Cape au Gres, and\\nfour more in a skirmish not far from Vincennes.\\nOn the 5th of August, Mr. Henry Cox and his sons, while\\nat work on his farm near Shoal creek, Illinois, were attacked by\\na party of Indians, one of his sons was killed and shockingly\\nmangled, (so says the Gazette,) and another taken prisoner.\\nEarly in July, a party of Indians entered the Wood river\\nsettlement, (five miles east of Alton city,) and massacred a\\nMrs. Reagan and her two children, after night-fall, as they\\nwere returning home from her brother s house, the late Mr.\\nMoore. The husband and father, supposing they had tarried\\nat their relations, was awakened in the morning by a company\\nof rangers, with the distressing intelligence of the massacre\\nof his wife and children, whose mangled remains were but a\\nfew rods from the house.\\nCaptain (now General) Samuel Whiteside, with fifty ran-\\ngers, was on their trail at an early hour, pursued them to the\\nSangamon river, where they discovered the party just as they\\nentered a dense thicket in the river bottom, by which all esca-\\nped but the leader, in whose possession they found the scalp\\nof Mrs. Reagan.\\nThe only incident we find to complete this section, is the\\nadventure of the heroic Thomas Higgins. lie was a native\\nof Kentucky, and joined the rangers of Illinois at their first", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0750.jp2"}, "751": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 747\\norganization, and continued by annual enlistments until dis-\\nabled.\\nA frontier settlement on Shoal creek, in the present county\\nof Bond, had a station, or block-house, about eight miles\\nsouth of the present site of Greenville. It was one of the\\npoints of rendezvous for the rangers, where Lieutenant Jour-\\nney and eleven men, including Higgins, were stationed.\\nOn the 20th of August, 1814, Indian signs were discovered\\nin the vicinity and at night a party was seen prowling about\\nthe fort. Before day-light on the 31st, Lieutenant Journey\\nand his command were on their trail. They had not proceed-\\ned far on the border of the prairie, before they were in an\\nambuscade, surrounded with seventy or eighty Indians and\\nat the first fire, the Lieutenant and three men were killed.\\nSix fled to the fort, while Higgins remained on the field, as he\\nsaid to have one more pull at the enemy. His horse had\\nbeen shot in the neck, fell on his knees; but rose again in a\\nmoment. Higgins thought his horse mortally wounded, dis-\\nmounted, and resolving to avenge the loss of his comrades,\\ntook to a tree. The fog of the early dawn, and the smoke of\\nthe Indian guns, which had obscured the atmosphere, now\\ncleared away, and he discovered the Indians. Taking delibe-\\nrate aim, he fired, and the foremost savage fell. Concealed\\nby the smoke, he reloaded his gun mounted his wounded\\nhorse and turned to retreat, when a familiar voice from the\\ngrass hailed him with Tom, you wont leave me? Turning\\naround, he saw a fellow soldier by the name of Burgess, lying\\nin the grass, wounded and helpless. Come along, said Hig-\\ngins. I can t come, responded Burgess, my leg is smash-\\ned to pieces. Higgins instantly dismounted, and in attempt-\\ning to lift his friend on the horse, the animal took fright, ran\\noff and left Higgins with the wounded man. He directed him\\nto crawl on one leg and hands through the tallest grass, while\\nhe remained behind to protect him from the Indians. In this\\nway Burgess reached the fort. Higgins could best have fol-\\nlowed the same trail, but this would endanger his comrade.\\nHe therefore took another direction, concealing himself by a\\nsmall thicket. As he passed it, he discovered a stout savage\\nnear b} and two others approaching. He started for a small\\nravine, but found one of his legs fail, which, until now, he\\nwas scarcely conscious had been wounded in the first rencon-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0751.jp2"}, "752": {"fulltext": "748 Adventure of Thomas Higgins.\\ntre. The large Indian pressed him close, and Higgins, know-\\ning the advantage, resolved to halt and dodge the ball. The\\nIndian poised his gun, and Higgins, turning suddenly, received\\nthe ball in his thigh. He now fell, rose again and received\\nthe fire of the others; and again fell, severely wounded. The\\nIndians now threw aside their guns and advanced on him with\\ntheir spears and knives. As he presented his gun first at one,\\nthen at the other, each fell back. At last the stout Indian who\\nhad fired first, supposing Higgins gun empty, advanced boldly\\nto the charge, when Higgins fired, and he fell.\\nHiggins had now four bullets in his body, an empty gun\\nin his hand two Indians unharmed before him and a large\\nparty but a short distance in the ravine. Still he did not des-\\npair. His two assailants now raised the war-whoop, rushed\\non him with their spears, and a deadly conflict ensued. They\\ngave him numerous flesh wounds, as the scars we have seen\\ntestified. At last one threw his tomahawk, which struck Hig-\\ngins on his cheek, severed his ear, laid bare his skull to the\\nback of his head, and stretched him on the prairie. Again the\\nIndians rushed on, but Higgins kept them off with his feet, and\\ngrasping one of their spears, he arose, seized his rifle and\\ndashed out the brains of his antagonist, but broke his rifle.\\nThe other Indian now raised the yell, and rushed on him and\\nattempted to stab the exhausted ranger with his knife. Hig-\\ngins still fought with his broken rifle then with his knife\\nboth were bleeding, and nearly exhausted.\\nThe smoke had cleared away; the party of Indians were in\\nview and the little garrison at the fort could see the contest,\\nbut dared not sally out. There was a woman, a jNIrs. Pur-\\nsley, at this crisis urged the rangers to the rescue. They\\nobjected, she taunted them with cowardice, snatched her\\nhusband s rifle from his hand, declared that so fine a fellow\\nas Tom Higgins, should not be lost for want of help mount-\\ned a horse, and sallied forth to his rescue. The men, asham-\\ned to be outdone by a woman, followed at full gallop, reach-\\ned the spot where Higgins had fainted and fell, before the In-\\ndians came up, and brought off the wounded ranger to the\\nfort. For many days his life was despaired of; there was no\\nsurgeon some of his friends cut out two balls from his body\\nbut by careful nursing he recovered. Another ball was ex-\\ntracted from his thigh, by his own hands and razor, some years", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0752.jp2"}, "753": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 749\\nafter. He was a fine specimen of a frontier man, open heart-\\ned, generous; and livxd, and died, a few years since in Fay-\\nette county.\\nPostscript. We have discovered too late to correct the er-\\nror in the text a mistake in connecting the battle at the Up-\\nper Rapids, by Major Taylor, and a similar action at the same\\nplace by Lieutenant Campbell.\\nSoon after the return of Governor Clark from Prairie du\\nChien, it was thought expedient by General Howard, (who\\nhad just returned from Kentucky,) to send up a force to relieve\\nthe volunteer troops, and strengthen that remote post. He\\ntherefore sent Lieutenant Campbell, (who was acting as bri-\\ngade Major) and three keel boats, with 42 regulars, and 66\\nrangers and including the sutler s establishment, boatmen\\nand women, making 133 persons. They reached Rock River\\nwithout difficulty, but at the foot of the rapids, they were\\nvisited by large numbers of Sauks and Foxes, pretending to\\nbe friendly, and some of them bearing letters from the garri-\\nson above to St. Louis. In a short time the contractors and\\nsutler s boats had reached the head of the rapids; the two\\nbarges with the rangers followed, and were about two miles\\nahead of the commander s barge. Here a gale of wind arose\\nand the barge drifted against the little Island, known as Camp-\\nbell s Island. Here he thought proper to lie by until the wind\\nabated sentries were stationed at proper distances, and the\\nmen were on the Island shore cooking, when the report of sev-\\neral guns announced the attack.\\nThe savages were seen on shore in quick motion canoes\\nfilled with Indians passed to the Island and in a few mo-\\nments they found themselves nearly surrounded with five or\\nsix hundred Indians, who gave the war-whoop and poured\\nupon them a galling fire. The barges ahead, commanded by\\nCaptains Rector and Riggs, attempted to return, but one got\\nstranded on the rapids; the other, to prevent a similar disas-\\nter, let go an anchor. The rangers from both these barges\\nopened a brisk fire on the Indians. The unequal contest was\\nkept up for more than an hour; the Indians firing from the\\nIsland and the shore under cover, when the commander s\\nbarge took fire. Captain Rector cut his cable, fell to wind-\\nward, and took out the survivors. Captain Riggs soon after\\nfollowed with his barge, and all returned to St. Louis.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0753.jp2"}, "754": {"fulltext": "760 Settlement of Boone^s Lick.\\nThere were three regulars, four rangers, one woman and\\none child, killed and mortally wounded; and sixteen wounded;\\namong whom was Major Campbell and Dr. Stewart, severely.\\n(Gazette, July 30th, 1814.)\\nSECTION FOUR.\\nTht Boont^s Lick Settlements.\\nThe country above the Cedar, a small stream on the west-\\nern border of Callaway county, which was regarded as the\\nboundary of the district (afterwards the county) of St. Charles,\\nwas called Boone s Lick, from its first settlement until the\\norganization of the State Government.\\nCote Sans Dessein, (from a singular oblong hill in the bot-\\ntom near) was a hamlet, or small village of French settlers,\\nas early as 1808. In 1810, (perhaps a few in 1809) many en-\\nterprizing persons with their families, struck into the wilder-\\nness and commenced settlements, in what is now the county\\nof Howard. Here were several large salt springs and licks,\\nat one of which the old pioneer had his hunting camp in the\\nolden time, and where his son, Major Nathan Boone, made\\nsalt about 1807. This gave name to the lick, and that to\\na large district of country. As the formation of this settle-\\nment and the Incidents of the war, which is the subject of\\nthis chapter, are in direct connection, we shall group them\\ntogether in this section.\\nAbout twelve families, in 1810, settled on the south side of\\nthe Missouri. They were from the Loutre settlement. Mrs.\\nCole and family, whose husband was killed by the Indians,\\nsettled at the lower point of the bluff, adjacent to Booneville,\\nin 1811. [Appendix, p. 728.]\\nThe Boone s Lick settlement, at the commencement of the\\nwar with Great Britain, numbered about one hundred and\\nfifty families. The Governor of the territory considered them\\nbeyond the organized jurisdiction of any county, and for about\\nfour years the only authority over them was patriarchal.\\nThe state of society was orderly, and the habits of the people\\nvirtuous. Several ministers of the gospel were among the\\nimmigrants. The force of public sentiment and the good\\nsense of the people regulated society.\\nFor several years, a party of the Sauk Indians,under Quash-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0754.jp2"}, "755": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 751\\nquamme, their chief, lived on the Moniteau, south of the Mis-\\nsouri. They professed to be friendly, but, as is customary with\\nall uncivilized Indians, very probably they stole horses, and\\ncommitted other depredations. And it is a general custom\\nfor hostile parties in their marauding excursions, to lay the\\nmischief they commit to those who keep the peace. After\\nthe war this band of Sauks were ordered off. They went to\\nGrand river, and from thence to the mouth of Rock river, and\\njoined the other branch of the Sauk nation.\\nOn the Petite Osage plains, in what is now Saline county,\\nwere a large party of Miami Indians. Their village, built of\\npoles, was a short distance from the Missouri river. They\\nare accused of committing many depredations, and some mur-\\nders, which, probably, was the work of hostile Indians.\\nThe Pottawatomies were the principal depredators in the\\nBoone s Lick country, during the war. They stole nearly or\\nquite three hundred horses from the settlements. The Foxes,\\nlowas and Kickapoos, carried the war into this frontier. For\\ntwo years, the gallant settlers, unaided by any government,\\nsustained the conflict and defended their families with daunt-\\nless heroism. Every man, and every boy that could load a\\nrifle, was a soldier, and enrolled himself in one of the volun-\\nteer companies. By common consent. Colonel Benjamin\\nCooper was Commander-in-Chief. Colonel Cooper had been\\nidentified with the early operations in Kentucky, and possess-\\ned those elements of character, that eminently qualified him\\nfor a leader and adviser.\\nAmongst the subalterns, we recollect the names of Sarshall\\nCooper, (son of the Colonel,) Wm. Head, and Stephen Cole\\nregretting the names of others, equally deserving notice, are\\nunknown to the writer.\\n(We find the name Braxton given to this gentleman in sev-\\neral documents, and infer that his name was Sarshall Braxton\\nCooper.)\\nThe people erected five stockade forts for their defence.\\nMr. McLain s fort, afterwards called Fort Hempstead, about\\none mile from the present site of New Franklin Cooper s\\nFort, in the bottom prairie, near the old Boone s Lick: Kin-\\ncaid s fort, a mile above the site of old Franklin, near the riv-\\ner Head s fort, on the Moniteau, near the old Boone s Lick\\ntrace from St. Charles and Cole s fort south of the Missouri,", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0755.jp2"}, "756": {"fulltext": "752 Boone s Lick Settlement.\\na mile below Booneville. As dangers thickened, the people\\nin this fort moved temporarily across the Missouri. The fami-\\nlies, when danger was apprehended, resided in these stock-\\nades, but the citizen soldiers, besides ranging in advance of\\nthe forts after the enemy, had to hunt game for provisions,\\nand cultivate the land for corn. As much of their stock was\\nkilled or driven off by the early incursions of the enemy, the\\nterms bear-bacon, and hog-meat, were inserted in con-\\ntracts for provisions in those days.*\\nLarge enclosures near the forts were occupied for corn-\\nfields, in common and frequently sentinels stood on the bor-\\nders of the field, while their neighbors turned the furrow.\\nSkirmishes with parties of Indians were frequent.\\nIf they threatened the fort while the detachments were in\\nthe corn-field, or on the hunting range, the sound of the horn\\nwas the rallying signal.\\nAmong the persons killed at different periods, and various\\npoints, we can record the names of Sarshall Cooper, Jonathan\\nTodd, William Campbell, Thomas Smith, Samuel jMcMahan,\\nWilliam Gregg, John Smith, James Busby, Joseph W. Still,\\nand a negro man.\\nOur authority for this and several other particulars, is Sam-\\nuel Cole, son of W. T. Cole memoranda taken from the\\nstatements of many of the pioneers in the Boone s Lick coun-\\ntry by the writer, in 1818; Wetmore s Gazetteer; and the\\nfiles of the Missouri Gazette.\\nOf the murders committed, none excited so deep a feeling,\\nas the tragic end of Captain Sarshall Cooper, who was killed\\nat his own fire-side in Cooper s fort. It was on a dark and\\nstormy night, when the winds howled through the adjacent\\nforest, that a single warrior crept to the wall of Captain Coop-\\ner s cabin, which formed one side of the fort, and made an\\nopening between the logs, barely sufiicientto admit the muz-\\nzle of his gun, which he discharged with fatal effect. Captain\\nCooper was sitting by the fire, holding his youngest child in his\\narms, which escaped unhurt his other children lounging\\non the cabin floor, and his wife engaged in domestic duties.\\nA single crack of the rifle was heard, and Cooper was stretch-\\ned on the floor His prowess was well known to the Indians;\\nhis skill and bravery had often foiled the wily and treacher-\\nWetmoro 8 Gazetteer, p. 82.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0756.jp2"}, "757": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 763\\nous savages. He is remembered to this day by the early pio-\\nneers of Missouri for his heroic and manly virtues, as he is\\nfor his philanthropy and other moral qualities.\\nCaptain Stephen Cole survived the war, after making\\nevery effort for the defence of the settlement, when, just about\\nthe period of prosperity, and the increase and value of lands\\nand other property invited repose and contentment, his love\\nof wild adventure, in 1822, induced him to become a pioneer\\nin the trade to Santa Fe. He was killed by the red skins on\\nthe plains.\\nColonel Cooper attained to a green old age. He was a\\nmember of the Territorial Council, much respected by all\\nclasses, and died about 1840.\\nAfter about two years of hard fighting, on their own hook,\\nto use a western figure, application was made to the Governor,\\nand a detachment of rangers under General Henry Dodge\\nwas sent to their relief The mounted men, (rangers) inclu-\\nded the companies of Captain John Thompson, of St. Louis,\\nCaptain Daugherty of Cape Girardeau, and Captain Cooper\\nof the Boone s Lick settlement, with fifty Shavvanese and\\nDelaware Indians; the whole amounting to three hundred men,\\nThey marched to the village of the Miamies, took about\\nfour hundred men, women and children prisoners, and sent\\nthem to their nation on the Wabash.\\nIn connection, an expedition ascended the JMissouri river,\\nunder command of Captain Edward Hempstead.\\nIn the spring of 1813, a party of Sauks and Pottawatomies\\nmade an attack on Loutre Lick, and killed a young man by\\nthe name of Massey, while ploughing in the field.\\nEarly in 1814, the Sauks and Foxes stole horses in the\\nneighborhood of Loutre Island. Fifteen or twenty rangers\\ncommanded by Captain James Callaway, being out on a tour\\nof observation, accidentally fell on their trail, and followed it.\\nThey overtook the Indians in camp near the head of the\\nLoutre creek, and found the horses, but the Indians appa-\\nrently, had fled. They retook the horses, and proceeded to-\\nwards the settlements, until they reached Prairie fork. Here\\nthe Captain, desirous of relieving the men who had charge of\\nthe horses in the rear, gave the command to Lieut. Riggs,\\nwho went on with the main party. In a short time. Captain\\nCallaway and the men who had charge of the horses, were", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0757.jp2"}, "758": {"fulltext": "754 Sketches of Missouri Territory.\\nfired on by a large party of Indians who lay in ambuscade,\\nand was severely wounded. He broke the line of the Indians,\\nwhile men and horses fled, rode towards the main Loutre,\\nwhere he was intercepted by the Indians, and being mortally\\nwounded, fell from his horse into the stream as he attempted\\nto swim it, and expired. Four rangers in his party were\\nkilled. Their names were, McDermot, Hutchinson, McMil-\\nlan, and Gilmnre. The latter was taken prisoner and subse-\\n(juently killed.