{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3356", "width": "1982", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "(hss", "height": "3267", "width": "1835", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3267", "width": "1835", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3267", "width": "1835", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3267", "width": "1835", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES,\\nHISTORICAL AXD BESCIUVTIVE,\\nLOUISIANA.\\nBY MAJOR AMOS STODDARD,\\n.I.MOr.H Of Til\\nA\\\\r nprnE klw yoiik Ht iToiii.\\n.Ill II. IT.\\n.llliiu omtum\\nKxptiltum prima i rpttent ab ori^inc famam. Vi fii..\\n^rxciptatM numu* annalium rear, tie virtutei tileantiir,- utqve pra-\\nit dicfit, faitit^te, ex po-tcritaU et infami/i mctvt tit. TAriTr\\nVmi.ADV.l.l Ul.l\\nPUnUSIIF.D KV MATHEW OARKl\\nV ftMlLL, PBIXTCn.", "height": "3272", "width": "1809", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "OI8THICT OF PtXNSYLVAXlA\\nBK IT RF.MP.MBKKF.U, Th*t on \u00c2\u00abl\\n.f\\nfic ihr Till. I Ue\\nu to wil\\n..m HUtoricml Md Dcteriptwc, of IxtutsUrui. Bv Major\\nAmos ?.,u,ul*rtl. Member of Uie V. 8. M f Mrk\\nlliAluriCAl Society.\\n4lffit0\\nrtC-\\nAto\\n\\\\n\\nI P*.\\nlu-\\nrc-\\nao-\\nBy tnailwi\\n5 JeliO;", "height": "3272", "width": "1585", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nPREFACE.\\nCHAPTER I. Historical Sketches of Louisiana^ i\\n11. Of the Tloridas^ Ill\\nIII. Extent and Boundaries of Louisiana, 131\\nIV. New Orleans, The Delta, ^c, 151\\nV. From Chafalia to Arkansas, b^-. 177\\nVI. Upper Louisiana, 20 J\\nVII. iMnd Titles, ^c. 243\\nVIII. Government and Laius, 2G9\\nIX. Commerce and Manufactures 293\\nX. learning and Religion^ 307\\nXI. Character of the Louisianians, 319\\nXII. State cf Slavrrtj, 331\\nXIII. Antiquities, 34J\\nXIV. Of the Rivers of Louisiana, 353\\nXV. Mineral Riches, 389\\nXVI. Aborigines 409\\nWW. A Welsh Nation in America, 465", "height": "3262", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nIT ftll to my lot, in the month of 3Iarch 1804, to take\\npossession of upper Louisiana, under the treaty of cession.\\nThe high civil trust confided to me in that country, drew\\nmy attention in the first instance to the jurisprudence, in\\n:he second to the principles of the French and Spanish co-\\nlonial governments, and in the third to the civil histor)* and\\ngeography of those regions. The records and other public\\ndocuments w ere open to my inspection and, as it was my\\nfortune to be stationed about five years on various parts of\\nthe lower ]^lississippi,and nearly six months on Red river,\\nmy enquiries gradually extended to liouisiana in gtrncral.\\nThat country, even at this day, is less known than anv\\nother (inhabited by a civilized people) of the same extent\\non the globe. AVhile it was in possession of France and\\nSpain, at least till near the close of the American revolu\\ntion, it was almost inaccessible to us; nor were we influ-\\nenced by motives of interest or curiosity lo visit it. Tlie\\nentrance of our vessels into its ports was either interdict-\\ned, or its commerce too unimportant to incite maritime\\n;idvcnturcs; and the mountains and uninhabited wilderness\\nm our frontiers, presented strong barriers to enterprise\\nover land. The Spanish government, in particular, was al-\\nways actuated by a dark and intricate pclic) it was careful\\nto ixclude strangers from its dominions; to prohibit sur-\\nveys and discoveries, ekcepl ior the benefit of the cabinet,\\nin l to place the s ;tl of mnhdittion on whatever was cal-\\nculattd to awaken the cnrio^itv or ctiv of other nation?.", "height": "3262", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "VI PREtACE\\nNo wonder then that Louisiana at the time of the cession.,\\nwas so little known to the United States. They had suddenly\\nand unexpectedly acquired a territory of which they knew\\nnot the extent; they were equally unacquainted with its\\nclimates, soils and productions, the magnitude and impor-\\ntance of its numerous rivers, and its commercial and other\\nnatural advantages. I therefore indulge the expectation, that\\nthe subsequent sketches, however inaccurate or errone-\\nous, will not prove wholly unacceptable to the public par-\\nticularly as no one before me, to my knowledge, has at-\\ntempted an history and description of this territory.\\nHistorians have but partially noticed that country; none\\nof their works seem to embrace, in regular detail, any con-\\nsiderable number of years; they are extremely barren of\\nevents, and unfortunately contain many chasms. These are\\nin part supplied from some ancient manuscript journals, and\\nother documents, to which I gained access yet it is to be\\nregretted that materials are still wanting to exhibit even the\\nprominent historical features of Louisiana. The writings of\\nmissionaries at least those I have seen, and the accounts pub\\nlished by French officers who were employed in the coun-\\ntry during part of the tv/o last centuries, are mostly of an\\nuninteresting nature. I am, however, much indebted to both\\ndead and living authors and if I have been less solicitous\\nto acknowledge my obligations to them, than to collect\\nand arrange the substance of their labors, it was because\\nI relucted at marginal and other references.\\nThese are some of the obstacles in the way of a regular\\nand correct civil history of Louisiana. Those opposed to a\\ncomplete geography and natural history of that country, are\\nstill more insuperable. All the old maps are extremely de-\\nfective. The one prefixed to the work of DuPratz, is un-", "height": "3277", "width": "1752", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PREFACE. Vll\\nquestionably the best. No detailed accounts of the interior\\nare to be found in the records of Louisianian literature: On\\nIndian traders, and other transient persons, we ai-e obliged\\nin most instances to rely for what limited information we\\npossess. They present us indeed, with an exuberant mass\\nof materials, but extremely crude, confused and contradi^r-\\ntory and it requires no small share of patience and atten-\\ntion to distinguish truth from fiction. I am indebted to\\nsome fugitive and other publications relative to particular\\nportions of Louisiana j and to the authors of them I am\\nproud to pay my acknowledgements. Respectable men, in\\nmost of the districts, furnished me with such local and other\\ninformation as they possessed, and I have made the best\\nuse of it in my power. My own excursions in that coun-\\ntry were extensive, and I have endeavored to describe\\nwhat fell under my own observation with as much fidelity\\nas possible. The notices of the Fioridas are partly derived\\nfrom the valuable work of Bernard Romans, and partly\\nfrom an equally valuable manuscript of an itinerant friend.\\nThese are some of the materials on which the subsequent\\nSKETCHES are founded; and yet it is believed that few or\\nnone more accurate or authentic are at present in exist-\\nence, except those in possession of our late western travel-\\nlers time and enterprise are necessary to afford the world\\na just conception of Louisiana. The paucity of veracious\\nmaterials, forbade the hope of an entire and complete\\nwork, and therefore sketches only have been attempted.\\nThat there are many omissions and errors, is more than\\nprobable j but who is able at this early period, to supply\\nthe first, or fully to correct the second\\nThe avocations of military men are seldom favorable to\\nliterary pursuits j their studies are usually desultory, and", "height": "3262", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "Vlii PREFACE.\\nmore multiform in their nature than is consistent with la-\\nbored disquisition. During the progress of the ensuing\\nwork, I was wholly secluded from the literary world, and\\nthe aid of literary friends, destitute of books, and most\\nof the timeafHicted with the endemics of the climate. This\\nivill in some measure account for occasional aberrations of\\nmanner and style imputable in part, perhaps, to the rug-\\nged service of eighteen years, in the tented field. I am\\nfully apprised of the danger to which I. expose myself in\\nthis literary attempt. I expect not the approbation of sci-\\nentific men, though I hope to escape their censure. If\\nthey cannot think favorably of my genius or erudition, I\\ntrust they will at least commend my industry and motives.\\nI worship not in the temple of science; my devoirs are\\nlimited to its humble vestibule.\\nPersuaded I am, that, when Louisiana is accurately\\nknown, when the advantages it affords are manifested and\\nfelt, not an enemy to the cession will remain. No doubt\\nmuch of the opposition to it (perhaps, in some measure,\\nstimulated by the prejudices of party) arose from the want\\nof information, which dictated caution. It requires no\\ngreat penetration to perceive that, if the arbiters of Eu-\\nrope, and indeed of the world, had spread themselves o-\\nver that country, the tranquility of the United States\\nwould have been disturbed, and perhaps theirliberties jeo-\\npardized. Whatever may be my speculative opinions on\\npolitical subjects, I have felt no disposition to yield to\\nthem soHcitous as a public servant to avoid the exacerba-\\ntions of party steady in the pursuit of truth.\\nAMOS STODDAllD, Major,\\nFort Columbus 1812. ^orps United States Artellerists.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "%4\\nHISTORICAL\\nSKETCHES OF LOUISIANA=\\nCHAPTER I.\\nTHE Spaniards and the French discovered and settled\\nFlorida and Canada long before Louisiana was known.\\nThese early events have a direct bearing on the subse-\\nquent affairs of those nations in the new world and hence\\na concise detail of them williiot be deemed foreign to the\\ndesign of these Sketches, particularly as they serve to\\nthrow much light on the policy pursued by both in the es-\\ntablishment of their Colonies.\\nAfter the Spaniards landed on the Islands, nearly twen-\\nty years elapsed before they attempted any new discove-\\nries. During this period they collected immense quanti-\\nties of gold, especially in Cuba and Hispaniola. They\\nfust deprived the natives of their treasure, and then con-\\ndemned them to seek for more in the bowels of the earth,\\nor among the rocks of the mountains. These people\\nwere unable to satiate the avidity of the Spaniard?. Mil-", "height": "3262", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "2 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nlions of them perished, and the remainder were doomed\\nto ignominious slavery. No sooner were the Islands ex-\\nhausted of their wealth than the Spaniards turned their\\nattention to other regions. They penetrated to the isth-\\nmus of Darien, and attempted to form settlements in the\\nbay of Campeachy.\\nPerhaps they became acquainted with the discoveries\\nof Sabastian Cabot along our coast in 1497. Ponce de\\nLeon, a celebrated Spanish adventure:-, was induced to\\ndiscover and explore the continent from a singular mo-\\ntive. The Caribbees informed him, that a fountain ex-\\nisted in that quarter, whose waters were calculated to\\ntransform the aged into youth. He landed in the month\\nof April 1512 in N. Lat. 30 deg. 8 min. (some say N.\\nLat. 38 deg. 8 min.) and the country he named Florida,\\nbecause he found it in full bloom at that early season of\\nthe year. He made a fruidess endeavor to discover the\\nfountain and great numbers of his followers probably pe-\\nrished in the wilderness, as they never returned to their\\ncompanions. He even made a second voyage, which pro-\\nved as unsuccessful as the first, and chagrin and disap-\\npointment drove him back to the Islands. The name he\\ngave the country was extended to all North America, and\\nwas attached to it till 1586, when it wasrestrict6d to a ter-\\nritory of inconsiderable extent to the northward of the gulf.