\\nAt the village of Cote Sans Dessein, the French and others\\nerected a block-house and pallisade enclosure, to protect the\\nfamilies. The principal person in command, was a resolute\\nFrenchman by the name of Baptiste Louis Roy. The fort\\nwas assailed by a large party of Indians when only two men\\nbesides Captain Hoy, with many women and children, were in\\nit. The women cast bullets, cut patches, loaded rifles, and\\nfurnished refreshments, while Roy and his two soldiers defend-\\ned the post, until fourteen braves were numbered as slain.\\nThe Indians attempted to set the house on lire by shooting ar-\\nrows armed with combustible materials, but the resolute\\nwomen put out the fire. The defence proved succesful, and\\nM. Roy, at a period subsequent to the war, received a costly\\nrifle from the young men at St. Louis for his gallant behavior.*\\nWetmore s Gazetteer, pp. 47, 50. Also 125, 126.\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nTERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT.\\nSECTION FIRST.\\nSketches of Misaonri Territory.\\nWe shall commence these sketches by gleaning such inci-\\ndents as have been omitted. One of these is the location and\\nsettlement of New Madrid. This town was projected as a\\nlarge commercial city, in 17S7, by Col. G. Morgan, from New\\nJersey. A little French village was commenced at an earlier", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0758.jp2"}, "759": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 755\\nperiod, and called Vanse a la Gresse. Stoddard says In\\nconsequence of some obstacles to his designs, created by the\\nSpanish Government, he abandoned his project, and retired\\nfrom the country.*\\nIn 1779, it is said to have contained 800 inhabitants, and to\\nhave been in a flourishing condition. We think this estimate\\nincluded the village and settlement of Little Prairie, some\\nthirty miles below, which at that period, contained about 400\\ninhabitants.\\nThe act of Congress, passed October 31st, 1803, authorized\\nthe President to take possession of the Territories ceded by\\nFrance to the United States, and establish a temporary gov-\\nernment therein. [Annals, 537.]\\nAn act passed March 26, 1804, organizing the Territory of\\nOrleans, and making the residue of the country, the district\\nof Louisiana, and placing it under the jurisdiction of the\\nGovernor and Judges of Indiana. It so continued until\\nMarch 3d, 1805, when an act was passed, organizing the Ter-\\nritory of Louisiana, under the jurisdiction of a Governor,\\nJudges and Secretary. General James Wilkinson was ap-\\npointed Governor, and Frederick Bates, Esq., Secretary, who\\nfrequently officiated as acting Governor. He continued in the\\noffice by reappointments until the territorial government was\\nsuspended by that of the State.\\nThe expedition of Messrs. Lewis and Clark, is noticed al-\\nready. [Annals, 552.] It was not long after their return that\\nCaptain Meriwether Lewis received the appointment of Gov-\\nernor of the Territory of Louisiana; and Captain Wm. Clark\\n(a little later, we think,) the appointment of Superintendent of\\nIndian Affairs. The territorial records having been consum-\\ned with the State House at Jefferson City, in 1837, we cannot\\nbe certain of accuracy in dates.\\nOn the 20th of August, 1808, we find in the Gazette, the\\nproclamation of Governor Lewis, organizing the District of\\nArkansas. At that period, counties were denominated dis-\\ntricts.\\nIt was no minor event in the annals of Missouri, that the\\nprinting press and weekly paper west of the Mississippi riv-\\ner, was introduced and established in St. Louis, in 1808, by\\nthe late Joseph Charless. Its earliest issues were on cap pa-\\nStoddard s Sketches, p. 209.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0759.jp2"}, "760": {"fulltext": "756 Second Grade of Government.\\nper; the first number is dated in July, 1808. Mr. Charless\\nw^as a native of Ireland. For a time, he was in an office in\\nPhiladelphia, then in Lexington, Ky., where he published a\\npaper. The name of the paper at St. Louis, was changed\\nwith that of the territory. It was first called the Louisiana\\nGazette, then the Missouri Gazette, and finally, in 1822,\\nin other hands, it took the name of the Missouri Republi-\\ncan. The files of this paper, in size and typographical ap-\\npearance, would furnish an illustration of the growth and\\nprogress of the city and the tei-ritory.\\nDuring the spring or summer of 1809, Governor Lewis de-\\nparted for New Orleans, and thence to Washington City.\\nWhile passing through the Chickasaw country, he discovered\\ngreat aberration of mind, and shot himself with a brace of pis-\\ntols in the night, at the house where he tarried. We give the\\nfollowing sketch from Howe s Virginia, Albermarle county,\\npage 171.\\nMeriwether Lewis, the son of a wealthy planter, was\\nborn near Charlottesville, in 1774. At 18 years of age, he\\nrelinquished his academic studies and engaged in agriculture.\\nTwo years after, he acted as a volunteer, to suppress the\\nwhisky insurrection, from which situation he was removed to\\nthe regular service. From about 1801 to 1803, he was the\\nprivate secretary of Mr. Jefferson, when he, with Wm. Clark,\\nwent on their celebrated exploring expedition to the Rocky\\nMountains. Mr. Jefferson, in recommending him to this duty,\\ngave him a high ciiaracter, as possessing courage, inflexible\\nperseverance, intimate knowledge of the Indian character, and\\nfidelity, intelligence, and all those peculiar combinations of\\nqualities that eminently fitted him for so arduous an under-\\ntaking. They were absent three years, and were highly suc-\\ncessful in the accomplishment of their duties. Shortly after\\nhis return, he was appointed Governor of the territory of\\nLouisiana, and, finding it the seat of internal dissentions, he,\\nby his moderation, firmness and impartiality, brought matters\\ninto a systematic train. He was subject to constitutional hyp-\\nochondria, and while under the influence of a severe attack,\\nshot himself on the borders of Tennessee, in 1809, at the age\\nof thirty-five. The event was ascribed to the protest of some\\nbills, which he drew on the public account.\\nThe Commissioners to examine into and confirm claims to\\nland by virtue of concessions and grants under the Spanish\\nGovernment, were John B. C. Lucas, Clement 13. Penrose, and", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0760.jp2"}, "761": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 757\\nJames L. Donaldson. From the American State Papers, Pub-\\nlic Lands, volume ii., we learn they commenced the duties of\\nthe office in 1806. In 1807, we find the name of Frederick\\nBates in place of J. L. Donaldson. Lucas, Penrose and Bates,\\ncontinued to officiate until 1812, and probably a longer peri-\\nod. The doubtful and conflicting titles, made the office both\\nlaborious and unpleasant.\\nAn act of Congress, approved June 4th, 1812, changed the\\nname of the Territory of Louisiana to that of Missouri, and\\nadvanced it to the second grade of government.\\nThe Council consisted of nine members, elected in\\nthe same mode as was then customary in territorial organiza-\\ntions. The Representatives, when elected by the people, were\\nrequired to convene on the proclamation of the Governor, and\\nnominate eighteen persons, residents of said territory one year\\npreceding their nomination; each possessing, in his own right,\\ntwo hundred acres of land therein and return their names to\\nthe President of the United States, who, with the advice and\\nconsent of the Senate, selected nine for the Legislative Coun-\\ncil. The term of appointment was five years.\\nThe House of Representatives were apportioned at the ra-\\ntio of one, for every five hundred free, white male inhabitants.\\nQualifications for this office, were one year s residence in the\\nterritory, twenty-one years of age, and a free-holder in the\\ncounty. The term was two years, and the Legislature to sit\\nannually, in the town of St. Louis. Thirteen Representatives\\nwere provided at the first election.\\nQualifications for suflrage were free, white male citizens of\\nthe United States, one year s residence in the territory, and\\nthe payment of a territorial, or county tax. A Delegate to\\nCongress, to be chosen biennially.\\nIn 181G, the organic law was so modified, as to permit bi-\\nennial sessions of the Legislature.\\nOn the 1st day of October, Governor Howard, by proclama-\\ntion, reorganized the districts, as heretofore called, into five\\ncounties St. Charles, St. Louis, Ste. Genevieve, Cape Girar-\\ndeau, and New Madrid. The distiict of Arkansas formed a\\nportion of the county of New Madrid. The territorial gov-\\nernment passed into the second grade the first Monday in De-\\ncember. The election for representatives to the legislature", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0761.jp2"}, "762": {"fulltext": "758 Territorial Legislation.\\nand a delegate to congress, was ordered to be held on the\\nsecond Monday in November.\\nOn the I8th of October, the names of Edward Hempstead,\\nRufus Easton, Samuel Hammond, and Matthew Lyon, were\\nannounced as candidates for the office of Delegate to con-\\ngress. Edward Hempstead was the successful candidate, but\\nwe find no records of the polls to show how the other candi-\\ndates stood.\\nThe House of Representatives commenced their first ses-\\nsion on the 7th December, 1812. The following persons, as\\nrepresentatives of their respective counties, were present:\\nSt. Charles. John Pitman, Robert Spencer.\\nSt. Louis. David Musick, Bernard G. Farrar, ^Yilliam C.\\nCarr, and Richard Caulk.\\nStc. Genevieve. George Bullett, Richard S. Thomas, Isaac\\nMcGready.\\nCape Gil ardedu. George F. Bollinger, Stephen Byrd.\\nNew Madrid. John Shrader, Samuel Phillips.\\nThe oath was administered by John B. C. Lucas, one of the\\nJudges. William C. Carr was elected Speaker, and Thomas\\nF. Riddick, Clerk, pro. tem. Andrew Scott was elected\\nClerk before the close of the session.\\nThe House of Representatives then proceeded to nominate\\neighteen persons, from which the President of the United\\nStates, with the Senate, was to select nine for the Council.\\nJames Flaugherty, and Benjamin Emmons, of St. Charles\\ncounty Auguste Chouteau, sen., and Samuel Hammond, of\\nSt. Louis county; John Scott, James Maxwell, Nathaniel\\nCook, John M Arthur, Moses Austin, John Smith, T., of Ste.\\nGenevieve county; William Neely, George Cavener, Abra-\\nham Boyd, John Davis, of Cape Girardeau county Joseph\\nHunter, Elisha Winson, William Gray, William Winchester,\\nof New Madrid county, were nominated.\\nThe President nominated, and the Senate confirmed, as\\nmembers of the Territorial Council, James Flaugherty, Ben-\\njamin Emmons, Auguste Chouteau, sen., Samuel Hammond,\\nJohn Scott, James Maxwell, William Necly, George Cavener,\\nand Joseph Hunter, The acting Governor, Mr. Bates, made\\nproclamation to that effect, on the 3J day of June, 1813, and\\nappointed the first jMonday in July following, for the meeting\\nof the General Assembly.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0762.jp2"}, "763": {"fulltext": "Appendix. 759\\nThe Journal of the House of Representatives was published\\nonly in the Missouri Gazette. Before the called session ap-\\npointed to be held in July, William Clark entered upon the\\noffice of Governor.\\nWe find no journal of legislative proceedings in the Ga-\\nzette for that session, except a friendly interchange between\\nthe Assembly and the new Governor.\\nThe Assembly passed laws regulating and establishing\\nweights and measures the office of Sheriff mode of taking\\nthe census; fixing permanently seats of justice in the coun-\\nties; compensation to members of the Assembly; crimes\\nand punishments forcible entry and detainer establishing\\ncourts of common pleas; Incorporating the Bank of St.\\nLouis; and erecting the county of Washington from a part\\nof Ste. Genevieve county.*\\nThe second session of the General Assembly began in St.\\nLouis, on the 6th of December, 1813. The Speaker elect\\nof the House, was George Bullett, of Ste. Genevieve county\\nthe Clerk, Andrew Scott Door-keeper, William Sullivan.\\nVacations having occurred, several new members had been\\nelected. Israel McGready appeared from the new county of\\nWashington. Samuel Hammond was President of the Legis-\\nlative Council.\\nThe Journal of the House, but not of the Council, is to be\\nfound in the Gazette. After passnig various laws, the Assem-\\nbly adjourned, sine die, on the 19th of January, 1814. The\\nboundaries of the counties of St. Charles, Washington, Cape\\nGirardeau, and New Madrid, were defined, and the county of\\nArkansas created. f\\nThe enumeration of the free, white male inhabitants, taken\\nunder the Act of the Legislature, early in 1814, is as follows\\nArkansas, 827; New Madrid, 1548 Cape Girardeau, 2062\\nSte. Genevieve, 1701 Washington, 1010; St. Louis, 3149\\nSt. Charles, 1 ,096; making an aggregate of free, white male per-\\nsons 11,393. Allowing an equal number of white females, and\\n1,000 slaves and free blacks, and the population of the terri-\\ntory was 25,000. The census of 1810, by the United States,\\ngives 20,845 of all classes.\\nEdward Hempstead, Esq., who had discharged his duty\\nTerritorial Laws, vol. i. pp. 225, 290.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f Territorial Laws, vol. i. pp. 191-338.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0763.jp2"}, "764": {"fulltext": "760 Territorial Legislation.\\nfaithfully as a Delegate to Congress, declined a re-election.\\nThe candidates were Rufus Easton, Samuel Hammond, Alex-\\nander McNair and Thomas F. Riddick. The aggregate votes\\nfrom all the counties (excepting Arkansas) was 2,599, of\\nwhich Mr. Easton had 965; Mr. Hammond, 74G; Mr. McNair,\\n853 and Mr. Riddick (who had withdrawn his name previous\\nto the election) 35.\\nThe apportionment under the census, increased the number\\nof Representatives in the Territorial Legislature, to twenty-\\ntwo.\\nThe first session of the second General Assembly, commen-\\nced in St. Louis, on the 5th of December, 1814. Twenty Re-\\npresentatives were present the first day, James Caldwell, of\\nSte. Genevieve county, was elected Speaker, and Andrew\\nScott, clerk. The Council chose William Neely, of Cape Gi-\\nrardeau county. President. The county of Lawrence was or-\\nganized from the western part of New Madrid, and the cor-\\nporate powers of St. Louis, as a borough, enlarged.\\nIt appears from the journal of the House, in the Gazette, that\\nJames Maxv^^ell, a member of the Council from the county of\\nSte. Genevieve, and Seth Emmons, member elect of the House\\nof Representatives from the county of St. Louis, had died,\\nand measures were adopted to fill the vacancies.\\nThe laws passed this session, may be found in the Territo-\\nrial Laws, volume first, pages 339 to 421.\\nAnother weekly paper, called the Western Journal, was\\nstarted in St. Louis, in the spring of 1815.\\nThe Territorial Legislature commenced its annual session\\nin November, 1815. Only a partial report can be found in the\\nGazette. The customary bu: iness was transacted. The coun-\\nty of Howard was organized from the western portion of St.\\nLouis and St. Charles counties.\\nThe acts pa.ssed may be found in the first volume of the\\nTerritorial Laws, pages 422 to 489. The session continued\\nuntil January 26th, 1816.\\nThe war with Great Britain having closed, and the treaties\\nheld with the various nations of Indians at Portage des Sioux,\\nin 1815, gave peace to the frontier settlements of Missouri and\\nIllinois [Annals, pp. 648 to 651.] Immigrants now began to\\nHock to these territories. Old settlements increased in num-\\nbers, and new settlements were formed.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0764.jp2"}, "765": {"fulltext": "Territorial Legislation. 761\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0b\\nThe Territorial Legislature of Missouri, commenced again\\nin December, 1816, and continued till February 1st, 1817.\\nAmongst the acts passed, was one killing of wolves, pan-\\nthers and wild-cats two or three lotteries were chartered;\\na charter granted for an academy at Potosi and a Board\\nof Trustees incorporated for superintending schools in the\\ntown of St. Louis. This was the starting point in the school\\nsystem in this city.\\nThe old Bank of Missouri was chartered and soon went\\ninto operation, and by autumn, 1817, the two banks, St.\\nLouis and Missouri, were issuing bills. The one called\\nSt. Louis, went into operation in 1814. [See Territorial Laws,\\nvol. i. pp. 489\u00e2\u0080\u0094553.]\\nThe Territorial Legislature held a session in December,\\n1818. During this session the counties of Jefferson, Frank-\\nlin, Wayne, Lincoln, Madison, Montgomery, Pike, Cooper,\\nand three counties in the southern part of Arkansas, were or-\\nganized. The next year (1819) the territory of Arkansas was\\nformed into a separate Territorial Government.\\nThe Territorial Legislature of Missouri, made application\\nto Congress for authority to organize a State Government.\\nThe organization of so many new counties, and the appli-\\ncation to organize a State Government, indicate the rapid in-\\ncrease of population by immigrants, from 1816 to 1818. Dur-\\ning the latter year, St. Louis commenced its onward progress\\nin buildings, enterprize and commerce. At the commence-\\nment of that year, the writer counted seven houses and stores\\nof brick, that were finished and occupied, a few more unfin-\\nished and occupied, and some eight or ten with the founda-\\ntions laid, or walls up. During 1818, more than three mill-\\nions of brick were manufactured, and about one hundred\\nbuildings erected. Of these, two were church edifices, but\\nnever finished. The first brick dwelUng-house erected in St.\\nLouis, in 18 13- 14, was by Wm. C. Carr.\\nThe first steamboat that ascended the Mississippi, above the\\nmouth of the Ohio, was the General Pike, that reached St.\\nLouis the 2nd of August, 1817. It was commanded by Capt.\\nJacob Reed, who subsequently became a citizen of the place,\\nand died here. The second steamboat was the Constitution,\\nCapt. R. P. Guyard, which arrived on the 2nd of October,,in.\\nthe same year. During 1818, there were several arrivals.\\n48", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0765.jp2"}, "766": {"fulltext": "762 Appendix.\\nThe population of St. Louis in 1815, as taken by the Sher-\\niff, John VV. Thompson, was 2,000. Throughout the county,\\nincluding the town, 7,395.\\nIn 1816, the late Colonel Daniel M. Boone, son of the old\\npioneer, and Mr. Lamme, penetrated the Gasconade pine for-\\nests, and erected the first saw-mill on Little Piney. Subse-\\nquently, A. Pattie purchased Boone s interest and became a\\npartner of Lamme. John McDonald, of St. Louis county,\\nwith his family connections, erected another mill on the same\\nstream in 1817, and removed his family there the same season.\\nSECTION SECOND.\\nTerritorial Government of Illinois.\\nOn the 14th of February, 1812, Governor Edwards issued\\nbis proclamation, ordering an election to be held in each coun-\\nty, on the second Monday in April, for three successive days,\\nthat the people might decide whether they would enter on the\\nsecond grade of government. The territorial charter gave\\nample power to the Governor, to advance the territory to the\\nsecond degree, but it was his rule through life, to ascertain and\\nbe guided by the popular will, and govern accordingly. The\\nvote at the election decided the question in the affirmative by\\na very large majority.