\\nThese adventurers convinced the Spaniards of the ex-\\nistence of other unexplored regions, and they readily con-\\nceived them to be filled with the precious metals. They\\ndetermined to realize what their imaginations painted in\\nsuch fascinating- colom-s. Accortiingly a body of them un-\\nder Grijalva landed on the coast of Florida in 1518. The\\nIndians gave them a friendly reception, and presented\\nthem with pearls, silver, and gold. When they were\\nabout to retire, they ungratefully seized a number of these\\ninnocent people, and reduced them to slavery in the Is-\\nlands.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nProvidence seldom permits such acts of cruelty and in-\\njustice to remain long unpunished and the injuries in-\\nflicted by the Spaniards drew on them, in a variety of in-\\nstances, the vengeance they merited. Their evil genius\\nled them to pay these people another visit in 1520, when\\nthe manner of their reception induced them co make a\\nprecipitate retreat from the country. Not discouraged at\\nthis repulse, they again landed on the same coast in 1522,\\nwhen two hundred of their men perished by the hands of\\nthe natives.\\nFlorida was now of suflicient importance to attract the\\nnotice of the ciown. Francis de Geray obtained the first\\ngrant or patent of that country about the year 1524 but\\nhe did not long survive this mark of fever, and was suc-\\nceeded by de AUyon, who visited his province.\\nThe Spaniards for some time were confounded at the\\nvigorous opposition of the natives they did not perceive,\\nthat the inhabitants of the continent were more resolute\\nand hardy, more independent and lofty in their sentiments,\\nthan those of the Islands, whom they had enslaved. They\\nat last concluded, that the country abounded in the pre-\\ncious metals, and that the natives were possessed of im-\\nmense wealth, which they were determined to defend with\\ntheir lives On no other principle were they able to ac-\\ncount for the numerous obstacles opposed to their pro-\\ngress. These conceits served to swell their prospects, and\\nto urge them on to new exertions. Accordingly in 1528,\\nPamphilo Narvaez, on whom the province had devolved,\\nlanded in Florida with a considerable body of Spaniards.\\nThe Indians made use of a stratagem to draw them into\\nthe interior. They presented some gold to them, and at\\nthe same time intimated, that this treasure abounded in\\nthe Appalachian mountains. The Spaniards marched di-\\nrectly into the wilderness, extremely delighted with the\\nprospects before them. But how great was their surprise,\\nwhen thev found themselves in an ambuscade, and vigo-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "4 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\nrously attacked by several nations The contest was long\\nand bloody. Narvaez perished with many of his men.\\nThe remainder attempted to regain their ships. Their\\nprovisions were soon expended, which reduced them to\\nthe painful necessity of feeding on the carcasses of their\\ndead companions.\\nThis disaster checked for a while, but did not damp\\nthe ardor and perseverance of the Spaniards nor did it\\nserve to restrain their ambition and avarice. On the death\\nof Narvaez, that celebrated adventurer, Ferdinand de So-\\nto, succeeded to the Government of Florida. This man\\nwas of a temperament not to be intimidated by the mis-\\nfortunes of others nor to despair of attaining what his\\npredecessors had attempted in vain. He was one of the\\nmost distinguished Knight-errants of the age and his ac-\\ntions in Florida sufficiently attest his courage, hardihood,\\nand romantic turn of mind. He explored almost all parts\\nof that Country with the speed of a courier and the long-\\ntime he remained in it was mostly employed in seeking\\nnew dangers, and in encountering them. He attacked the\\nnatives every where, and every where committed great\\nslaughter destroyed their towns, and subsisted his men\\non the provisions found in them. He even spent some\\nwinters among them, particularly one in the Chickasaw\\nnation the next spring crossed the Mississippi, explored\\nthe regions to the westward of it, and in 1542 ended his\\ndays on Red river.\\nThis was the first dawn of the Spanish power in Flori-\\nda. Most of the Indian nations were either extremely in-\\ntimidated, or greatly reduced. They became convinced\\nof their own weakness, and found themselves obliged to\\nyield to the superior skill of their enemies. Notwithstan-\\nding this, they disdained to become slaves, or to survive\\nthe loss of their freedom and therefore gradually retired\\nfrom the coast, and planted themselves beyond the reach\\npf the invaders.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. J\\nAfter the death of Ferdinand de Soto, no more disco-\\nveries were vindertaken in this quarter the prospects of\\nmineral wealth abated, and the poor Spanisli settlers left\\nto bewail their misfortunes. They found themselves ob-\\nliged, much against their inclinations, to turn their atten-\\ntion to agriculture and the fisheries. They opened an in-\\ntercourse with the few remaining Indians along the coast\\nbut this proved unprofitable, and the only refuge they\\nfound from want was in manual labor.\\nThe French about this period began to view, with jea-\\nlous eyes, the discoveries and settlements of the Spaniards.\\nFrance was among the last of the European nations to ex-\\nplore distant regions, and to plant Colonies in them. Her\\nambitious views were for a long time confined to the Mi-\\nlanese, and the two Sicilies, to which she had some ancient\\nclaims Nor was she easily persuaded, that any perma-\\nnent advantages were to be derived from the establish-\\nment of distant colonies, particularly at a time when the\\nnation was agitated by religious disputes and commotions.\\nYet, notwithstanding she entertained these sentiments, she\\nsecretly envied the progress of her rival in the new world,\\ndetermined to interrupt it, and to participate in the glories\\nof enterprise.\\nThe execution of this project was wholly confided to the\\ndiscretion of the great Admiral de Coligny. He there-\\nfore fitted out a considerable fleet in 1562, and embarked\\na Colony of French Protestants. Ribaud conducted the\\nexpedition to Florida, and planted the settlers within about\\nthirty miles of St. Augustine, where they erected a Fort\\nfor their protection, and named it Charles, in honor of\\nCharles IX.\\nAstonishment seized the Spaniards at this unexpected\\nIntrusion. Menendez, however, after recovering from the\\nfirst shock of perturbation, assembled the forces of the pro-\\nvince, attacked Fort Charles, and carried it by storm.\\nThose of the miserable French, who escaped the sword", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "6 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA.\\nwere doomed to the halter, with this label on their breasts,\\nnot ay Frenchmen^ but as heretics.\\nFrance was not then in a situation to punish this out-\\nrage nor, perhaps, as she was evidently an aggressor, had\\nshe just cause to complain. But a private Gentlemen of\\nrank, by the name of Dominique de Gourgues, resolved to\\nbecome the avenger of his nation. In 1567, therefore, he\\nfitted out a fleet at his own expense, arrived in Florida,\\nattacked the Spanish settlements, and those who fell into\\nhis hands, were suspended by the neck, with this inscrip-\\ntion, not as Spaniards^ but as assassins.\\nThis success was productive of no important benefit.\\nThe French were obliged, in the course of a few years, to\\nretire from the Country and the Spaniards in this quar-\\nter experienced no more trouble from them till after the\\ndiscovery and settlement of Louisiana.\\nEven at this early period the French were not wholly\\nunacquainted with the continent more to the nortliward\\nFor Verazzani, in 1024, coasted it from Florida to New-\\nfoundland, and gave to the territories he discovered the\\nname of New France. The commercial importance of\\nthe fisheries was satisfactorily ascertained by him But\\nthe hopes of more profitable discoveries, added to the\\npeculiar situation of France, served to postpone the pur\u00c2\u00bb\\nsuit of them.\\nTen years elapsed before the French determined to\\nform settlements in the more northern regions. Cartier\\nwas employed in 1534 to explore the coast about New-\\nfoundland, and to select some suitable place for a Colony.\\nDuring this expedition he examined the shores of Aca-\\ndia, entered the straits of Belleisle, and visited the har-\\nbors on the coast of Labrador. In the bay of Gaspe he\\nperformed the ceremony of taking possession of the Coun-\\ntry in the name of the French King. This seems to have\\nbeen understood by the Indians for one of their Chiefs,\\nclothed in a Bear-skin, gave the intruder to understand,", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 7\\nthat the Country belonged to him. Cartier sailed some\\ndistance up the river St. Lawrence but the advanced\\nstate of the season obliged him to return to France.\\nThe next year he was again despatched to the continent\\nwith three ships. He now sailed up theriver St. Law-\\nrence to the Isle of Orleans, secured his fleet in the mouth\\nof the St. Croix, took formal possession of the Country,\\nand spent the winter in it. He visited Hochelaga, the In-\\ndian Capital, and the hill in the vicinity of io he named\\nMontreal. The scurvy made great havoc among his\\npeople and this, together with the failure of his provi-\\nsions, rendered it necessary for him to return to France as\\nsoon as the ice disappeared iu the river.\\nThe information obtained on this voyage served to awa-\\nken the curiosity of the French. The Indians gave Car-\\ntier to understand, that he might continue sailing up the\\nriver for three months, passing over two or three great\\nlakes, beyond which there was a sea of fresh Avater, (pro-\\nbably lake Superior) of which they knew no bounds\\nand that on the other side of the mountains there was ano-\\nther great river, (no doubt the Mississippi) which flowed\\nto the south-west, through a Country full of delicious\\nfruits, and destitute of snow and ice. They at the same\\ntime led Cartier to believe, that the Country abounded in\\nsilver and gold particularly as they described to him the\\ncolors, and in some measure the qualities of those metals.\\nHe was sent out on his third voyage in 1540. He spent\\nanother winter at his old station in the mouth of the St.\\nCroix. Roberval spent the succeeding winter at the same-\\nplace. Both obtained some additional information rela-\\ntive to the interior. These voyages exposed both to im-\\nminent dangers.\\nThe French made no other attempts on Canada till af-\\nter the lapse of half a century though they carried on\\nthe fisheries and peltry trade along the coast.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "3 II15T0RTCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\n^V hen France found herself in some measure recovered\\nfrom a succession of religious and other wars, she resum-\\ned her projects of discovery, and was enabled to prosecute\\nthem with more system, and with better prospects of suc-\\ncess. She readily perceived, that any attempts to dislodge\\nthe Spaniards from Florida, would be attended with more\\nloss than gain; particularly as their jealousy was excited,\\nand their ports strongly fortified. She was likewise well\\naware, that the fisheries were of consequence, and that the\\nskins and furs obtained in northern regions were more va-\\nluable than those about Florida and she was in hopes of\\nfinding a water communication to China by means of the\\ngreat lakes in Canada. Another voyage was therefore\\nundertaken in 1603, and the prosecution of it confided to\\nChamplain. He arrived at Cartier s station in the river\\nSt. Lawrence, endeavored to investigate the geographical\\nposition of the lakes, and became acquainted with the Iro-\\nquois, or five nations, into whose Country he penetrated by\\nthe way of the lakes Champlain and George after which\\nhe returned to France.