\\nIt came to the knowledge of the Governor, that some per-\\nsons at Peoria, (a mere hamlet, with a few French cabins, after\\nthe war,) were selling liquor to the Indians. On the 25th of\\nMay, 1812, he issued the following proclamation:\\nWhereas, it is deemed improper to furnish the Indians\\nwith spirituous liquors at Peoria;\\nI do hereby forbid all persons whatsoever, to sell, ex-\\nchange, or in any manner give, or deliver to any Indians or In-\\ndian, any spirituous liquors, or any ardent spirits, within\\ntwenty miles of Peoria and I do hereby enjoin it ujion Thos,\\nForsythe, and any other Justice of the Peace for St. Clair\\ncounty, to enforce this proclamation.\\nOn the 16th of September, the Governor, by proclamation,\\norganized the counties of JMadison, Gallatin, Pope, and John-\\nson; and the same day issued another proclamation, author-\\nizing an election to be held in each county, on the 8th, 9lh", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0766.jp2"}, "767": {"fulltext": "Territoi ial Government of Illinois. 763\\nand 10th days of October, to elect members of the Council\\nand House of Representatives.\\nAnother proclamation dated November 10th, authorized the\\nmembers elect to convene at Kaskaskia, on the 25th of the\\nsame month.\\nThe members of the Council were Pierre Menard, of Ran-\\ndolph county, who was elected to preside William Biggs,\\nof St. Clair county Samuel Judy, of Madison county\\nThomas Ferguson, of Johnson county and Benjamin Tal-\\nbot, of Gallatin county. John Thomas, Esq., was chosen Se-\\ncretary.\\nThe House of Representatives consisted of William Jones,\\nfrom Madison county; Joshua Oglesby and Jacob Short, from\\nSt. Clair George Fisher, from Randolph Phillip Trammel\\nand Alexander Wilson, from Gallatin and John Grammar,\\nfrom Johnson county. Their Clerk was Wm. C. Greenup.\\nBoth bodies occupied separate rooms in a house in that an-\\ncient town had a door-keeper in common, and all boarded\\nin one family. They did their work like men devoted to busi-\\nness matters. Not a lawyer or an attorney is found in the roll\\nof names. They deliberated like sensible men, passed such\\nlaws as they deemed the country needed, made no speeches,\\nhad no contention, and after a brief session of some ten or\\ntwelve days, adjourned.\\nThe following brief sketch, so far as we have had informa-\\ntion, of the members of the first Legislative Assembly of Illi-\\nnois, may be interesting to some of our readers.\\nDuct. George Fisher, came to Kaskaskia as a merchant in\\n1800, from Hardy county, Va. At the period of his election,\\nhe resided on his farm five miles north of Kaskaskia, at the\\npoint of the bluffs. His education was medium, but he possess-\\ned considerable original talent, and great firmness. He was\\na member of the Convention to organize a State Government\\nin 1818, and died in 1820.\\nPhillip Trammel, was a lessee of the U. S. Saline, in Galla-\\ntin county possessed a good discriminating mind, had a strong\\ninclination to military affairs, and died in a few years after.\\nAlexander Wilson, kept a public house in Shawneetown,\\nwas a man of moderate abilities, and died soon after the war.\\nJohn Grammar, was a plain frontier man from Tennessee,\\nwith very little education in youth but a man of good \u00e2\u0082\u00acom-", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0767.jp2"}, "768": {"fulltext": "764 Appendix.\\nmon sense, and subsequently represented Union county re-\\npeatedly in each House of the State Legislature.\\nJoshua Oglesby was a respectable farmer, and a local Meth-\\nodist preacher in St. Clair county, a man of decent education,\\nand respected by his neighbors. He died in 1828.\\nJacob Short was a citizen and farmer of St. Clair county, and\\ndistinguished himself as a ranger during the war. He came\\nwith his father, Moses Short, to Illinois in 1796.\\nWm. Jones, was born in North Carolina, removed in early\\nlife to East Tennessee, and from thence to came to Illinois in\\n1806, and settled in Rattan s prairie, a few miles east of Al-\\nton. He was a Baptist preacher, of moderate abilities, grave\\nin his deportment, and respected by his acquaintance. He\\nrepresented the county of Madison, in the State Legislature\\nin 1828, and died in January, 1845.\\nPierre Menard, was a French gentleman and a native of\\nCanada. He came to Kaskaskia about the close of the last\\ncentury, and was engaged in the Indian trade with success.\\nHe was a man of intelligence, popular among all classes,\\nupright and strictly honorable. He was elected the first Lieu-\\ntenant Governor of the State, and presided with dignity and\\npropriety over the Senate. He died a few years since, respec-\\nted and lamented.\\nWilliam Bi :ffs, whose name appears in the Appendix, (p.\\n701,) was an intelligent and respectable man, and for some\\nyears a Judge of the Court of Common Picas, in St. Clair\\ncounty. He died about 1828 or 1829.\\nSamuel Judy was the commander of a company of spies in\\nthe war, a man of much energy, fortitude and enterprise,\\nand died in Madison county a few years since.\\nOf Thomas Ferguson and Benjamin Talbot, we have no\\ncertain information.\\nThe members of the House of Representatives in the Ter-\\nritorial Legislature in 1814. were, Wm. Rabb, of Madison\\ncounty Risdon Moore, Sen., and James Lemen, Jr., of St.\\nClair county; James Gilbreath, of Randolph county Phil-\\nlip Trammel and Thomas C. Brown, of Gallatin county and\\nOwen Evans, of Johnson county. Risdon Moore was elected\\nSpeaker, and Wm. Mears, Clerk, and Moses Stewart, joint\\nDoor-keeper between the two bodies. The Council were the\\nsame persons as in the preceding session.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0768.jp2"}, "769": {"fulltext": "Second Territorial Legislature. 765\\nt)\\nThe committee on Revenue made a report, that from Jan-\\nuary 1st, 1811, to November 8th, 1814, the revenue from tax-\\nes received, was $4,875 45 of which there had been paid\\ninto the Treasury $2,516 89, and remained in the hands of\\ndelinquent Sheriffs $2,378 47.\\nThis Legislature took action on the subject of Common\\nSchools.\\nOn motion of Mr. Trammel, a committee was appointed to\\ndraft a bill to incorporate the inhabitants of the respective\\ntownships, to enable them to choose trustees to lease and ap-\\npropriate the profits of the sixteenth section in each township,\\nfor the benefit of Public Schools, in conformity to the act of\\nCongress.\\nMessrs. Evans and Trammel were that committee. (See\\nLegislative Journal, November 28, 1814.)\\nA bill was reported on the 30th, and passed by the House\\nDecember 2nd. Edwards county was organized this session.\\nBenjamin Stephenson was the first Delegate elected to Con-\\ngress in 1812.\\nAt the session of the General Assembly, of 1815-16, Pierre\\nMenard again presided in the Council, and Risdon Moore in\\nthe House of Representatives. The counties of White, Mon-\\nroe, Jackson and Johnson, were organized this session. Ira-\\nmigration came into the territory rapidly at this period. A\\nsettlement was formed in 1815, by a few families south of the\\nMacoupin [Ma-qua-pin, it should have been written] in the\\nsouth part of the present county of Greene, and the next year,\\nThomas Rattan, and one or two more families, made their\\npitch on the border of a fertile prairie, above Apple Creek.\\nThrough Morgan, Sangamon, and all the counties west of the\\nIllinois river, the Indians, (now peaceable,) roamed and hunt-\\ned.\\nThe counties south, towards the Ohio and Wabash rivers,\\nreceived a large accession to their population, and many per-\\nsons advanced into the wilderness, and built their cabins and\\nmade their locations along the Saline, Muddy, Beaucoup, and\\nLittle Wabash rivers. The settlements were generally made\\non the borders of the prairies; too many inconveniences then\\nexisted in settling out in the prairies.\\nThe session of the Territorial Legislature of 1816-17,\\ncaught the banking mania, and chartered the Illinois Bank,", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0769.jp2"}, "770": {"fulltext": "766 Appendix.\\nat Shawneetown, and the Edwardsville Bank. Both these\\nbanks became deposit banks for government funds, received\\nthe money from the Land Offices, and used it for their own\\npurposes. The Illinois Bank eventually accounted for the\\nwhole, after considerable delay but against the Bank of Ed-\\nwardsville, the United States obtained a judgment for fifty-\\nfour thousand dollars, which has never been collected.*\\nAt the session of the Legislature, of 1817-18, the Bank\\nof Cairo was incorporated connected with the project of\\nbuilding a city at the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi\\nrivers. Some of the persons afterward having died, the pro-\\nject was suspended. In the period of the Internal Improve-\\nment mania, in 1836, this bank was galvanized into exis-\\ntence, flourished for a short time, and expired.\\nIn 1815, Nathaniel Pope, Secretary of the Territory, was\\nelected to Congress, and remained in that office till the State\\nGovernment was formed. In that capacity he rendered the\\nState very important service. He obtained the extension of\\nthe line of the new State north, from the southern bend of\\nLake Michigan, to latitude 42 degrees 30 minutes, which now\\nconstitutes the limit of that State, and he was mainly instru-\\nmental in obtaining the act to form the State Government,\\nwhen scarcely forty thousand souls existed in the State.\\nBrown 8 lUinoia, p. 420.\\nCHAPTER V.\\nSTATE GOVERNMENTS.\\nSECTION FIRST.\\nOrganization of the State of niirwis.\\nRepresentatives to the Convention to form a State Constitu-\\ntion were chosen. We record their names and the counties\\nthey represented. The counties of Crawford, Bond, Union,", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0770.jp2"}, "771": {"fulltext": "Slate Legislation. 767\\nWashington and Franklin, had been organized the preceding\\nLegislature.\\nSt. Clair. Jesse B. Thomas, John Messinger, James Lem-\\nen, Jr.\\nRandolph. George Fisher, Filias Kent Kane.\\nMadison. Benjamin Stephenson, Joseph Borough, Abra-\\nham Pickett.\\nGallatin. Michael Jones, Leonard White, Adolphus Fred-\\nerick Hubbard.\\nJohnson. Hezekiah West and Wm. McFatridge.\\nEdwards. Seth Gard, Levi Compton.\\nWhite. Willis Hargrave, Wm. McHenry.\\nMonroe. Caldwell Carnes, Enoch Moore.\\nPope. Samuel Omelvany, Hamlet Furguson.\\nJackson. Conrad Will, James Hall, Jr.\\nCrawford. Joseph Kitchell, Edward N. Cullom.\\nBond. Thomas Kirkpatrick, Samuel G. Morse.\\nUnion. Wm. Echols, John Whitaker.\\nWashington. Andrew Bankson.\\nFranklin. Joshua Harrison, Thomas Roberts.\\nJesse B. Thomas, was chosen President, and Wm. C. Green-\\nup, Secretary of the Convention.\\nThis body assembled at Kaskaskia in July, and closed their\\nlabors by signing the Constitution they had framed on the\\ntwenty-sixth day of August.\\nThe election for the first Legislature, was appointed to be\\nheld on the third Thursday, and the two following days in\\nSeptember, and all white male inhabitants above the age of\\ntwenty-one years, who were actual residents of the State at\\nthe time of signing the Constitution, had the right of suffrage.\\nThe first session of the General Assembly was to commence\\nat Kaskaskia, on the first Monday in October following, but\\nall subsequent sessions on the first Monday in December, there-\\nafter. The Constittution was not referred to the people for\\nadoption. In general, they were satisfied with the labors of\\ntheir servants.\\nMembers to the General Assembly were elected, met at the\\ntime appointed, and set in operation the new machinery of\\ngovernment. Shadrach Bond, of Kaskaskia, had been duly\\nelected Governor, and Pierre Menard, of the same place. Lieu-\\ntenant Governor. Their terms of service were from 1818 to", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0771.jp2"}, "772": {"fulltext": "768 Appendix.\\n1822. Governor Bond in his brief Inaugural address, called\\nthe early attention of the General Assembly to a survey, pre-\\nparatory to opening a canal between the Illinois river and\\nLake Michigan.\\nNinian Edwards, whose administration over the territory\\nhad gained a strong position in the confidence of the people,\\nwas elected Senator of the United States Congress. Jesse\\nB. Thomas, who had presided in the Convention with dignity\\nand impartiality, was elected to the same office. The treas-\\nury of the State was impoverished at the commencement, as\\nthe expenses of the Convention, and then of the Legislature,\\nhad to be incurred before a revenue system could be adopted\\nand carried into effect. After a short session the Legislature\\nadjourned.\\nThe second session commenced about the first of February,\\n1819, and continued until the 20th. During this period they\\nrevised and re-enacted the Territorial Laws, so far as appli-\\ncable to the State, with such additional laws as the public\\nexigencies seemed to require.\\nSECTION SECOND.\\nOrganization of the Slate of Missouri.\\nIt has been stated already that the Territorial Legislature\\nof 1818-19, made application to Congress for a law to be\\npassed, authorizing the people of INIissouri to organize a State\\nGovernment. John Scott, Esq., was the Delegate in Congress\\nat that period having been elected by a majority of votes\\nover Rufus Easton, in 1817.\\nA bill was prepared in Congress during the session of 1818-\\n19, in the accustomed form, authorizing the people to elect\\nDelegates in the several counties, to constitute a Convention\\nfor the purpose of forming a Constitution. While under pro-\\ngress, an amendment in the form of a proviso^ was introduced\\nby Mr. Talmadge, of New York, in the following words\\nAnd, provided, That the further introduction of slavery, or\\ninvoluntary servitude, be prohibited, except for the punish-\\nment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been fully con-\\nvicted and that all children born within the said State, after\\nthe admission thereof into the Union, shall be free at the age\\nof twenty-years.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0772.jp2"}, "773": {"fulltext": "Slate Legislation. 769\\nThis proviso, after a brief discussion, passed the House of\\nRepresentatives, on the 15th of February, 1819, by a vote of\\n79 to 67. This unexj*ected movement brought up what has\\nsince been called the Missouri Question; caused a protract-\\ned discussion, and raised one of those political storms, which\\nthreatened to endanger, if not dissolve the national Union.\\nIt not only agitated Congress, but the Union from one extreme\\nto the other, for eighteen months. Amongst the people in this\\nterritory, the excitement was intense the absorbing idea that\\nprevailed was, that the Congress of the United States, a body\\nlimited in constitutional power, was about to deprive the peo-\\nple of Missouri of their just rights, in forming a Constitution\\nin accordance with the treaty of cession, and as they might\\njudge the best calculated to promote their interests. The wri-\\nter at that period was a citizen of the territory, and in his\\nprofessional calling, had occasion to travel into every county.\\nTaking no direct part in an exciting political question, and\\nmixing with all classes of people, hearing their conversations\\nin private and their discussions in public, he claims to know\\nthe views by which they were actuated. At that period not\\none-fourth of the population owned or held slaves many were\\nopposed to slavery as a measure of State policy, but, (with a\\nvery few exceptions,) all were determined to resist what thoy\\nregarded an arbitrary stretch of congressional power.\\nLouisiana, from its earliest colonization, had sustained and\\ntolerated negro slavery on both sides of the Mississippi. Un-\\nder the government of both France and Spain, African negroes\\nhad been recognized as property by the laws. The treaty of\\ncession secured to the inhabitants of this province the protec-\\ntion and full enjoyment of their property. Hence the people\\nof Missouri, and their friends in Congress, maintained that\\nCongress possessed no just right to disturb the existing rela-\\ntion of master and slave. With the people of Missouri, it\\nbecame an absorbing question of political rights.\\nThe discussions in Congress continued during the session,\\nand the bill was lost, with other unfinished business.\\nDuring the following summer the discussions continued in\\nMissouri, chiefly on one side, though the Gazette opened its\\ncolumns to all parties.\\nOn the opening of Congress, Mr. Scott, Delegate from Mis-\\nsouri, and chairman of the committee on the Memorial from", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0773.jp2"}, "774": {"fulltext": "770 Appendix.\\nMissouri, reported a bill to authorize the people of that\\nterritory to form a Constitution and State Government, on an\\nequal footing with the original States. The bill was twice\\nread aud referred to the committee of the whole House. This\\nwas on the 9th of December, 1819. On the 14th, Mr. Taylor\\nof New York, oflered a resolution for the appointment of a\\ncommittee to enquire into the expediency of prohibiting by\\nlaw, the introduction of slaves into the territories of the Uni-\\nted States, west of the Mississippi. After some discussion,\\nin which the Delegate from Missouri took part, the Missouri\\nbill was postponed and made the order of the day for the se-\\ncond Monday in January. The discussion opened at that pe-\\nriod, and continued during the winter, arious amendments\\nwere proposed, in both Houses, and lost.\\nApplication had been made by the people of Maine, with\\nthe consent of Massachusetts, to form a State Government and\\nbe admitted into the Union. This proposition, for a period,\\nbecame coupled with the Missouri Question.\\nIn the Senate, on the 3d of February, Mr. Thomas from Illi-\\nnois, offered an amendment to the Missouri branch of the\\nbill, in the following words:\\nAnd be it further enacted, That in all that territory ceded\\nby France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana,\\nwhich lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north\\nlatitude, [excepting only such part thereof as is] not included\\nwithin the limits of the State contemplated by this act, slave-\\nry and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punish-\\nment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly con-\\nvicted, shall be, and is hereby forever prohibited Provided,\\nahvai/s, That any person escaping into the same, from whom\\nlaborer service is lawfully claimed in any State or Territory\\nof the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed,\\nand conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or ser-\\nvice, as aforesaid.\\nThis amendment was adopted in the Senate on the 17th of\\nFebruary, by a vote of 34 to 10, and subsequently became the\\nbasis of the Missouri Compromise, modified by striking out\\nthe words enclosed in brackets. On ordering the bill to a third\\nreading in the Senate, the vote was in the afHrmative, 24 to\\n20.