\\nAil the ten-itory between the fortieth and forty-sixth\\ndegrees of North latitude was the same year granted by\\nthe French King to Du Monts, who formed a settlement\\nin Acadia; which, in the course of five years, was partly\\ndestroyed by the English, and partly exchanged for Ca-\\nnada.\\nThe Canadian coast was visited by the English and\\nSpaniards prior to the discoveries of the French but as\\nneither of those nations attempted settlements in that quar-\\nter, a secure and lasting possession seemed to present it-\\nself to view. A sufficient number of Colonists was soon\\ncollected, a fleet fitted out, and the whole committed to\\nthe direction of Champlain, They sailed directly for Ca-\\nnada, where they arrived in 1608, and laid the foundation\\nof the City of Quebec. This was the first |Jfermanent", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 9\\nsettlement made by the French in this part of the new-\\nworld.\\nAt the time of their arrival a destructive war raged be-\\ntween the several Indian nations of Canada and the Iro-\\nquois, situated at some distance from them. They con-\\nceived it good policy to assist their neighbours particu-\\nlarly as such a step seemed likely to secure their friend-\\nship and trade. The Dutch settlers of New York espou-\\nsed the cause of the Iroquois from similar motives. Both\\nunfolded to the natives the use of the musket, and libe-\\nrally supplied them with ammunition. The dreadful ra-\\nvages committed by the hostile parties, sei ved not only to\\nincrease the effusion of human blood, but likewise to re-\\ntard and embarrass the French settlements in Canada.\\nSuch indeed was the wretched condition of that Colony\\nin 1628, owing in part to Indian wars, and in part to the\\nreligious dissensions among the settlers, that the crown\\nwas easily prevailed on to grant the province to a Compa-\\nny But as the conditions of the transfer were not fulfil-\\nled, the grant was eventually rescinded. The next year\\nan English squadron appeared in the river St. Lawrence,\\nwhen Quebec and all Canada submitted without a strug-\\ngle. In 1631 this conquest was abandoned and the French\\nfour years afterwards extended their discoveries to Lakes\\nHuron and Michigan.\\nThe war with the Iroquois proved destructive and ruin-\\nous to the French. They at first engaged in it from choice,\\nand were soon obliged to continue it from necessity. The\\nFrench ministry witnessed the retrograde tendency of the\\nprovince, and reflected with pain on its defenceless condi-\\ntion, liable to become an easy prey to the first foreign or\\ndomestic invader. Such indeed was the crisis of affairs\\nabout the year 1660, that the existence of Canada in a great\\nmeasure depended on the extirpation of the Iroquois and\\nit was resolved to make one great effort to humble that\\npeople. In the course of the four subsequent years, two\\nc", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "10 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nlarge reinforcements arrived from France, and the war was\\nprosecuted with vigor*.\\nA new difficulty opposed itself to the French. In 1664\\nthe English dispossessed the Dutch of New Belgiaf, or\\nNew York, who immediately furnished the Iroquois with\\nthe means of carrying on the war to advantage. Even at\\nthat early day the progress of the settlements of the two\\nnations afforded reciprocal uneasiness, and each endeavou-\\nred to circumscribe the other as much as possible. The\\nEnglish planted themselves among the Iroquois, partly for\\nthe purposes of trade, and partly to extend their claims by\\nnew discoveries. The French were actuated by similar\\nmotives but the frequent and powerful incursions of their\\nenemies, and the unfriendly disposition of the Indians about\\nthe lakes, kept them in a state of war, and rendered it un-\\nsafe for them to leave their settlements. During this time\\ntheir rivals remained at peace, and pursued their trade\\nwithout interruption.\\nCanada stood in need of large reinforcements to supply\\nher losses. One arrived in 1667, when it was found on\\nexamination, that 3000 men were ready for the field. In\\nthis enumeration the settlers, as well as regular troops,\\nwere included.\\nAbout this period the French authorities in Canada, for\\nthe first time, viewed their situation in its true light. The\\ndestruction of the natives was of no use to them on the\\ncontrary, the more they killed or drove away, the less re-\\nmained to yield them commerce. A predatory contest\\nwith barbarians was prolific of blood, but not of glory; it\\nA memorable event took place in 1663. Canada was terribly sha-\\nken by an earthquake and, according ;o contemporary writers, it\\nburied a lofty chain of mountains, 300 miles long-, and changed this\\nimmense tract into a plain.\\nf This was confirmed to the English by the treaty of Breda, in\\n1667.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 11\\ninterrupted the prosperity of the settlements, and evidently\\npointed to their ultimate extinction. The Iroquois enter-\\ntained the same sentiments. A war of sixty years conti-\\nnuance, carried on with various success, operated to the\\ninjury of both, and both secretly sighed for some remission\\nfrom the toils and waste of perpetual hostility. The French\\nventured to make proposals on the subject j and a peace was\\nconcluded in 1668.\\nBoth parties were extremely pleased at this event the\\nIndians, because it removed their fears of total ruin the\\nFrench, because the navigation of the lakes was less pre-\\ncarious, and an extended trade and intercourse appeared\\npracticable.\\nThe first symptom of Canadian prosperity manifested\\nitself at this period. As the days of adversity appeared\\nto be past, the troops were disbanded, and a suitable quan-\\ntity of land bestowed on them as a reward for their servi-\\nces. An unsuccessful attempt made by the English on\\nQuebec in 1691, caused a temporary alarm Bat the peace\\nof Ryswick in 1697, put an end to the disputes about\\nthese regions; and Canada was no more meaaced till it\\nwas forever wrested from the crown of France.\\nIt was extremely unfortunate for the French, that they\\nentertained erroneous conceptions of Canada, and ol the\\nmeans of wealth it aiforded. The romantic tales published\\nby some of the first adventurers, particularly by those who\\nhad a deep interest in colonizing the Country, led them\\ninto error. Many of the agriculturalists of France ex-\\nchanged their fruitful fields and vineyards for the inhos-\\npitable wilds of the new world, not to pursue their former\\noccupations, but to seize on opulent fortunes. The success\\nof the Spaniards served to increase their expectations.\\nGreat indeed was their disappointment when they came\\nto realise their condition. The Indian trade furnished\\nthe ooly means of subsistence. They took no pains to\\nascertain the quality of their lands, or the different grains", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "12 HISTORICAL SKETCIlfiS OF LOUISIANA.\\nsuited to the climate. They seldom aimed at more than\\nthe cultivation of gardens. The consequence was, that po-\\nverty dwelt in almost every mansion. The labor of nine\\ntenths of the population on the distant lakes and rivers,\\nexposed to hunger, nakedness and death, served only to\\naugment the wealth of a few traders and merchants.\\nIlencc the colony, poor at first, was never able to pros-\\nper. The physical strength of a people depends more on\\nagriculture than any other pursuit and the progeny of\\nthe ancient French, with the sad experience of more than\\ntwo hundred years before their eyes, appear to be still ig-\\nnorant of this truth. The inhabitants of the Spanish pro-\\nvinces are extremely poor, though planted in a fruitful\\nsoil, and in a world of precious metals. The French and\\nSpanish colonists were, ever engaged in the pursuit of\\nphantoms and this pursuit will probably be continued as\\nlong as there remains a vestige of peltry, or of mineral\\nwealth.\\nDuring the long war with the Iroquois, the French\\ntraders were not allowed to pass beyond the bounds of\\nthe settlements while the English extended their inter-\\ncourse, much indeed to the injury of their rivals. The\\npeace, however, released them from these restraints and\\nthe French authorities, for the first time, permitted their\\ntraders to carry goods into the Indian nations, and at the.\\nsame time granted them exclusive privileges as induce-\\nments to enterprise. Prompted by the thirst of gain, the\\nColony became much weakened by a wide dispersion of\\nits members, many of whom exposed themselves to great\\ndangers, and some to inevitable destruction. These ex-\\nclusive privileges were found to be impolitic, and their\\ndissolution was pronounced. Other measures were de-\\nvised to supplv the Indians, and to circumscribe the En-\\nglish.\\nThe most important of these was the establishment of\\na chain of military posts from Quebec, along the lakes, to", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. IJ\\nMichillimakipak and the respective commandants of them\\nwere alone authorised to carry on the Indian trade. This\\nmeasure was hkewise found to be pernicious. The com-\\nmandants put too high a price on their commodities, by\\nwhich means the English were enabled to undersell them.\\nThe French authorities, therefore, again took the trade\\ninto their own hands.\\nIn establishing this chain of posts, the French were ac-\\ntuated by other motives than the acquisition of the Indian\\ntrade, and the interdiction of the English they aimed to\\nimmortalize themselves by new discoveries. An inland\\npassage to China was considered as practicable. They\\nwere apprised of the information received by Carticr about\\n150 years before, that there was a great river to the south\\nwest, where Silver and Gold abounded. These prospects\\nwere strengthened by subsequent enquiries, and they pre-\\npared to gratify their curiosity.\\nIt must not be forgotten, that the French, as well as\\nSpaniards, usually confided their inland voyages of disco-\\nvery to one or more Catholic missionaries, at least none\\nwas undertaken without them. No doubt these pious\\nPriests were actuated by a laudable zeal to propagate\\ntheir religion, and at the same time to become acquainted\\nwith unknown Countries. Certain it is, that we are in-\\ndebted to this order of men for most of the knowledge\\nwe have, correct or spurious, of the early history of the\\nFrench and Spanish Colonies.\\nThere is some dispute as to the time when, and by\\nwhom, the Mississippi was first discovered. No less than\\nthree nations contend for the honor of this discovery.