\\nOn the 3rd of March, the bill as amended from the Senate\\nand passed, was sent to the House. Though the Journal be-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0774.jp2"}, "775": {"fulltext": "The Missouri Question. Ill\\nfore us is silent on that subject, it is understood as a historical\\nfact, that at this crisis, when despair sat on the countenances\\nof the friends of Missouri, Mr. Clay, who was Speaker of the\\nHouse, exercised the office of peace-maker, and by his popu-\\nlarity and influence with both parties, not in an official capa-\\ncity, but as an individual, healed the waters of strife, and in-\\nduced a majority of the members to accept the compromise of\\nthe Senate. The clause restricting slavery within the State\\nof Missouri, was stricken out by the majority of 90 to 87. On\\nthe final vote, for inserting the substitute from the Senate, it\\nwas decided under the previous question, in favor, 134;\\nagainst it, 42. So the House concurred in the amendments of\\nthe Senate to the bill, on the evening of the 3;-d of March.\\nThe Compromise may be found in the 8th section of the\\nAct to authorize the people of Missouri to form a^Constitu-\\ntion and State Government. [Territorial Laws, volume 1, pp.\\n628, 631.J\\nThe Act provided for the representation of each county in\\nthe Convention; in the aggregate, forty-one members.\\nThe boundaries prescribed, are here given\\nBeginning in the middle of the Mississippi river, on the\\nparallel of thirty-six degrees of north latitude thence west\\nalong that parallel of latitude, to the St. Francois river\\nthence up, and following the course of that river, in the mid-\\ndle of the main channel thereof, to the parallel of latitude of\\nthirty-six degrees and thirty minutes; thence west along the\\nsame, to a point where said parallel is intersected by a meri-\\ndian line passing through the middle of the mouth of the\\nKansas river, where the same empties into the Missouri river\\nthence, from the point aforesaid, north, along the said meri-\\ndian line to the intersection to the parallel of latitude which\\npasses through the rapids of the river Dcs Moines, making the\\nsaid line to correspond with the Indian boundarij line; thence\\neast, from the point of intersection last aforesaid, along the\\nsaid parallel of latitude, to the middle of the channel of the\\nmain fork of the said river Des Moines, to the mouth of the\\nsame, where it empties into the Mississippi river; thence, due\\neast, to the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi\\nriver; thence dow^n and following the course of the Mississip-\\npi river, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to the\\nplace of beginning.\\nWe have given the boundary in full, to explain the ground\\nof a dispute, which at one period threatened serious collision", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0775.jp2"}, "776": {"fulltext": "772 Appendix.\\nbetween the territory, and subsequently the State of Iowa and\\nthe State of Missouri, relative to boundaries and jurisdiction.\\nThe words in italics gave rise to the difference, and involved\\nthe questions: First, what was meant by the rapids of the\\nriver Des Moines; Secondly, what Indian boundary line was\\nintended\\nMissouri contended for certain rapids, or ripples in the river\\nDes Moines, some distance up, which threw the line some\\ntwenty or thirty miles farther north. Iowa contended the ra-\\npids in the Mississippi, called by the French explorers, La\\nrapidcs la riviere Des 31oincs, was the point meant. After sev-\\neral years of contested jurisdiction, during which a sheriff of\\nMissouri was imprisoned in Iowa, and military force was ap-\\npealed to, both States consented to refer the question of boun-\\ndary and jurisdiction to the Supreme Court of the United\\nStates. After a labored investigation, the court decided in fa-\\nvor of the old boundary line, as it was called, and the rapids\\nof the Desmoinesin the French sense of the term.\\nThe election for members of the Convention was held on\\nthe first Monday, and two succeeding days of May, 1820.\\nThe only discussion on slavery, was, whether the emancipa-\\ntion of slaves should be left open for legislative action at any\\nfuture time, or restricted in the Constitution. We do not re-\\ncollect that any candidate was elected who advocated leaving\\nthe question open. Tiie objection urged against this policy\\nwas, that slaves were, in a legal sense, property; that proper-\\nty could not be taken from its owner by statute law, except\\nfor public purposes, and tlienonly for compensation paid; that\\nwere the Legislature at any time to pass a law to emancipate\\nslaves, the courts could nullify the act; and that when the\\npeople desired to change the policy of the State, they could\\nreorganize the government by a new constitution.\\nWe here give the members of the Convention, and the coun-\\nties they represented\\nCape Girardeau. Stephen Byrd, James Evans, Richard S.\\nThomas, Alexander Buckner, Joseph McFerron.\\nCooper. Robert P. Clark, Robert Wallace, William Lil-\\nlard.\\nFranklin. John G. Heath.\\nHoward. Nicholas S. Burckhartt, Duff Green, John Ray,\\nJonathan S. Findlay, Benjamin H. Reeves.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0776.jp2"}, "777": {"fulltext": "Missouri Convention. 773\\nJeffason. Samuel Hammond.\\nLincoln. Malcolm Henry.\\nMontgo7nery. Jonathan Ramsey, James Talbott.\\nMadison. Nathaniel Cook.\\nISew Madrid. Robert D. Dawson, Christopher G. Houts.\\nPike. Stephen Cleaver.\\nSt. Charles. Benjamin Emmons, Nathan Boone, Hiram H.\\nBaber.\\nSle. Genevieve. John D. Cook, Henry Dodge, John Scott\\nR. T. Brown.\\nSt. Louis. David Barton, Edward Bates, Alexander Mc-\\nNair, Wm. Rector, John C. Sullivan, Pierre Chouteau, Jr.,\\nBernard Pratte, Thomas F. Riddick.\\nWashington. John Rice Jones, Samuel Perry, John Plutch-\\nings.\\nWayne. Elijah Bettis.\\nThe Convention met at St. Louis, on the 12th day of June.\\nDavid Barton was elected President, and William G. Pettus\\nSecretary.\\nTheir labors were finished by signing the constitution on\\n19th day of July, 1820. The first General Assembly were re-\\nquired to meet on the third Monday in September, at St. Lou-\\nis. An election for a Governor, Lieutenant Governor a re-\\npresentative in Congress for the residue of the sixteenth Con-\\ngress; a representative for the seventeenth Congress; sena-\\ntors and representatives to the General Assembly, sheriffs and\\ncoroners, was held on the fourth Monday in August. The ap-\\nportionment in the constitution for the first General Assem-\\nbly, provided fourteen senators, and forty-three representa-\\ntives.\\nAlexander xMcNair was elected Governor, and William H.\\nAshley, Lieutenant Governor, and John Scott representative\\nto Congress. No provision v. as made to refer the adoption of\\nthe constitution to the people, and it took effect from the au-\\nthority of the Convention.\\nThere were several features in the constitution quite objec-\\ntionable to the people. These were the office of Chancellor,\\nwith a salary of $2,000 per annum and the salaries of the\\nGovernor and the Judges of the Supreme and Circuit Courts,\\nbeing fixed at not less than $2,000 per annum for each officer.\\nThe mode provided for amending the constitution, was by", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0777.jp2"}, "778": {"fulltext": "774 Appendix.\\na vote of two- thirds of each House of the General Assembly\\nproposing amendments; these to be published in all the news-\\npapers in the State three times, at least twelve months before\\nthe next general election; and if, at the first session of the\\nnext General Assembly after such general election, two-thirds\\nof each House, by yeas and nays, ratify such proposed amend-\\nments, after three separate readings, on three several days, the\\namendments become parts of the constitution.\\nAt a special session of the General Assembly, in 1821,\\namendments were proposed to remove the objectionable fea-\\ntures, and passed by the constitutional majority. The next\\nGeneral Assembly at its first session ratified them.\\nAt the first session of the General Assembly in 1820, Thos.\\nH. Benton and David Barton were elected Senators to repre-\\nsent the new State in the Congress of the United States. The\\nSenators and Representative were at Washington City at the\\nopening of the session, when, on presenting the constitution\\nand claiming admittance as a State into the Union, they met\\na repulse. In article third, defining the legislative power of\\nthe General Assembly, was the following injunction\\nIt shall be their duty, as soon as may be, to pass such laws\\nas may be necessary\\nTo prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to,\\nand settling in this State, under any pretext whatsoever.\\nTo this clause objections were made in Congress, the State\\nwas refused admittance into the Union, and another discus-\\nsion followed. The objection was, that free negroes and\\nmulattoes were citizens of some of the States, and the clause\\ninfringed on the rights of such as were guaranteed in the con-\\nstitution of the U. States. The words of the constitution are:\\nThe citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges\\nand immunities of citizens in the several States. The diffi-\\nculty was increased by remonstrances from the legislatures of\\nVermont and New York, against the Missouri Compromise\\nof the preceding session, and the reception of the new State\\nwithout the restriction of slavery.\\nIn the House of Representatives, the resolution previously\\nintroduced to admit that State, was rejected by the vote of 79\\nto 93.\\nThe Select Committee, to whom the constitution was re-\\nferred, made an elaborate report and recommended the recep-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0778.jp2"}, "779": {"fulltext": "Another Missouri Question. 775\\ntion of the State. This was also disagreed to, 83 to 36.*\\nThis was February lOih. On a subsequent occasion the ques-\\ntion came up somewhat modified, and was lost in the House,\\n80 to 83. This vote was afterwards reconsidered, by a vote\\nof 101 to 66.\\nDuring the session the whole subject was discussed; the\\nrights of the south; the balance of power; the rights of the\\npeople of Missouri, and the mooted question, whether free\\nnegroes were, constitutionally citizens in all the States, were\\nagitated questions at various periods of the session. A reso-\\nlution with various restrictions, to admit Missouri, finally pass-\\ned the House by a vote of 91 to 67, but in such a form as it\\nwould not be likely to receive the support of the Senate.\\nAt this crisis, (February 22,) Mr. Clay, (who had declined\\nbeing a candidate for the speakership,) proposed a Joint Com-\\nmittee of the House and Senate, which was carried by a vote\\nof 101 to 55. Mr. Clay reported from the Joint Committee\\non the subject, (February 26,) the formula that became incor-\\nporated in the public Act, to be found in the Laws of Con-\\ngress for that session, and in the Territorial Laws of Mis-\\nsouri, volume i.pp. 758, 759.\\nThe substance is as follows: On condition that the Legis-\\nlature of Missouri, by a solemn act, shall declare the twenty-\\nsixth section of the third article of the constitution, shall nev-\\ner be construed to authorize the passage of any law by which\\nany citizen of either of the States of the Union, shall be ex-\\ncluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges to which\\nsuch citizen is entitled under the constitution of the United\\nStates and shall transmit to the President of the United\\nStates, on or before the fourth Monday in November, 1821,\\nan authentic copy of said act upon the receipt thereof the\\nPresident, by proclamation, shall announce the fact, where-\\nupon, without any further proceeding on the part of Congress,\\nthe admission of that State into the Union shall be considered\\nas complete.\\nTo carry this proviso out, it became necessary for the Gov-\\nernor to convene the Legislature in a special session, which\\nwas held in the town of St. Charles, in the month of June,\\nand the Solemn Public Act was passed guarded by explana-\\ntions, so as not to appear to affect constitutional rights. The\\nNiles Register, lix. 409, 410.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0779.jp2"}, "780": {"fulltext": "776 Appendix.\\nmooted question whether free negroes and mulattoes are\\ncitizens,- in the sense of the constitution of the U. States,\\nren~ains as it was before the action of Congress and the Le-\\ngislature of jMissouri.\\nIn the month of August, the President having received an\\nauthentic copy of the Solemn Public Act, made proclama-\\ntion that the reception of Missouri was complete. During the\\npreceding session of Congress, the Senators and Representa-\\ntives of this State had no seat in Congress, and the votes for\\nPresident were not counted.\\nWe have been thus particular in this protracted sketch, that\\nour readers may understand the whole subject. They may\\nnow learn there were two Missouri Questions, and two\\nCompromises, on different and disconnected subjects. We\\nhope the sketch given will prevent all readers of these An-\\nnals from confounding both the subjects and the dates, as\\nmany have heretofore done.\\nIn 1820, the population of Missouri, by the United States\\ncensus, was 66,586. The Legislature of that and of the fol-\\nlowing year, organized the counties of Lillard (now Lafay-\\nette,) Ralls, Boone, Chariton, Ray, Perry, Cole, Saline, Gas-\\nconade, Callaway, St. Francois, Scott and Clay. From the\\nnumber of new counties created, the reader may infer the\\nrapid increase of population, and the extension of settlements\\nin Missouri.\\nSECTION THIRD.\\nCommercial and Military Enterprise.\\nThe first Steamboat that made a trip from New Orleans to\\nLouisville, Ky., was the Enterpi ise, commanded b}-- Captain\\nHenry M. Shreve. The boat left New Orleans on the 6th of\\nMay, 1815, and arrived at Louisville on the 31st of the same\\nmonth making the passage twenty-five days. This was then\\nregarded as quite an achievement in the navigation of the\\nMississippi and Ohio with steam. For many years Captain\\nShreve was in the employ of the national government, in re-\\nmoving snags from the Mississippi, Missouri, Arkansas, and\\nRed Rivers. That singular obstruction, made by fallen and\\nimbedded timber in Red River, termed the Raft, has been\\nremoved by his skill and agency, and navigation opened into\\nthe vast and rich country above.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0780.jp2"}, "781": {"fulltext": "Expedition up the Missou7-i. 777\\nThe Independence, Captain Nelson, from Louisville, Ky., was\\nthe pioneer boat in the navigation of the more difficult chan-\\nnel of the Missouri river. This was in the same month of\\nMay, 1819. She left St. Louis on t le 13th, was at St. Charles\\non the 15th, and reached the town of Franklin, opposite\\nBooneville, on the 26th of that month. The banks of the river\\nwere visited by crowds of people, as the boat came in sight of\\nthe town. It was the first boat that ever attempted to over-\\ncome the strong current of the Missouri, and find its way\\namidst the shifting sand-bars. Besides a large number of pas-\\nsengers, this boat carried up a cargo of flour, whisky, sugar,\\ncoffee, iron, castings, and other goods. The question, long\\nagitated, and much doubted, can the Missouri be navigated\\nby steamboats? was fully solved. A new era in Missouri an-\\nnals had opened. Boats now ascend this river daily, and to\\nthe remotest settlements; and repeatedly have boats gone up\\nto the mouth of the Yellow Stone, about 1,800 miles above\\nSt. Louis. Even before 1844, the Assineboine went several\\nhundred miles above the mouth of the Yellow Stone, into a\\ngorge of the Rocky mountains.\\nThe Independence returned to St. Louis, on the 5th of June,\\nand took freight for Louisville, Ky.\\nOn the 8th of June, 1819, the United States steamboat,\\nWestern Engineer, under command of Maj. S. H. Long, went\\non an exploring expedition up the Missouri, having on board\\nseveral gi=^ntlemen attached to the department of Topographi-\\ncal Engineers. This corps were on a tour of observation to\\nthe Yellow Stone, or at least the Mandan villages. They left\\nSt. Louis on the 21st of June. The boat was a small one,\\nwith a stern wheel, and an escape pipe so contrived as to emit\\na torrent of smoke and steam through the head of a serpent,,\\nwith a red, forked tongue, projecting from the bow.\\nIt was understood that this contrivance was intended to-\\nmake an impression on the Indians, as the boat had the ap-\\npearance of being carried by a monstrous serpent, vomiting,\\nfire and smoke, and lashing the water into foam with his tail.\\nTradition says the aborigines were panic struck, and fled\\nimagining that the pale-faces had sent a maniteau, into-\\ntheir country to destroy them.\\nA military expedition left Bellefontaine and St. Louis early\\nin June, under the command of Colonel Atkinson, to establish\\n49", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0781.jp2"}, "782": {"fulltext": "778 Appendix.\\na military post at Council Bluffs, then far in advance of tlie\\nAmerican settlements. The expedition consisted of three\\nsteamboats, of heavy construction, the Expedition, the Jeffer-\\nson, and the Johnson, and nine keel-boats. Several of these\\nlast description of boats were prepared to be propelled with\\nsails and wheels. In this expedition were General Jessup,\\nQuarter-master General of the United States Army Colonel\\nHenry Atkinson, Commander; Brevet Major Humphrys; Bre-\\nvet Major Ketchum Captains Hamilton, Boardman, Living-\\nston, Reed, Haile, Shaler and Bliss. Colonel Chambers and\\nCaptain Smith, of the rifle regiment and Lieutenants Bedell,\\nWilcox, Talcott, Durand, Givens, Wetmore, (who was Pay-\\nmaster;) Brown, (Quarter-master;) Mcllvain, Keeler and Palm-\\ner, were in the expedition. The steamboats were comman-\\nded by Captain Colfax, of the Johnson, Captain Craig, of\\nthe Expedition, and Captain Orfort, of the .Jefferson.\\nColonel James Johnson, who, it was understood, had the con-\\ntract from the War Department, to transport supplies and mu-\\nnitions for the new post, was on the expedition. Another\\nboat called the Calhoun, was connected with the enter-\\nprise.\\nResiding then at St. Charles, the writer was witness to the\\nastonishment of the people, to see these boats stem the rapid\\ncurrent of the Missouri. It was understood at the time that\\nliberal encouragement had been given by the War Depart-\\nment to aid these boats, that, incidentally, the great question\\nmight be solved, whether the Missouri river could be naviga-\\nted by steam.\\nThe scientific corps under Major Long, returned from their\\ntour of exploration up the Missouri to the Yellow Stone, to\\nSt. Louis, the latter part of October.\\nAccording to a report made to the House of Representa-\\ntives by the committee on Military Affairs, the following win-\\nter, it was contemplated by the administration to establish a\\npost at the Mandan villages; that the expense of the Yellow\\nStone expedition, over and above what the troops would\\nhave cost had they remained in their former positions, was\\nestimated at $64,226. We suppose this included the steam-\\nboat effort to the Council Bluffs, which proved a failure. One\\nboat reached the vicinity of Cote Sans Dessein another lay\\nby at Old Franklin and a third ascended to the mouth of", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0782.jp2"}, "783": {"fulltext": "Banks and Banking, 779\\nGrand River. In the end, the military stores were transport-\\ned on keel-boats. These boats returned to St. Louis in the\\nspring of 1820.\\nThe expenses were heavy. A member of the committee\\non Military Affairs, at the session of 1819- 20, stated that the\\nclaims for detention of the boats, and the losses, exceeded a\\nmillion of dollars. The Secretary of the War Department\\nhad projected the establishment of a military post at or be-\\nlow the mouth of the Yellow Stone, and a series of military\\nroads to connect that post by St. Peters and the northern\\nJakes, which Congress refused to sanction, by withholding the\\naccessary appropriations.\\nCHAPTER VL\\nMISCELLANEOUS AFFAIRS,\\nSECTION FIRST,\\nBanks and Banking,\\nWe have given, in connection with Territorial Legislation^\\na sufficient ske .ch of some banks in Missouri and Illinois.\\nThe Annals, [pp. 653, 654, and 657 to 658,] gives an outline of\\nthe early banking institutions in Ohio, A communication\\nfrom John B. Dillon, of Indiana, since this work was put in\\npress, states, that the Bank of Vincennes was chartered in\\n1814, to continue until 1835; capital stock not to exceed\\n$500,000. The Farmers and Mechanics Bank of Indiana,\\nwas chartered the same year; capital stock not to exceed\\n^750,000 to expire January 1835. These, with a multitude\\nof other banks, in this valley, expired for lack of means to\\npay their debts, long before the charters terminated\\nAt the close of the war of 1812-15, there were two banks\\nin Kentucky; the Insurance Company, and the State\\nBank and branches,\\nA State Bank in those days, was understood to mean a\\nchartered bank, owned chiefly by stockholders, in which the\\nState bad an interest, appointed a portion of the directorship,", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0783.jp2"}, "784": {"fulltext": "780 Appendix,\\nand had some supervision over its affairs. Such were the\\nState Banks of Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, and\\nmany others. From 1815 to 1818, not only chartered banks\\nin Ohio, Indiana, and probably in other States, but uncharter-\\ned companies, sent out a large amount of bills as a circula-\\nting medium. Even individuals issued their tickets of prom-\\nise to pay. The country was flooded with worthless paper.\\nSo much apprehension was excited in the minds of the peo-\\nple, and so much spurious currency was imposed on them,\\nthat as early as 1816, the Convention of Indiana restricted\\nthe banking system in the new State, to the charter of a single\\nState Bank, with branches.\\nIllinois adopted the same feature in its constitution in 1818,\\nand in 1820, Missouri adopted a similar restriction.\\nThis, though it checked, did not cure the evil. The Legis-\\nlature of Kentucky, in 1816 or 1817, chartered forty-seven\\nIndependent Banks, as they were named, which soon sent\\nforth a spurious currency into the remotest settlements.\\nIn 1818, a reaction commenced; the bills of such banks as\\nthe Treasury Department had selected as depositories of the\\ngovernment funds, were current in the Land Offices. The\\nrapid influx of immigration, and the demands for land, absorb-\\ned a large proportion of this class of bills, while the floating\\npaper of the other banks depreciated, until it was no longer\\ncurrent.\\nBy 1820, the reaction was complete the Deposit Banks\\nfailed, with heavy defalcations to the public treasury. The\\npeople were in debt creditors were clamorous for their dues;\\nthe circulating medium, that could be turned into specie, had\\nvanished and legislation was sought for relief.\\nA bank was incorporated by the Legislature of Illinois, on\\nthe 22nd of March, 1819, by the style of the President, Di-\\nrectors and Company of the State Bank of Illinois, to con-\\ntinue for twenty-five years, with a capital not exceeding four\\nmillions of dollars, one half of which was to be subscribed by\\nindividuals, and the other half by the State, when the Le-\\ngislature thereof should deem proper. Books were to be\\nopened in divers towns, and if stock was ever subscribed, not\\na dollar was paid. The mountain was not even a mole-hill,\\nbut it gives an illustration of the extravagant folly in legisla-\\ntion at that period.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0784.jp2"}, "785": {"fulltext": "Banks and Banking. 781\\nThe next General Assembly, at the session of 1820-21, re-\\npealed this mammoth charter; a way had been discovered to\\ncreate money without capital. Another bank was chartered,\\nin which specie had no concern, with a capital of $500,000,\\non State credit the stock to be raised and managed by State\\nDirectors, under the supervision of the Legislature. Three\\nhundred thousand dollars, in paper currency, were to be emit-\\nted, loaned on real estate at two-thirds the appraised value,\\nor on personal security, not exceeding one hundred dollars to\\nindividuals. No individual could obtain over one thousand\\ndollars on landed security. The interest was six per cent.;\\nthe bills drew a credit of two per cent, per annum, and the\\ninstitution was to run ten years; and, if its projectors were to be\\ncredited in their fancies, it would produce an increase in that\\nperiod sufficient to redeem all the bills issued, pay all contin-\\ngent expenses, and yield a net profit to the State of one hun-\\ndred thousand dollars, at the expiration of its charter. All\\nturned out as the baseless fabric of a vision.\\nThe bills went down down down, to thirty-three cents\\non the dollar the real estate of borrowers, previously infla-\\nted by a spurious currency, went down in a greater ratio\\nlands tiiat had sold for ten dollars per acre, fell to two and\\nthree dollars; town lots in villages, actually sunk one thous-\\nand per cent. and fancy towns, on paper, became wholly\\nvalueless. At the expiration of the charter in 1831, when the\\nbills had to be redeemed, there was no alternative to save the\\nsinking credit of the State, but to contract a cash loan to re-\\ndeem the out-standing bills of one hundred thousand dollars.\\nThis was the commencement of the debt of that State, and\\nhas been designated as the Wiggins Loan, from the gen-\\ntleman who negotiated the stock.\\nThis was not the worst feature in the concern. Provision\\nwas made for the creditor to receive the paper for his dues,\\nelse the debtor could replevy for three years. Such laws, with\\nstay-laws, and valuation laws, prevailed throughout the\\nwestern States.\\nThe Legislature of Missouri, in June, 1821, established a\\nLoan OJ^ce, and branches the same thing as the Illinois\\nBank, under another name. The bills were called certifi-\\ncates, of which two hundred thousand dollars were issued,\\nwith the same appendages of replevy and valuation", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0785.jp2"}, "786": {"fulltext": "782 Appendix.\\nlaws, and nearly the same results except at an early period,\\nthe judiciary of that State decided the concern to be uncon-\\nstitutional.\\nWe have no space to appropriate to a sketch of the Wild\\nCat banks of Wisconsin and Michigan, nor are we as well\\nversed in the history of their institutions, as in those more di-\\nrectly under our observation.\\nOne general feature existed in most of the earlier banks in\\nthe west, that pretended to be instituted on a specie basis.\\nThe term used in this country at the time, expresses the idea.\\nThey were shingled over the country. One bank was made\\nthe basis of another, and that of a third, and that of a fourth;\\nconsequently, when the foundation gave way, the whole went\\nwith a crash. The modern policy of hauling boxes or kegs\\nof specie, from one bank to another, w^as not then invented\\nor, more correctly, they had not specie enough to bear trans-\\nportation. Two or three shrewd agents and directors, would\\ngather up a few thousand dollars in specie, for stock honestly\\npaid in, while the knowing ones would bring their shin-\\ngles, from a neighboring bank the bills, or stock of which\\nwas counted as so much capital paid in.\\nIn the session following, 1835, another State Bank W as\\nchartered by the Legislature of Illinois, supposed to be well\\nguarded, and on a specie basis. Had it not been made the\\nfiscal agent of the State, and crushed to death by the mon-\\nster Internal Improvement system, it might have survived\\nthe tremendous crash of credit and values. But it died in\\n1842, in a hopeless struggle to sustain the credit of the State.\\nSince that period, Illinois has had no banking institution.\\nThe Bank of the Stale of Missouri went into operation, un-\\nder stringent regulations, in 1837, and continues in good\\ncredit in 1650.\\nSECTION SECOND.\\nIllinois and Michigan Canal.\\nIn Niles Register, volume sixth, page 394, may be found the\\nearliest suggestion of a canal from Lake Michigan to the navi-\\ngable waters of the Illinois river, that we have found in print.\\nThe date is August 6th, 1814, in time of the war, and is a\\nparagraph from a series of editorial articles, on the great im-\\nportance, in a national point of view, of the States and Ter-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0786.jp2"}, "787": {"fulltext": "Illinois and Michigan Canal. 783\\nritories of this now great central valley. We give the ex-\\ntract,\\nBy the Illinois river, it is probable that Buffalo, in New\\nYork, maybe united with New Orleans, by inland navigation,\\nthrough lakes Erie, Huron and Michigan, and down that river\\nto the Mississippi. What a route How stupendous the idea!\\nHow dwindles the importance of the artificial canals oi Europe\\ncompared with this water communication If it should ever\\ntake place (and it is said the opening may be easily made,)\\nthe territory [of Illinois] will become the seat of an immense\\ncommerce, and a market for the commodities of all regions.\\nWe have already noticed that Governor Bond, at the first\\nsession of the General Assembly, in 1818, brought this sub-\\nject before that body, in his Inaugural message.\\nHe suggested an early application to Congress for a certain\\nper centage from the sales of the public lands, to be appropria-\\nted to that object. In his valedictory message, in December,\\n1822, he again refers to this subject and to his first address,\\nand states:\\nIt is believed that the public sentiment has been ascer-\\ntained in relation to the subject, and that our fellow-citizens\\nare prepared to sustain their representatives in the adoption\\nof measures subservient to its commencement.\\nHis successor, Governor Coles, in his Inaugural, (December\\n5th, 1822,) devotes four pages to this subject, refers to an act\\nof the preceding Congress, which gave permission to the\\nState to cut a canal through the public lands, connecting the\\nIllinois river with Lake Michigan, and granting to it the\\nbreadth of the canal, and ninety feet on each side of it.\\nWith this was coupled the onerous conditions that the\\nState should permit all articles belonging to the United States,\\nor to any person in their employ, to pass toll free for ever.\\nThe Governor, who was a zealous and liberal advocate for an\\neconomical and judicious system of Internal Improvements,\\nproposed to create a fund from the revenues received for taxes\\non the military bounty lands; from fines and forfeitures; and\\nfrom such other sources, as the Legislature in its wisdom,\\nmight think proper to set apart for that purpose. He also\\nurged the importance of an opening through Indiana and Ohio,\\nwith Lake Erie, by improving the navigation of the Wabash\\nandMaumee rivers, and connecting them by a canal, to which", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0787.jp2"}, "788": {"fulltext": "784 Appendix.\\nobjects he proposed the Illinois Legislature should invite the\\nspecial attention of those States, and co-operate so far as ju-\\nrisdiction extended. He further proposed the examination\\nand surveys of the rivers and the canal route in Illinois and\\nto memorialize Congress for a liberal donation of land, in\\nopening the projected lines of communication.\\nAn act for the improvement of the internal navigation of\\nthe State, and a memorial to Congress on the subject, were\\npassed by the Legislature during the session. This act, (which\\nwas approved February 14th, 1823,) provided for a Board of\\nCommissioners, whose duties Avere to devise and adopt meas-\\nures to open a communication, by canal and locks, between\\nthe navigable waters of the Illinois river and Lake Michigan\\nto cause the route to be explored, surveys and levels to be\\ntaken, maps and field books to be constructed, and estimates\\nof the costs to be made and to invite the attention of the\\nGovernors of the States of Indiana and Ohio, and through\\nthem the Legislatures of those States, to the importance of a\\ncanal communication between the Wabash and Maumee\\nrivers.\\nThomas Sloo, Jr., Thcophilus W. Smith, Emanuel J. West,\\nand Erastus Brown, were elected Commissioners. JMr. Sloo\\nwas from Hamilton county, and Messrs. Smith, West and\\nBrown, from Madison county.\\nAt that period Sangamon river, and Fulton county, were\\nthe boundaries of settlements. A military and trading post\\nexisted at Chicago; a dozen families, chiefly French, were at\\nPeoria. The northern half of Illinois was a continuous wil-\\nderness or, as the universal impression was, an intermina-\\nble prairie, and uninhabitable for an age. Morgan county,\\nthen including Scott and Cass counties, had about seventy-\\nfive families and Springfield was a frontier village, of a\\ndozen log cabins.\\nA portion of the Commissioners, with the late Colonel Jus-\\ntus Post, of Missouri, as their engineer, made an exploratory\\ntour in the autumn of 1823. In the autumn of 1824, Colon-\\nel Rene Paul, of St. Louis, was also employed as engineer,\\nwith the necessary men to assist in executing the levels, and\\nmaking the surveys complete. The party was accompanied\\nby one Commissioner. Two companies were organized, and\\nfive diflerent routes examined, and the expense estimated on", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0788.jp2"}, "789": {"fulltext": "Illinois and Michigan Canal. 785\\neach. The locks and excavations were calculated on the sup-\\nposition that the construction was on the same scale of the\\ngrand canal of New York, then in process of making. The\\nprobable cost of each route, was reported by the engineers;\\nthe highest being $716,110; the lowest, 639,946.\\nAt the next session of the Legislature, an act was passed\\n(January 17th, 1825,) to incorporate the Illinois and Michi-\\ngan Canal Company. The capital stock was one million of\\ndollars, in ten thousand shares at one hundred dollars each.*\\nThe stock not being taken, at a subsequent session the Le-\\ngislature repealed the charter. During these movements with-\\nin the State, the late Daniel P. Cook, as the Representative\\nin Congress, and the Senators of Illinois, were unceasing in\\ntheir efforts to obtain lands from the national government, to\\nconstruct this work, which all regarded as of pre-eminent na-\\ntional advantage. As the result of these efforts, on the 2nd\\nof March, 1827, Congress granted to the State of Illinois, in\\naid of this work, each alternate section of land, five miles in\\nwidth, on each side of the projected canal.\\nThe embarrassments of the State in finance, growing out of\\nthe ruinous policy of the State Bank, noticed in the preceding\\nsection, prevented any thing being done until January, 1829,\\nwhen the Legislature passed an act to organize a Board of\\nCommissioners, with power to employ agents, engineers, sur-\\nveyors, draftsmen, and other persons, to explore, examine,\\nand determine the route of the canal. They were authorized\\nto lay off town sites, and sell lots and apply the funds.\\nThey laid off Chicago, near the lake, and Ottowa, at the\\njunction of Fox river; and the Illinois surveys and estimates\\nwere again made, but the project of obtaining a full supply\\nof water on the surface level, was doubtful, and the rock ap-\\nproached so near the surface on the summit level between\\nthe Chicago and Des Plaines, as to increase the estimates of\\ncost, and cast doubt on the project.\\nThe subsequent Legislature authorized are-examination to\\nascertain the cost of a railway, and whether a supply of water\\ncould be obtained from the Calumet for a feeder.\\nThe estimated cost for a railway, with a single track, for\\nninety-six miles, about one million and fifty thousand dollars.\\n*Eeport of the Canal Cominicsioners, Vandalia, 1S25.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0789.jp2"}, "790": {"fulltext": "786 Appendix.\\nIt was a great mistake in the State, not constructing a rail-\\nway.\\nAt a special session of the Legislature, in 1835- 36, an act\\nAvas passed authorizing a loan of half a milHon of dollars for\\nthe construction of the canal, and the Board of Commission-\\ners was rc-organized, and on the fourth of July, 1836, the first\\nground was broken.\\nAt the regular session of 1836-37, the Internal Improve-\\nment system became the absorbing topic, the canal was\\nbrought under the same influence loans, to a vast extent,\\nwere created for both objects and the most extravagant ex-\\npectations were raised, but never realized.\\nThe sole reliance of the State was on loans, without any\\nfinances of its own, or any means to pay annual interest and\\nliquidate the principal. As a financial measure, the canal\\nloans were distinguished from the Internal Improvement and\\nother loans, but all failed with the credit of the State, before\\n1842.\\nContracts were made, and the work on the scale projected.,\\nmade progress until over five millions of dollars had been ex-\\npended, and the work remained unfinished. The credit of the\\nState having sunk so, that no further loans could be obtain-\\ned, the contractors were obliged to abandon their contracts,\\nwith heavy claims against the State and in 1843, a law was\\npassed to liquidate and settle the damages, at a sum not ex-\\nceeding two hundred and thirty thousand dollars. The Board\\nof Commissioners was dissolved, and the works remained in\\nthe same state for two years.\\nThe session of 1843-44, adopted a plan to complete the\\ncanal, by making the shallow cut, or relying on the streams\\nfor water, without excavating six feet below the lake level,\\nas had been projected and partially worked, and drawing sup-\\nplies from that source. About sixteen hundred thousand dol-\\nlars would complete the work on this plan. The resources\\nwere about 230,000 acres of land; several hundred city and\\nvillage lots the water power along the whole line a bal-\\nance due the canal fund for lands iuid lots sold; and the ca-\\nnal tolls. All these resources were considered ample to com-\\nplete the work, pay interest on the loans, and eventually re-\\ndeem the stock, provided additional funds could be obtained.\\nA proposition was made and accepted by the stockholders, a", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0790.jp2"}, "791": {"fulltext": "Internal Improvement. 