\\nThe English allege that Wood discovered it in 1654, and\\nBolt in 1670 but without much foundation. The Spa-\\nniards are persuaded, that it was seen by Ferdinand de\\nSoto, and even crossed by him as early as 1541 near the\\nChickasaw nation. This is questioned by the French on\\nthe ground that, when they entered the country, no ves-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "14 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ntige of his wars remained, nor had the Indians any tradi-\\ntion of him. But the journal of his expedition affords in-\\ndubitable proofs, that he explored the interior of Florida,\\nand that he discovered and crossed the Mississippi. The\\ndescription it contains of that great river, and of the Coun-\\ntry on each side of it, could not have been given by any\\nother than an eye-witness. If no monuments remain of\\nhim, it is because his march was rapid as he was in pur-\\nsuit of mines, which eluded his grasp, he had the strong-\\nest temptation to accelerate his movements.\\nThere is some dispute among the French, by whom of\\ntheir own nation the Mississippi was first discovered. But\\nthis honor is unquestionably due to two Missionaries of\\nCanada by the names of Jolliet and M rquette*, who tra-\\nversed the lakes, with five men only to assist them, and\\nentered that river by way of the Ouisconsing. Jolliet says\\nin his journal, that they entered the Mississippi June 15,\\n1674; but as he had lost all his papers, and wrote from\\nmemory only, he probably mistook the year, as Marquette,\\nin the journal left by him, states this discovery to be June\\n15, 1673. They descended that river to the Arkansas,\\na distance of about 990 miles, and then returned to Cana-\\nda by way of the Illinois. They have described the\\nCountry and Rivers so accurately as to render it certain,\\nthat they made the discoveries attributed to them.\\nThis bold adventure opened a wide field of specula-\\nCharlevoix relates, that Marquette was a native of Leon in Picar-\\ndy, born of reputable parents, and an illustrious Missionary of New\\nFrance. He travelled over all the parts of it then known, and made\\nseveral important discoveries, the last of which was the Mississippi.\\nOn the 18th of May 1675, while on his way from Chickago toMichllli-\\nmackinac, he entered a river bearing his own name, when he let drop\\nsome expressions, which plainly indicated, that he should end his\\ndays in tliat place. Soon after the boat landed, he erected his altar,\\nand said mass; after which, he retired a short distance to return\\nthanks, desiring the men with him to absent themselves for half an\\nhour. They did so, and on their return, found him dead.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 15\\ntion, which seemed to promise an ample reward for the\\ngreatest toils and dangers. M. de la Salle, the proprietor\\nand commander of Fort Frontinac, situated at the lower\\nend of lake Ontario, resolved to gratify Jiis curiosity in\\nexploring a Countr\u00c2\u00bb, represented as the finest in the\\nworld. The reparation of an exhausted fortune furnish-\\ned not the least of the motives, which stimulated him to\\nundertake the arduous enterprise. The discovery and\\nsettlement of the Country about the mouth of the Missis-\\nsippi evidently assured wealth and fame and happily his\\ntalents, courage, and activity, were admirably calculated\\nto inspire the adventurers with the most flattering hopes\\nof success.\\nIt was not easy to make the necessary preparations for\\nthis voyage an almost insuperable difficulty arose from\\nthe want of means, which caused considerable delay. M.\\nde la Salle was at last enabled to build a small vessel, in\\nwhich he sailed from the lower end of Lake Erie near\\nthe close of the summer of 16/9. His party at first con-\\nsisted of Father Louis Hennt pin, a Franciscan Friar, and\\nthirty four men; and on his voyage over the Lakes he\\nwas joined by several more. On their arrival in Lake\\nMichigan, the vessel was loaded with peltries, and order-\\ned to return but her progress was soon arrested by the\\nIndians, who doomed her to the flames, and the crew to\\nthe scalping-knif M. de la Salle and his followers, now\\nthirty two in all, descended the Illinois river, and in Ja-\\nnuary 1680 halted at an Indian village on its banks, about\\n150 miles from the Mississippi, The Iroquois had exten-\\nded their destructive ravages to this Country, where they\\nobtained 800 prisoners at one time, and carried them into\\nslavery and this circumstance induced the Illinois In-\\ndians to treat their new visitors with great hospitality.\\nHere the French, for their better security, built a Fort,\\nand aptly named it Crevcceera; or broken heart. As soon\\nas they were secure in winter quarters, M. de la Salle", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "16 HISTORICAL SKKTCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nselected three men, and with them returned to Canada\\nover land in pursuit of additional supplies and adven-\\nturers.\\nThe original plan was, that IM. de la Salle should pro-\\nceed to the mouth of the Mississippi, while P ather Hen-\\nnepin penetrated that river to its source and accordingly\\nM. de la Salle, when he set out for Canada, directed him\\nto prosecute the enterprise with all possible despatch.\\nFather Hennepin therefore set out, with two men only\\nwith him, and entered the Mississippi March 8th, 1680.\\nBut he pretends, that he departed from his instructions,\\nand, instead of the source, resolved to find the mouth of\\nthat river at which, if he be believed, he arrived on the\\n25th of the same month. On the first of April, according\\nto his account, he set out on his return, and ascended the\\nMississippi to the falls of St. Anthony, where he and his\\ntwo men were made prisoners, robbed of their property,\\nand taken to some Indian villages situated on one of the\\nupper branches of that river. They were soon liberated,\\nand returned to Canada by way of the Ouisconsing. Fa-\\nther Hennepin went immediately to France, where he\\npublished a splendid account of the vast Country he had\\ndiscovered, which he named Louisiana, in honor of\\nLouis XIV, and dedicated it to the great Colbert. No\\nmention is made in this publication of his descending the\\nMississippi.