787\\nBoard of Joint Trustees were appointed, and one million six\\nhundred thousand dollars advanced. The whole work was\\ncompleted in 1848 regular business was commenced, and has\\nincreased in a larger ratio than any of the estimates.\\nWe have given only some of the prominent facts in the his-\\ntory of this great enterprize. Were we to enter into details,\\nit would be a volume by itself.\\nOf the monster Internal Improvement system, which\\nbrought one of the heaviest calamities on the State, but from\\nwhich its recuperative energies are slowly recovering, we\\nhave no space for particulars. From 1835 to 1840, the popu-\\nlar mind through the United States, passed through a sj)ecies\\nof mania. Men, who were shrewd, clear-headed, and safe\\ncalculators, became incapable of reasoning correctly in finan-\\ncial matters. The Legislature of Illinois, as did other Legis-\\nlative bodies, labored and acted under a singular halluci-\\nnation. A minority resisted a prominent leader of which,\\nthe late General J. J. Hardin, was among the number that op-\\nposed the splendid project. The law passed ten millions\\nof dollars were to be loaned and applied to various lines of\\nrailroads, and river improvements, and appropriations made\\nfor the same. The railroads extended like checker- work over\\nthe State every one of which was planned, and estimates\\nmade by the committee on the cop) of a sectional map of the\\nState, just published, and which had reached the seat of gov-\\nernment. The whole length of the railroads to be made, was\\none thousand three hundred and forty-one miles. Extrava-\\ngant as was this scheme, loans were negotiated to an amount\\nexceeding five millions of dollars, and the money thrown\\naway. The whole system went down about 1841, increasing\\nthe demands against the State, (including accumulations of\\ninterest due,) to an amount exceeding fifteen millions of dol-\\nlars. Great as this burden may appear to others, Illinois has\\nresources, and has made provision to liquidate this heavy\\ndebt. The canal stock includes a moiety of this debt, and its\\nresources and income will absorb that portion. The Stale has\\nother resources. But in making a new constitution in 1847,\\nwhich was adopted by a vote of the people, in March, 1848,\\na section providing a special tax of two mills on the dollar of\\nthe civil list, was adopted by a separate vote of the people,\\nby more than ten thousand majority. This income is applied^", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0791.jp2"}, "792": {"fulltext": "788 Appendix.\\nto the extinguishment of the principal of this debt; and vvc\\nthink it is the first instance in which the people, by a direct\\nvote, have solemnly declared they will tax themselves to pay\\nan old debt.\\nSECTION THIRD.\\nSlavery in Illinois.\\nWe have already mentioned, [Appendix, 673,] that Renault\\nbrought five hundred slaves to Illinois, from St. Domingo.\\nThese became the progenitors of that class of the African\\nrace, which, in the statute books and census of Illinois, were\\ncalled French slaves. Before Renault returned to France,\\nin 1744, he sold the interest he, or the company with whichhe\\nhad been connected, had in slaves to the French colonists.\\nA portion of this class were taken across the Mississippi to\\nUpper Louisiana, and some to the lower province, on the ces-\\nsion of the country to the British Government. [Appendix,\\n693.] Those who remained in the Illinois country, held their\\nslaves by virtue of the treaty of cession, which secured to the\\ninhabitants the possession of their entire property, axid a guar-\\nantee of all their rights. Slavery, then, existed by law in all\\nthe British colonies.\\nThe edict of Louis XIII., of France, dated the 23d of April,\\n1815, and re-enacted by Louis XV., 1724, contained the laws\\nand regulations concerning slavery in Louisiana.* To this\\ndocument we refer our readers.\\nThe conquest of the country by Clark, in 1778, brought the\\nsubject under the jurisdiction of Virginia, and in its transfer\\nto the Continental Congress, in 1784, the same relationship of\\nproperty was secured.\\nThe ordinance of 1787, was prospective, and has been so\\ndecided by the courts. The question whether the descend-\\nents of those who were slaves in 1787, could be held in servi-\\ntude, on the ground of a vested right, remained open, un-\\ntil 1845, when, by a decision of the Supreme Court of Illi-\\nnois, it was decided they were free. The new constitution\\nadopted by the people in March, 1848, put an end to involun-\\ntary servitude in every form in Illinois.\\nL The operation of the ordinance of 1787, prohibiting slave-\\nl ry in the North-Western territory, was a subject of complaint\\nSee Dillon s Indiana, i. pp. -16, bo.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0792.jp2"}, "793": {"fulltext": "Slavery in Illinois. 789\\nby a very few interested persons, who, by memorials to Con-\\ngress, made efforts to obtain a removal of the restriction for a\\nlimited period. The first petition was from four persons in\\nKaskaskia, in 1796, asking that slavery might be tolerated\\nthere. In 1804, a Convention was held on the subject at Vin-\\ncennes, to deliberate on territorial interests, of which Gov-\\nernor Harrison was President. One object was to obtain a\\nmodification of the organic law. A memorial was sent to\\nCongress, which was referred to a committee in the House\\nthe Chairman was the late Mr. Rodney the Report recom-\\nmended that the sixth article of the ordinance of 1787, be\\nsuspended, in a quaUfied manner, for ten years, so as to per-\\nmit the introduction of slaves born in the United States, etc.\\nIt was not passed.\\nAt the session of the Territorial Legislature of 1806-7, a\\nseries of resolutions were adopted and reported to Congress,\\nby the late Judge Parke, then Delegate. At that time, Jesse\\nB. Thomas was Speaker of the House of Representatives,\\nand Pierre Menard President j9ro. tern, of the Council both\\ncitizens of that part of the territory, now included in the State\\nof Illinois. There were seven resolutions, of which six were\\nreported to Congress as if passed unanimously. We. have the\\nbest authority for saying this was a clerical error; the late\\nJohn Messinger, of Illinois, and the recent correspondence of\\nJohn B. Dillon, Esq. A resolution was reported by the com-\\nmittee to which they were referred, in favor of a suspension\\nof the sixth article of the ordinance for ten years, and lost in\\nthe House.*\\nThis movement produced a political re-action in the terri-\\ntory. The opponents of the measure brought out as a can-\\ndidate for Congress, Jonathan Jennings, and elected him over\\nthe opposite candidate, and continued him by successive re-\\nelections until the State Crovcrnmejit was formed, when he\\nwas elected Governor, and continued in that ofiice until 1822.\\nThe number of slaves reported by the census of 1800, in Indi-\\nana, (including Illinois,) was 133; in 1810, 237 in 1820, 190;\\nin 1830, none. In 1810, IHinois had 168 slaves in 1820, 917\\nin 1830, 746.t\\nAmerican State Papers, xx. 473. Fpecch of Mr. Burt, Congressional Globe. Appen-\\ndix, January, 1847, p. 117.\\nt American Almanac, 1332, p. 268, 261.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0793.jp2"}, "794": {"fulltext": "790 Appendix.\\nTo avoid the restriction in the organic law, the territory of\\nI Indiana passed an act (September 17, 1807,) entitled An\\nAct concerning the Introduction of negroes and mulattocs into this\\nTerritory. It legalized the introduction of that class of per-\\nsons, (who were slaves in the States or Territories,) into that\\nterritory, by requiring the owner, or possessor, to enter into in-\\ndentures with his slave, to serve for a stipulated period as an\\nindentured servant, and then become free. A record of this\\nmust be made in the Court of Common Pleas, within thirty\\nI days after the introduction of the slave or slaves. Children un-\\nI der fifteen years of age, were required to serve their former\\nowner or possessor males, until thirty-five years of age, and\\nfemales until thirty-two years of age. This class were term-\\ned Indentured servants. Many slave-holders from Virgin-\\nia, Kentucky and other States, who desired to relieve them-\\nselves from the ownership of slaves, migrated and availed\\nthemselves of this law. This form of servitude has been re-\\nmoved by judicial decisions in Indiana, and by the new con-\\nstitution in Illinois.\\nFor several years after the war, persons migrated to Illi-\\nnois, with the view of emancipating their slaves. Of these\\ninstances, the one most deserving of note, is that of Edward\\nColes, afterwards Governor of the State. Mr. Coles was\\nborn in Albemarle county, Va., December 16th, 1786.\\nHis father was a rich planter, with a large number of slaves,\\nbut having ten children, the amount of property received by\\neach child was not large. Edward received for his share a\\nplantation and about twenty slaves; the slaves constituting\\nabout oae-third of his estate. It was in William and Mary\\ncollege, under the tuition of the late Bishop Madison, he re-\\nceived the conviction of the wrong and impolicy of negro\\nslavery and he then formed the resolution, that should he\\ncome into possession of this species of property, he would\\nemancipate them. Mr. Coles became Private Secretary for\\nPresident Madison, and remained six years an inmate of his\\nfamily. He was then sent on a special mission to Russia, as\\nthe bearer of dispatches to the American Minister, the late J.\\nQ. Adams, during which he made the tour of Europe. On his\\nreturn, he effected a sale of his plantation, and removed his\\nslaves to Illinois, in 1819, purchased 160 acres of land for\\neach family, and superintended their settlement in the vicini-", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0794.jp2"}, "795": {"fulltext": "Slavery in Illinois. 791\\nty of Edwardsville. Soon after, he was appointed by Presi-\\ndent Monroe, Register of the Land Office in Edwardsville,\\nwhere, in 1821, we had the pleasure of forming his ac-\\nquaintance, which ripened into intimacy. lie was elected\\nGovernor of the State in 1822; and, as it turned out, at a\\nmost important ci isis.\\nIn the election of that year, in some of the extreme south-\\nern counties, the question of opening the State for the intro-\\nduction of slavery was discussed. But in the Legislature the\\nsucceeding winter, it assumed an alarming attitude in poli-\\ntics.\\nThe old constitution provided for alterations only in one\\nmode. A vote of two-thirds of the General Assembly couldt\\nauthorize the people to vote for or against a Convention, at\\nthe next election. If a majority of votes was in favor, the\\nsubsequent Legislature was required to order an election for\\nmembers to the Convention, and appoint the time of meeting,\\nthe apportionment to be in ratio to the members in both hous-\\nes of the General Assembly.\\nAt that period, the progress of the population northward,\\nhad rendered this apportionment peculiarly unequal, and the\\nstrong hold of the advocates of slavery was in the counties\\nnear the Ohio river; and in the old French settlements. It\\nwas demonstrated, that on a contingency, one-fourth of the\\nvotes of the people could elect a majority in a Convention,\\nand that majority might probably be in favor of opening the\\nState for slavery. Hence it became a paramount object of\\nthe opponents of the measure, to defeat the Convention.\\nAfter several efforts, it waS found the constitutional majori-\\nity in the Legislature was lacking by one vote. A contested\\nelection, of a perplexing and complicated character, had\\ncome from Pike county, then including all the territory north\\nand west of the Illinois river, and, at the early part of the\\nsession, was decided in favor of Mr. Hanson but some\\nmembers who were opposed to a Convention, conscientiously\\ngave their votes for the contestant, Mr. Shaw. After a stormy\\nsession of about ten weeks, the Convention party adopted the\\ndesperate alternative of a reconsideration, and turned out\\nHanson, and put in Shaw. This turned the scale, and the\\nvote recommending the people to vote for or against a Con-\\nvention, was carried. A number of the members of both", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0795.jp2"}, "796": {"fulltext": "792 Appendix.\\nHouses entered their solemn protest against both the object,\\nand the measures to obtain it.\\nThe resolution passed both Houses but a short time before\\nthe adjournment, February, 1823. But one of the four pa-\\npers in the State the Edvvardsville Spectator, by Hooper\\nWarren at that time took a stand decided against slavery\\nand a Convention.\\nElections were biennial, and, the question had to be decided\\non the first Monday in August, 1824; the contest was spirited.\\nThe people, who were opposed to the introduction of slavery,\\nbecame aroused public meetings were held and societies\\norganized for the prevention of slavery in Illinois. The\\nifirst move was made in the county of St. Clair, where the\\nConvention party were strong, and led by some of the strong-\\nest political men in the State. A county society was organ-\\nized, officers appointed, an address to the people of Illinois\\nwas published, and an invitation made to form societies in\\nother counties. Fourteen similar societies were organized in\\nas many counties, and a correspondence established in them\\nthrough persons who could be trusted, in every county and\\nelection precinct. This system was in full operation before\\nAugust, and a year remained to gather strength. The oppo-\\nsite party relied on quiet and concealed operations. Many\\ndenied, and doubtless honestly thought, the introduction of\\nslavery was not the object that there were objectionable fea-\\ntures in the constitution, that should be removed. In the\\ncounties north of the road from St. Louis to Vincennes, very\\nlittle was said by this party in favor of slavery, except to\\nward off the charges made by their opponents. The mem-\\nbers of the preceding Legislature, who had protested against\\nthe Convention question, contributed each fifty dollars from\\ntheir wages, to meet expenses in printing and circulating pa-\\npers. The Governor was in the opposition, and at once re-\\nsolved to expend his four years salary in the contest, and no-\\nbly did he redeem the pledge.\\nThe summer and autumn wore away, and the Convention\\nparty had no regular organization. The time appointed for\\nrallying the leaders and acting in concert, was in December,\\nat the session of the Supreme Court in Vandalia. The paper\\nat that place, that performed the public printing, was their\\nstrong garrison, so far as newspaper armor was concerned.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0796.jp2"}, "797": {"fulltext": "The Monks of La Trappe. 793\\nOn the morning of their meeting, this citadel surrendered to\\ntheir opponents, hoisted the anti-Convention flag, and prepar-\\ned to pour grape shot into their ranks, in the form of news-\\npaper bullets. Governor Coles had purchased an interest in\\nthe press; David Blackwell, Esq., of Belleville, had been ap-\\npointed Secretary of State, to fill a vacancy, and conducted\\nthe paper as editor. From that time until August, the con-\\ntest was carried on vigorously by both parties, and finally de-\\ncided against a Convention, by about 1800 majority. The\\nnumber of votes given in the State, was nearly 12,000.\\nDuring the contest it was anticipated that an indirect influ-\\nence out of the State, would be exerted to gain the question.\\nAll such extraneous influence the opponents resisted. Of the\\nmembers of Congress, Governor Edwards and Daniel P. Cook\\nAvere strong in the opposition, and each wielded a vigorous\\npen in the cause.\\nIn six months after, the question was settled; a politician\\nwho was in favor of the introduction of slavery in the State,\\nwas a KARA AVIS.\\nSECTION FOUR.\\nThe Monks of La Trappe.\\nWe refer to this Order, not for any religious purposes, but\\nbecause they had a residence in the United States, from 1804\\nto 1813, and in the American bottom, in Illinois, from 1810.\\nThe Monastery of this Order, was anciently situated in the\\nProvince of Perche, in France, in one of the most soUtary\\nspots that could be chosen. It was founded in 1140, under\\nthe patronage of Rotrou, Count of Perche. They were a\\nbranch of the Order of Cistercian monks. Their Monastery\\nhad fallen into decay, and their rigid discipline much relaxed,\\nwhen the Order was reformed by the Abbe Ranee, in 1664.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nRanee was a gay man of the world, but meeting with a sud-\\nden riisfortune\u00e2\u0080\u0094 some authors say the infidelity of his wife,\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nothers assert the sudden death of Madame Mo.ntbazon, whose\\nfavorite lover he had been he renounced the world, entered\\nthis Monastery, and took the lead in a system of most severe\\nausterity. Perpetual silence was the vow every comfort of\\nlife was rejected, and a stone was his bed bread and water\\nhis only food and every day a handful of earth was removed\\nfrom his grave.\\n50", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0797.jp2"}, "798": {"fulltext": "794 Appendix.\\nThe furious storm of the French revolution, scattered the\\nTrappists. A branch of the Order came to the United States,\\nin 1804, first established themselves near Cone\\\\vango,in Penn-\\nsylvania; then in Kentucky; next at Florisant, in St. Louis\\ncounty; and finally, in 1810, on a farm and a high mound in\\nthe American bottom, near the boundary line of St. Clair and\\nMadison counties. Colonel N. Jarrot, of Cahokia, gave them\\nthe use of a farm and other accommodations in Illinois.\\nHere they lost two priests and five lay-brothers of the Or-\\nder. The climate and situation were not congenial to the\\nrigid austerities enjoined by the Order.\\nThey cultivated a garden, repaired watches, and traded\\nwith the people, but were generally filthy in their habits, and\\nextremely severe in their penances and discipline. In 1813,\\nthey sold off their personal property, and left the country for\\nFrance.*\\nWe add to this section an item overlooked in its proper\\nconnection. Father Meurain died at Prairie du Rocher, in\\nthe year 1778. He was the last of the Jesuits in this coun-\\ntry. He was ordered home but at the request of the Indians\\nhe returned, and was their Father-confessor. He was a very\\nlearned man, and has left a valuable library, and a manuscript\\ndictionary of the Indian and French languages, in twenty-\\nfour volumes. He was a Missionary to the Illinois Indians,\\nand was respected and beloved by them, as a very pious and\\nfaithful Missionary.\\nThe two last Jesuit Missionaries at JMackinaw and L Abre\\nCroche, were Fathers Le Franc and Du Jauiiy, who were\\nsixty years in the country.\\nBreckenridge s Louisiana, Spalding s History of Catholic Missions in Kentucky;\\nBeck s Gazetteer, p. 4.^9.\\nf Morse s Indian Keport, Appendix, p. 244.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0798.jp2"}, "799": {"fulltext": "The Black Hawk War. 797\\nand Sauks, two of their crew were killed and four wounded.\\nTiie party was commanded by Red Bird, but Black Hawk was\\nof the party. General Atkinson marched a detachment of\\ntroops into the Winnebago country, captured Red Bird and\\nsix other Indians, and committed them to prison in Prairie du\\nChien, for trial. Red Bird died in prison. A part of the oth-\\ners were convicted and executed in December, 1828.\\nAbout this year, the President issued a proclamation, ac-\\ncording to law, and the country about the mouth of Rock Riv-\\ner, which had been previously surveyed, was sold, and the\\nyear following, was taken possession of by American families.\\nSome time previous to this, after the death of old Quash-\\nquame, Keokuk was appointed chief of the Sauk nation.\\nThe United States gave due notice to the Indians to leave\\nthe country, east of the Mississippi, and Keokuk made the\\nsame proclamation to the Sauks, and a portion of the nation,\\nwith their regular chiefs, with Keokuk at their head, peacea-\\nbly retired across the Mississippi. Up to this period, Black\\nHawk continued his annual visits to Maiden, and received his\\nannuity for allegiance to the British government. He would\\nnot recognize Keokuk as chief, but gathered about him all the\\nrestless spirits of his tribe, many of whom were young, and\\nfired with the ambition of becoming braves, and set up him-\\nself for a chief.\\nBlack Hawk was not a Pontiac, or a Tecumthe. He had\\nneither the talent or the influence to form any comprehensive\\nscheme of action, yet he made an abortive attempt to unite\\nall the Indians of the west, from Rock River to Mexico, in a\\nwar against the United States.\\nIn the memoir he dictated, and Leclair wrote, he states, [p.\\n97,] runners were sent to the Arkansas, Red River and Tex-\\nas, not on the subject of our lands, but on a secret mission,\\nwhich I am not, at present, permitted to explain. The mis-\\nsion was no secret when the memoir was written. It was to\\narouse up the Indians to attack the white settlements, through\\nthe long line of frontier, at the same time.\\nStill another treaty, and the seventh in succession, was\\nmade with the Sauks and Foxes, on the 15th of Jul} 1830,\\nin which they again confirmed the preceding treaties, and\\npromised to remove from Illinois to the territory west of the\\nMississippi. This was no new cession, but a recognition of", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0799.jp2"}, "800": {"fulltext": "798 Appendix.\\nthe former treaties by the proper authorities of the nation, and\\na renewed pledge of fidelity to the United States.\\nDuring all this time Black Hawk was gaining accessions to\\nhis party. Like Tecumthe, he, too, had his Prophet whose\\ninfluence over the superstitious savages, was not without\\neffect.\\nIn 1830, an arrangement was made by the Americans, who\\nhad purchased the land above the mouth of Rock River, and\\nthe Indians that remained, to live as neighbors; the latter cul-\\ntivating their old fields. Their enclosures consisted of stakes\\nstuck in the ground, and small poles tied with strips of bark\\ntransversely. The Indians left for their summer s hunt, and\\nreturned when their corn was in the milk gathered it, and\\nturned their horses into the fields, cultivated by the Ameri-\\ncans, to gather their crop. Some depredations were commit-\\nted on their hogs and other property. The Indians departed\\non their winter s hunt, but returned early in the spring of 1831,\\nunder the guidance of Black Hawk, and committed depreda-\\ntions on the frontier settlements. Their leader w as a cunning,\\nshrewd Indian, and trained his party to commit various de-\\npredations on the property of the frontier inhabitants, but not\\nto attack, or kill any person. His policy was to provoke the\\nAmericans to make war on him, and thus seem to fight in de-\\nfense of Indian rights, and the graves of their fathers.\\nNumerous affidavits, from persons of unquestionable integri-\\nty sworn to, before the proper officers, were made out and\\nsent to Governor Reynolds, attesting to these and many other\\nfacts. We have examined these documents, knew, personal-\\nly some who subscribed to them, and others from good testimo-\\nny. Black Hawk had about five hundred Indians in train-\\ning, with horses, well provided with arms, and invaded the\\nState of Illinois with hostile designs. These facts were known\\nto the Governor and other officers of the State. Consequent-\\nly, Governor Reynolds, on the 28th of May, 1831, made a call\\nfor volunteers, and communicated the facts to General Gaines\\nof this military district, and made a call for regular troops.\\nThe State was invaded by a hostile band of savages, under\\nan avowed enemy of the United States. The military turn-\\ned out to the number of twelve hundred or more, on horse-\\nback, and under command of the late General Joseph Dun-\\ncan, marched to Rock River.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0800.jp2"}, "801": {"fulltext": "The Black Hawk War. 799\\nThe regular troops went up the Mississippi in June. Black\\nHawk and his men, alarmed at this formidable appearance,\\nrecrossed the Mississippi, sent a white flag, and made a treaty,\\nin which the United States agreed to furnish them a large\\namount of corn and other necessaries, if they would observe\\nthe treaty.\\nIn the spring of 1832, Black Hawk with his party again\\ncrossed the Mississippi to the valley of Rock River, notwith-\\nstanding he was warned against doing so by General Atkin-\\nson, who commanded at Fort Armstrong, in Rock Island.\\nTroops, both regular and militia, were at once mustered and\\nmarched in the pursuit of the native band. Among the troops\\nwas a party of volunteers under Major Stillman, who, on the\\n14th of May, was out upon a tour of observation, and close\\nin the neighborhood of the savages. On that evening, having\\ndiscovered a party of Indians, the whites galloped forward to\\nattack the savage band, but were met with so much energy\\nand determination, that they took to their heels in utter con-\\nsternation. The whites were 175 in number; the Indians\\nfrom five to six hundred. Of this party, twenty-five followed\\nthe retreating battalion, after night, for several miles. Eler-\\nen whites were killed and shockingly mangled, and several\\nwounded. Some four or five Indians were known to be kill-\\ned. This action was at Stillman s run, in the eastern part of\\nOgle county, about twenty-five miles above Dixon.\\nPeace was now hopeless, and although Keokuk, the legiti-\\nmate chief of the nation, controlled a majority, the tempta-\\ntion of war and plunder was too strong for those who follow-\\ned Black Hawk.\\nWe now quote from the first edition of the Annals, with\\nsome emendations\\nOn the 21st of May, a party of warriors, about seventy in\\nnumber, attacked the Indian Creek settlement in La Salle\\ncounty, Illinois, killed fifteen persons, and took two young\\nwomen prisoners these were afterwards returned to their\\nfriends, late in July, through the efforts of the Winnebagoes.\\nOn the following day, a party of spies was attacked and four\\nof them slain, and other massacres followed. Meanwhile 3000\\nIllinois militia had been ordered out, who rendezvoued upon\\nthe 20th of June, near Peru these marched forward to the\\nRock River, where they were joined by the U. States troops,\\nthe whole bein\u00c2\u00b0r under command of General Atkinson. Six", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0801.jp2"}, "802": {"fulltext": "800 Appendix.\\nhundred mounted men were also ordered out, while General\\nScott, with nine companies of artillery, hastened from the sea-\\nboard by the way of the lakes to Chicago, moving with such\\ncelerity, that some of his troops, we are told, actually went\\n1800 miles in eighteen days; passing in that time from Fort\\nMonroe, on the Chesapeake, to Chicago. Long before the ar-\\ntillerists could reach the scene of action, however, the western\\ntroops had commenced the conflict in earnest, and before they\\ndid reach the field, had closed it. On the 24th of June, Black\\nHawk and his two hundred warrioi-s were repulsed by Major\\nDemint, Avith but one hundred and fifty militia this skirmish\\ntook place between Rock River and Galena. The army then\\ncontinued to move up Rock River, near the heads of which it\\nwas understood that the main party of the hostile Indians\\nwas collected and as provisions were scarce, and hard to con-\\nvey in such a country, a detachment was sent forward to Fort\\nWinnebago, at the portage between the Wisconsin and Fox\\nrivers, to procure supplies. This detachment, hearing of Black\\nHawk s army, pursued and overtook them on the 21st of Ju-\\nly, near the Wisconsin river, and in the neighborhood of the\\nBlue Mounds. General Henry, who commanded the party,\\nformed with his troops three sides of a hollow square, and in\\nthat order received the attack of the Indians two attempts\\nto break the ranks, were made by the natives in vain; and\\nthen a general charge was made by the whole body of Amer-\\nicans, and with such success that, it is said, fifty-two of the\\nred men were left dead upon the field, while but one Ameri-\\ncan was killed and eight wounded.\\nBefore this action, Henry had sent word of his motions to\\nthe main army, by whom he was immediate!} rejoined, and on\\nthe 28th of Jul}-, the whole crossed the Wisconsin in pursuit\\nof Black Hawk, who was retiring toward the Mississippi.\\nUpon the bank of that river, nearly opposite the Upper loway,\\nthe Indians were overtaken and again defeated, on the 2nd\\nof August, with a loss of one hundred and fifty men, while of\\nthe whites but eighteen fell. This battle entirely broke the\\npower of Black Hawk; he fled, but was seized by the Win-\\nnebagoes, and upon the 27th, was delivered to the officers of\\nthe United States, at Prairie du Chien.\\nGeneral Scott, during the months of July and August, was\\ncontending with a worse than Indian foe. The Asiatic chole-\\nra had just reached Canada; passing up the St. Lawrence\\no Detroit, it overtook the western-bound armament, and\\nthence forth the camp became a hospital. On the 8th of July,\\nhis thinned ranks landed at Fort Dearborn or Chicago, but it\\nwas late in August before they reached the Mississippi. The\\nnumber of that band who died from the cholera, must have\\nbeen at least seven times as great as that of all who fell in\\nbattle. There were several other skirmishes of the troops", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0802.jp2"}, "803": {"fulltext": "Cholera, and Flood in Ohio. 801\\nwith the Indians and a number of individuals murdered;\\nmaking in all, about seventy-five persons killed in these ac-\\ntions, or murdered on the frontiers.\\nIn September, the Indian troubles were closed by a treaty,\\nwhich relinquished to the white men thirty millions of acres\\nof land, for which stipulated annuities were to be paid con-\\nstituting now the eastern portion of the State of Iowa, to\\nwhich the only real claim of the Sauks and Foxes, was their\\ndepredations on the unoffending loways, about 130 years since.\\nTo Keokuk and his party, a reservation of forty miles square\\nw^as given, in consideration of his fidelity while Black Hawk\\nand his family, were sent as hostages to Fort Monroe in the\\nChesapeake, where they remained till June, 1833. The cliief\\nafterwards returned to his native wilds, where he died.\\nBlack Hawk cannot rank with Pontiac orTecumthe; he\\nfought only for revenge, and showed no intellectual power;\\nbut he was a fearless man.\\nThe same disease which decimated General Scott s troops,\\nduring the autumn of this year, and the summers of 1S33 and\\n1834, spread terror through the whole west, though during last\\nyear it was comparatively mild. We have room to notice\\nonly three facts in relation to it the first is, that other dis-\\neases diminished while it prevailed the second, that many\\npoints which were spared in 1832, (as Lexington, Ky.) were\\ndevastated in 1833; the third, that its appearance and pro-\\ngress presented none of the evidences of infection or conta-\\ngion.\\nA visitation less fatal than the cholera, but for the time most\\ndisastrous, had come upon the valley of the Ohio in the pre-\\nceding February. A winter of excessive cold was suddenly\\nclosed, by long continued and very heavy rains, which, una-\\nble to penetrate the frozen ground, soon raised every stream\\nemptying into the Ohio to an unusual heighth. The main\\ntrunk, unable to discharge the water which poured into it,\\noverflowed its banks, and laid the whole valley, in many\\nplaces several miles in width, under water. The towns and\\nvillages along the river banks, w^ere flooded in some instances\\nso deeply, as to force the inhabitants to take refuge on the\\nneighboring hills; and the value of the property injured and\\ndestroyed must have been very great, though its amount could\\nnot, of course, be ascertained. The water continued to rise\\nfrom the 7lh to the 19th of February, when it had attained\\nthe height of 63 feet above low water mark at Cincinnati.\\nSECTION SECOND.\\nIowa, Wisconsin and Minnesota.\\nDubuque is the oldest settlement in the State of Iowa, be-\\ning coeval with Galena, as a village. As a trading post, it is", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0803.jp2"}, "804": {"fulltext": "802 Appendix.\\nidentified with the Frenchman whose name it perpetuates.\\nBellevue and Fort Madison, have already been noticed as mili-\\ntary posts.\\nThe subjection of Black Hawk and his hostile party, and\\nthe treaty that followed in 1832, opened the extensive tract of\\ncountry along the Mississippi, to American settlements; and\\nthe following spring, companies from Illinois crossed the river,\\nbuilt their cabins, and made improvements for farming early\\nin 1833. The first settlement was in the vicinity of Burling-\\nton. Coeval with it, was the settlement near Fort Madison.\\nFrom this period, the progress and extension of settlements\\nwere rapid, and the population increased with far greater ra-\\npidity, than in the history of previous territories. For more\\nthan eighteen months the people were a law unto them-\\nselves, being without the jurisdiction of any organized ter-\\nritory. In 1S34, Congress attached this territory to that of\\nMichigan, for temporary jurisdiction, and two large counties,\\nDubuque and Desmoines, were organized. Their aggregate\\npopulation in 1836, \\\\vas 10,531 persons, and the same year\\nWisconsin was organized as a separate territory, and exercis-\\ned jurisdiction over the District of Iowa.\\nIn 1838, we were at Burlington during the session of the\\nWi-sconsin Legislature. The official intelligence of the or-\\nganization of the Territory of Iowa, was received the last of\\nJune, and the Legislature finding itself beyond its own juris-\\ndiction, adjourned. The Territorial Government took effect\\non the 4th of July, 1838. Robert Lucas, a former Governor\\nof Ohio, was the Governor and Superintendent of Indian Af-\\nfairs, and James Clark, Secretary of the new Territory.\\nDuring that year the territory, which had been subdivided\\ninto sixteen counties, had a population of 22,860 persons.\\nIn 1839, the General Assembly located the seat of govern-\\nment, on the river that gives name to the State, and called it\\nthe City of Iowa. Immigration continued to increase in\\n1840 the population was 43,017 while that of the Wisconsin\\nTerritory, was 30,945 persons. In 1843, the Territorial Le-\\ngislature petitioned Congress for authority to adopt a State\\nConstitution, which was granted at the next session, and on\\nthe 7th of October, 1844, the Convention assembled and\\nadopted a Constitution, which was not approved by Congress.\\nAnother Convention was held 1846, the limits restricted, an", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0804.jp2"}, "805": {"fulltext": "Territory of Wisconsin. 803\\namended Constitution adopted, which was submitted to Con-\\ngress in June, and the State received into the Union simultan-\\neously with Florida.\\nSince that period, this State has made rapid progress; sev-\\neral chartered cities exist, containing a population of from\\n2000 to 5000 inhabitants; the Indian title has been extin-\\nguished, and civilization has extended over a large part of its\\nterritory.\\nThe population in the autumn of 1849, was estimated at\\n180,000.\\nWisconsin has made slower progress, and been longer in the\\nrace, but has become a large, thriving and prosperous State.\\nIts oldest settlement is Green Bay. Farming settlements were\\nmade contiguous to Galena, during the lead operations alrea-\\ndy noticed. The Black Hawk war brought the extensive re-\\ngion along the Four Lakes and the Wisconsin river, to the\\nknowledge of the pioneers of Illinois, and opened the way for\\nthe settlement of that fine country. Soon after, immigration\\nbegan to flow in from Michigan, Ohio and New York, and the\\nwilderness soon became a fruitful field. As early as 1835,\\nsome enterprising persons planted themselves on choice town\\nsites: along the borders of Lake Michigan and Racine, South-\\nport, Milwaukee, Sheboygan, and many other towns have\\nsprung into existence. Milwaukee is a large commercial city,\\nwith some 18,000 or 20,000 inhabitants, and commands the\\ntrade of an extensive back country.\\nThis territory formed a Constitution in 1846, which was not\\napproved by a large majority of the people. Another Con-\\nvention was held, and a Constitution framed and adopted,\\nFebruary 1st, 1848, on which the State was received into the\\nUnion. The population, taken December 1st, 1847, was 220,-\\n867. General Henry Dodge, now a Senator in Congress, was\\nthe first Governor of the territory, and, with the exception of\\nfour years, held that office during the existence of the Terri-\\ntorial Government. Each of these new States has adopted a\\nsystem of common schools, which promise a bountiful harvest\\nto future generations.\\nMinnesota, is the new territory lying north of Iowa, and\\nnorth-west of Wisconsin was organized in pursuance of a\\nlaw passed by Congress, March 3rd, 1849, on the first of June\\nthe same year. Alexander Ramsey, of Harrisburg, Pa., was", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0805.jp2"}, "806": {"fulltext": "804 Appendix.\\nappointed Governor, and issued his proclamation on that day.\\nA ceniius taken in June, showed the white population to be\\n4,780. An election was held on the first day of August for\\na Legislative Assembly, and nine members of the Council,\\nand eighteen members of the House of Representatives were\\nelected. The session commenced in the town of St. Paul, on\\nthe first Monday in September. II. II. Sibley, is the Delegate\\nin Congress. The message of the Governor is an able docu-\\nment. Tlie town of St. Paul, the present seat of govern-\\nment, commenced as a commercial town in the spring of 1849,\\nand now has a population of 1000, and is a place of much\\nbusines;.\\nA steamboat is being constructed to run the Mississippi above\\nthe Falls of St. Anthony, to Crow Wing river, in the year\\n1853. The hitherto remote militar} post, called Fort Snell-\\ning, established in 1819, will soon be surrounded with civili-\\nzation and the arts of peace.\\nThe territory has been divided into nine counties, in place\\nof the old counties of La Pointe and St. Croix, that were or-\\nganized under the territory of Wisconsin. The names are\\nItasca, Washington, Ramsey, Benton, Pembina, (accent on the\\nlast .syllable) Mah-kah-to, Wah-nah-tah, Dahkotah, and Wau-\\nbashaw. The counties of Ramsey, Washington and Benton,\\nonly had judicial districts in 1849.\\nThe village and settlement of Pembina, was commenced by\\nLord Selkirk, a Scotch nobleman, about 1812. He obtained\\na grant of land on Red river, from the Hudson Bay Company.\\nTwo settlements were formed; one at Fort Douglass, the oth-\\ner higher up, and which proved to be below the 49th degree\\nof latitude, and within the boundary of the United States.\\nThis last settlement was called Pembina, a corruption of an\\nIndian word, that signified a small red berry that grew in that\\nregion.*\\nIn 1823, the settlement consisted of about 350 persons, re-\\nsiding in sixty log houses, or cabins. The fathers were ciiiefly\\nSwiss and Scotch emigrants, who married Indian wives. f At\\nthat period (1822-23.) droves of cattle were taken from Mis-\\nsouri and Illinois to tliis colony, and sold at a high price. The\\ncolony at I embina, as it was in 1849, originated from a mix-\\nture of nations, as Scotch, English, French, Italians, Germans,\\nand Swiss, amalgamated with Chippeways, Crees, Sioux and\\nother Indian tribes. By the census of 1849, there were in this\\n*The Viburaam Oxycoccos.\\nt Loag s EipeJition, ii. 41, 45.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0806.jp2"}, "807": {"fulltext": "The Black Hawk War. 795\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nSECTION FIRST.\\nThe Black Hawk War.\\nAs this portion of Illinois history has been much misunder-\\nstood, and consequently misrepresented in several publica-\\ntions, we shall give the facts of the case, but in a very con-\\ndensed form\\n1st. The Sauks and Foxes had no original right, in the In-\\ndian sense even, to any portion of Illinois. They were in-\\ntruders on the country of the Santeaurs and loways. [Ap-\\npendix, 713.]\\n2nd. The head chiefs sold their claim to their lands in Illi-\\nnois and southern Wisconsin, to the United States, in 1804.*\\n[Annals, 546.]\\n3rd. This treaty was violated by all that portion of the uni-\\nted tribes, which committed hostilities against the United\\nStates, and joined the British during the war. The portions\\nof the tribes that remained peaceable, re-confirmed the treaty\\nof 1804, at Portage des Sioux, September 13th, 1815. The\\nhostile part of the nation, in 1816, professed repentance for\\ntheir misdeeds, obtained forgiveness, and the treaty of 1804\\nwas again renewed and re-enacted. [Annals, G48, 651.]\\n4th. Black Hawk never was a chief; never recognized as\\nsuch by Indian authority, or by the United States. He was a\\nbrave, in Indian parlance, gathered around him a small party\\nof disaffected spirits, refused to attend the negotiations of\\n1816 went to Canada, proclaimed himself and his party Bri-\\ntish subjects, and received presents from that quarter.\\n5th. Another treaty was made in full council, with the\\nchiefs, warriors, and head men of the Sac and Fox tribes, at\\nFort Armstrong, [Rock Island,] September 3rd, 1822, by the\\nagent of the United States, in which the treaty of 1804, is re-\\nferred to and ratified. And still another treaty was made by\\nten regularly delegated chiefs and head men, and Governor\\nClark on the part of the United States, in Washington City,\\nIndian Treaties.\\nW", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0807.jp2"}, "808": {"fulltext": "796 Appendix.\\nthe 4th of August, 1824. In this treaty they sell, for a valua-\\nble consideration, all their title to the northern portion of the\\nState of Missouri, from the Mississippi to the western boun-\\ndary of that State. At this treaty the United States granted\\nthe strip of country between the Mississippi and Desmoines\\nriver, to certain half-breeds of that nation. And on all the\\nlands they had claimed south and east of this line, they are not\\nto be permitted to settle or hunt, after the first day of Janua-\\nry, 1826.\\n6th. In the treaty of 1804, the Sauks and Foxes were per-\\nmitted to reside and hunt on the land sold, while it remained\\nthe property of the United States.\\nWriters, and especially Brown, [History of Illinois, note, p.\\n380,] have retained the story of Black Hawk, and by this\\nmeans misrepresented this whole business. Brown has given\\nIndian speeches, in place of authentic public documents and\\ntreaties. Drake, in his Book of the Indians, in many re-\\nspects a valuable antiquarian work, has made great mistakes.*\\nThis work abounds with errors, concerning the causes and the\\nmanagement of the Black Hawk affair.\\n7th. Another treaty was held at Prairie du Chien, in 1825,\\nwith the Sauks, Foxes, Winnebagoes, Chippeways, Sioux, and\\nother North-western Indians. The object was to settle the\\nlong existing hostilities among these tribes, in which the Uni-\\nted States Government exercised the office of mediator. In\\n1827, a party of twenty-four Chippeways, on a visit to Fort\\nSnelling, was attacked by a band of Sioux, and eight of their\\nnumber killed and wounded. The commander at Fort Snell-\\ning caused four of the Sioux, who had committed this mur-\\nder, to be delivered to the Chippeways, by whom they were\\nshot. Red Bird, a Sioux chief, determined to retaliate, and\\ngot defeated. Being derided by his own nation, he resolved\\nto attack the white people, whom he regarded as allies of the\\nChippeways and on the 27th of July, two men in the vicini-\\nty of Prairie du Chien, were killed and a third wounded. At\\nthe same period hostile demonstrations were made by some\\nWinnebagoes, and Black Hawk s party of the Sauks, in the\\nvicinity of the lead mines, which caused much alarm. About\\nthe 28th of July, two keel-boats, conveying military stores to\\nFort Snelling, were attacked by hostile Sioux, Winnebagoes\\nBook T. chapter viii. pp. 141 to 165.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0808.jp2"}, "809": {"fulltext": "Growth of Towns and Cities. 805\\nsettlement, of males 295 females, 342; total, 637. A colo-\\nny, chiefly French, is situated on the Missouri river.\\nOne of the most important incidents, in both Wisconsin and\\nMinnesota, is the lumber business. Extensive forests of w^hite\\npine are on the waters of the Wisconsin, St. Croix, and other\\ntributaries of the Mississippi, and mills are in extensive ope-\\nration on the streams. The lumber manufactured on the St.\\nCroix alone, in 1849, amounted to ten millions of feet, board\\nmeasure. This business will be a vast source of wealth to the\\ndistrict.\\nSECTION THIRD.\\nGrowth of Towns and Cities,\\nChicago is one of the important commercial centres of the\\ngreat central valley, that illustrate the rapidity of progress in\\npopulation, business, enterprise and wealth. In 1832, it con-\\ntained five small stores, and 250 inhabitants. The preceding\\nyear there were four arrivals, two brigs and two schooners,\\nfrom the lower lakes, which were sufficient for all the trade\\nand business for North-Eastern Illinois and North- Western\\nIndiana.\\nIn 1835, there were 267 arrivals of brigs, ships and schoon-\\ners, including nine steamboats. The merchandize imported\\namounted to 5015 tons, besides 9,400 barrels of salt. The\\nexports of 1843, exceeded one million of dollars; the imports\\n$1,433, 886. It sustained great depression during the suspen-\\nsion of the canal operations, from 1841 to 1846, and yet its\\ngrowth continued. A railroad across the State to connect\\nChicago with Galena, has been put in operation to Fox river,\\nand the work is progressing. The population of Chicago is\\nestimated at 25,000.\\nThere are several important towns along the line, and at\\nthe termination of the canal, which we have now no room to\\nparticularize. The old village of Peoria, was situated one\\nand a half miles above the outlet of the lake. As a French\\nvillage, it commenced about 1779, and was called La Ville de\\nMaillet. The people removed to the new village on the\\npresent site of Peoria, in 1797. After the war, Fort Clark,\\nalready noticed, Vi- as l)urnt. The situation of Peoria is beau-\\ntiful beyond description, and is a place of business and com-\\nmerce.\\nSpringfield, the seat of government of Illinois, dates back\\nto February, 1822. It is a handsome inland city, of 4000 in-\\nhabitants, surrounded with a rich agricultural district. It i.s\\nconnected with the Illinois river, by Jacksonville, at Naples,\\nby a railroad, and will soon be with Alton with one to that\\nplace.\\nAlton, after a long period of depression, is now in progress,\\nand bids fair soon to be a place of much commerce.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0809.jp2"}, "810": {"fulltext": "806 Appendix.\\nIn Missouri, the progress of settlements, the buihling up of\\ntowns, and the accumulation of agricultural wealth, have\\nbeen fully equal to any other State in the Union for the last\\nten years. Jefferson City, the seat of government, was not\\ndesigned for a commercial depot, but for the capitol and pub-\\nlic offices of the State. St. Charles, Boonevijle, Fayette and\\nLexington, are incorporated cities. Of late, the rich mines of\\nlead, copper and iron, have attracted the attention of capi-\\ntalists, and awakened a spirit of enterprise which gives prom-\\nise of success.\\nGovernors of the State of Missouri. Alexander McNair,\\nfrom 1820 to 1824 Frederick Bates, from 1824 to 1828 John\\nMiller, from 1828 to 1832; Daniel Dunklin, from 1832 to 1836;\\nLilburn W. Boggs, from 1836 to lS40 Thomas Reynolds,\\nfrom 1840 to 1844; John C. Edwards, from 1844 to 1848;\\nAustin A. King, (the present incumbent) from 1848 to 1S62.\\nGovernors of Illinois. Shadrach Bond, from 1818 to 1822;\\nEdward Coles, from 1822 to 1826; Ninian Edwards (formerly\\nGovernor of the Territory,) from 1826 to 1830 John Rey-\\nnolds, from 1830 to 1834 Joseph Duncan, from 1834 to 1838\\nThomas Carlin, from 1838 to 1842; Thomas Ford, from 1842\\nto 1846 Augustus C. French, from 1846 to 1848, the office\\nhaving expired by the adoption of the new Constitution. He\\nwas again elected under the new Constitution, and goes out\\nof office in January, 1853.\\nGovernor Edwards of Illinois, died at his residence in Belle-\\nville, of the cholera, July 20th, 1833, in the 69th year of his\\nage. The prominent traits of his character were great decis-\\nion, determined resistless perseverance, quickness in despatch\\nof iDusiness, sagacity to the public interest, and a liberal, gen-\\nerous and philanthropic disposition.\\nGovernor Clark of Mis.souri, died at his residence in St.\\nLouis, on the first day of September, 1838. He was Gover-\\nnor of the Territory from 1813 to 1820, and Superintendent\\nof Indian Afiairs to the close of his life. Previously, he had\\nbeen the companion of Merri wether Lewis, in their tour of ex-\\nploration to the Pacific ocean. His intimate knowledge of\\nIndian character, and his intercourse with them, won their es-\\nteem and confidence. Through a long public life, he main-\\ntained a character for strict integrity and unsullied honor.\\nSECTION FOURTH.\\nGrowth of St. Louis.\\nSt. Louis, for steady progress and successful enterprise, since\\n1830, has excelled all other cities with which we have been\\nacquainted. There have been periods of pecuniary pressure,\\nbut none of pro.stration. Business, population and wealth,\\nhave increased with each revolving year.\\nIn addition to the position of u great seat of commerce and", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0810.jp2"}, "811": {"fulltext": "8f)7\\nGrowth of St. Louis.\\ntrade, for an extensive and rapidly improving territory, there\\nare several branches of business that concentrate here. These\\nare the mining business the Indian fur trade and trapping\\nenterprise the JNIexican trade the frontier military posts\\nand Indian agency and lately, the outfit of many thousands\\nof California gold-hunters. In some of these branches, the\\npeople in the interior of Missouri have participated. We in-\\ntended to have amplified each of these items in a series of\\nsketches, but our limits are nearly exhausted.\\nThe fur trade, to a limited extent, was extended high up the\\nMissouri river, before the cession of Louisiana. The average\\nannual value of the furs collected in St. Louis, for fifteen suc-\\ncessive years, ending in 1804, is stated to have been $203,750.\\nJames Pursley, in 1802, was the first hunter and trapper, and\\nprobably the first American, who traversed the great plains\\nbetween the United States and New Mexico. The Missouri\\nFur Company, with a capital of $40,000, was organized in this\\ncity in 1808, and the hunters in its employ, were the first who\\npitched their camps on the waters of Oregon. That compa-\\nny was dissolved in 1812; the fur trade of the Missouri was\\nprosecuted by Messrs. Chouteau, Berthold, Pratte, Lisa, Ca-\\nbanne, and others. Messrs. Pilcher, Lisa, Thos. Hempstead,\\nPerkins and others, revived the Missouri Company soon after\\nthe war, and carried their enterprise into the defiles of the\\nRocky mountains.\\nIn 1823, the late General William H. Ashley fitted out his\\nfirst trapping expedition to the mountains and upon the wes-\\ntern waters. He had a severe engagement with the Arica-\\nra Indians, in which he lost fourteen men. General Ashley\\nand his men, ascended the Sweet water, discovered the South\\nPass, and thus opened a highway to Oregon and California.\\nIn 1824, he extended his exploration and line of trade to the\\nUtah Lake. Between the years of 1824 and 1827, General\\nAshley and his men sent to St. Louis furs to the value of $180,-\\n000. The annual value of the fur trade alone, for 40 years,\\nhas averaged from two to three hundred thousand dollars, and\\nhence an important item in the growth of St. Louis.*\\nThe Santa Fe trade from Missouri, originated in Franklin,\\nHoward county, where the first enterprise was planned, and\\nan outfit procured in 1822. f This has been since prosecuted\\nwith great enterprise and various success from this city.\\nThe United States census of 1840, owing to the very limi-\\nted bounds of the corporation, and the extension of the streets\\nand blocks of the city beyond, misrepresented the population.\\nThe report exhibited only 16,469, whereas the population\\nwithin the town of St. Louis, was not less than 28,000.\\nA similar discrepancy will appear in tlie ceusus of 1850; for ahhough\\nAddress of Thomas Allen, at the Celebration of St. Louis, February 15, 1847, pp.\\n16, 18.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f Wetmore s Gazetteer, p 86.", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0811.jp2"}, "812": {"fulltext": "808 The Cholera, and Great Fire.\\ntlie corporate boundaries were much extended after 1840, s3veral thous-\\nand persons are now living without the city bounds, and will be enumera-\\nted with those of the county. On January 1st, 1849, the census, not tak-\\nen closely, gave 64,000 while in the city and suburbs, there were not\\nless than 7:3,000 persons. With all the diminution by cholera, the in-\\ncrease in twelve months has been large and our lowest estimate is 85,-\\n000.\\nTwo incidents of the last year, will close the volume.\\n1. The Cholera.. Cases of this fearful disease appeared on boats nav-\\nigating the lower Mississippi, during the last months of 1848; and an\\nunusual predisposition to diarrhoeas, and affections of the bowels, was\\nmanifested in St. Louis at the same time. Two cases of cholera, and one\\ndeath, occurred the first week in January, 1849. According to Dr. Mc-\\nPheeters.f there were 38 deaths from cholera in January, (two thirds of\\nthe cases being imported from New Orleans,) .30 deaths in March, 18 in\\nApril. In the tirst week in May, there was a fearful increase in the pro-\\ngress of the disease, and of deaths. Deaths from all diseases, i)er week,\\nfrom 113 to 193. Total deaths in May, 786 cholera 517. For two\\nweeks following the great fire, there was a perceptible decrease in the\\nmortality and number of cases. During the first week in June, there\\nwere 144 deaths 74 of cholera. Second week, 283 deaths 189 of chole-\\nra. Third week, 522 deaths 426 from cholera. Fourth week, 798 deaths;\\n636 from cholera. From June 26th to July 2nd, 951 deaths; 739 from\\ncholera from July 3rd to 9th, \u00c2\u00a751 deaths 654 from cholera. P om\\nJuly 10th to the 16th, 888 deaths 669 from cholera. From July 17th to\\nthe 23rd, 440 deaths, 269 from cholera. Last week in July, 231 deatiis\\n131 from cholera. During the entire year of 1849, the mortality of the\\ncity was 8,603 cholera, (according to Dr. McPheters) 4,557. Other re-\\nports increase the cholera cases to 4,800. The cholera disappeared (ex-\\ncept occasional cases) after the lOtli of August. From the fir.st of No-\\nvember, 1849, to the first of April, 1850, unusual health has prevailed\\nfor a city population.\\n2. The Great Fire, broke out on the steamboat White Cloud, near\\nthe foot of Cherry street, at the hour of 10 o clock at niglit, on the 17th\\nof May, 1849. The wind was from a North-Eastern direction, and blew\\nwith great force all the night. In a short time 23 steamboats were on\\nfire, and consumed some with valuable cargoes on board. The fire first\\ncaught the stores at the foot of Locust street then, by another burning\\nboat at the toot of Elm street, and simultaneously two fires were sweep-\\ning over several squares driven by the wind with resistless fury. IMas-\\nsive buildings of brick or stone, three and four stories in lieiglit, offered\\nno resistance. The fires from the buildings and the boats, cut oft all com-\\nmunication with the river, and by 2 o clock, A. M., on the ISth, the city\\nreservoir was exhausted. Up to this time, the firemen did all that men\\nand machinery could do, to stop the devouring element. Buildings were\\nblown up, several valuable lives were lost; but about 8 o clock, A. M.,\\nafter ten hours devastation, its fury was spent. About 400 buildings were\\nburnt many of them large wholesale stores. The steamboats, their car-\\ngoes, and produce on the landing, were valued at 518,500; buildings,\\n$602,748 merchandize, $654,950. Add to furniture, provisions, clothing,\\netc., and the loss was estimated at $2,750,000. About two-thirds the\\nvalue were covered by insurance. The cholera during the summer, was\\nmore fatal than the fire, to the business of the city.\\nAnd now, as wc look over the burnt district, much the largest pro-\\nportion is covered with buildings of a superior character streets are\\nwidened, and even naked lots sell higher per linear foot, than ttiey did be-\\nfore the Great Fire.\\n*IIistory of the Epidemic Cholera in St. Louis, in 1849; Medical and Surgical Jonrnal\\nfor March, 1850.", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0812.jp2"}, "813": {"fulltext": "s", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0813.jp2"}, "814": {"fulltext": "Lbi/ii 3li", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0814.jp2"}, "815": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0815.jp2"}, "816": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3333", "width": "1966", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0816.jp2"}, "817": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3343", "width": "1935", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0817.jp2"}, "818": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3501", "width": "2155", "jp2-path": "annalsofwestembr00per_0818.jp2"}}