\\nThe writers of history and geography seem to have ta-\\nken it for granted, that Father Hennepin was the first who\\ndiscovered the Mississippi, and the first v. ho traversed that\\nriver to its mouth. It has already appeared, that Jolliet\\nand Marquette entered the Mississippi several years be-\\nfore him and it will soon be found, that Father Henne-\\npin never descended that river, as be has stated, and that\\nthe first discovery of the mouth of it must be attributed\\nto M. de la Salle.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "mSTOHICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 17\\nThat Father Hennepin entered the Mississippi, and as-\\ncended it to the falls of Si. Anthony, there can be no man-\\nner of doubt. But the truth of what he states, relative\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2to his descent and discovery of the mouth of that river,\\nmay be safely questioned on several grounds.\\nI. He endeavors to create a belief, that he was the first,\\namong the Europeans, who obtained a view of the Mis-\\nsissippi. If he was unacquainted with the discoveries of\\nFerdinand de Soto, he could not be ignorant of those made\\nby JoUiet and IMarquette and when he alleges, that Jol_\\nliet, by his own confession, went no further than the llu-\\nrons and Outtaonats, it was to make himself considered as\\nthe first discoverer of a new Country, and to snatch the\\nlaurels from two contemporary travellers of integrity and\\nvirtue. The separate journals of JoUiet and Marquette\\nwere publistied, and they aflTord a pretty accurate descrip-\\ntion of the Country, its rivers, and productions. What\\nthey call Painted Monsters on the side of a high perpen-\\ndicular rock, apparently inaccessible to man, between the\\nMissouri and Illinois, and known to the moderns by the\\nname of Piesa, still remain in a good degree of preserva-\\ntion. They mention the Missouri by the name oi Pekita-\\nnoni^ and accurately describe the peculiar color of its\\nwaters.\\nII. The various distances laid down by him are much\\ntoo short whereas it is usual for travellers in unknown\\nregions to consider them much greater than they really\\nare. The account of the upper Mississippi, as given by\\nHennepin himself, may be adduced as an instance of\\nthis.\\nIII. If his statement be correct, he descended from the\\nmouth of the Illinois river to the mou\u00c2\u00bbh of the M ssissippi\\n(a distance of more than 1350 miles) in seventeen days,\\nthough he devoted the nights to sleep on shore, spent some\\nlime among the Indians, and still n)ore in procuring pro-\\nisions I rom the woods. It is therefore difficult to con-\\nD", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "IB HISTORICAL SKETCHES (JF UJLIblANA.\\nccivp, that he performed ihc voyage in \u00c2\u00abo short a period j\\nparticularly as it usually requires alioui the snme number\\nof day% at the same season of the year, for one of our\\ntradmg boats to descend from St. Ix uis to New-Orleans.\\nl\\\\. lie has neglected to describe the mouth of the\\nMississippi, and the Country* about the Ilelu. These are\\nso singular in many respects, and of such importance to a\\nmaritime nation, that the omission was unpardonable, if\\nhe had it in his power to gratify curiosity, or to afford\\nuseful inlormation to his Ctoremment. His silence, there*\\nfore, must be attributed to his total ignorance of what he\\npretends to have discovered.\\nV. How shall we account for his rapid ascent against\\nthe current of the Mississippi If we believe him, he and\\nthe two men with him rowed a Canoe from the mouth of\\nthat river to the Illinois in twenty four days Seventy and\\neighty days arc usually allowed to our trading iiow-UuMts,\\nassisted too by Sails, to ascend from New Orleans to St.\\nIjouis a vo\\\\ age about 140 miles shorter than the preten-\\nded one ot Hennepin And ycL, according to his dcclam-\\nlion, he performed it in one third of the time, and under\\ncircumstances calculated to retard his progress.\\nVI. I^e reasons assigned by him, in the Knglish Kdi-\\ntion of his book, for not including his discoveries on the\\nlA wer Mississippi in his first publication, dedicated to\\nColbert, are by no means satislacior) To omit this, be-\\ncause he had departed from his instructions, and because\\nhe wished .M. de la Salle to reap the homw-s of the disco-\\nver) manifests an extreme delicacy, which neither the\\nim| ortance of the subject, nor the char.ictcr of Hennepin,\\nwill justify. He complains, that M. de la S.tlle had inju-\\nred him in France on account of the Mississippi transac-\\ntions, and (hat he was obll^ed to seek saf ty in Kngland.\\nHere he published, in 1G98, a new Kdition of his travels,\\nin which he included his discover) of the mouth of the\\n.^lississippi, and dedicated it to King William. At this", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA ly\\nperiod M. de la Salle was dead and it is asserted on good\\nauthority, that some of his papers fell into the hands of\\nHennepin. It is, therefore, reasonable to conclude, that, to\\nrevengt himself on the memory ot M. dc la Salle, and to\\narrogate to himself the honor of an impornni discovery, he\\nappropriated the papers of his deceased rival i o his own\\nuse. It is equally reasonable to conclude, that the notes\\nof M. de la Salle were incomplete, designed only as hints\\nto aid the memory in detailing occurrences more at large,\\nand unintelligible, perhaps, to every body but the writex.\\nThe ft:w accurate hints he has given of the Mississippi,\\nand of the Country, between the Illinois and Arkansas,\\nfurnish no proof, that he visited or explored them. He\\ncither purloined them from the notes of M. de la Salle, or\\nfrom the remarks of Jolliet, who frequently detailed to\\nhim and others the particulars of his discoveries. It is\\nalso worthy of notice, that it was eleven years after the\\ndeath of M. dc la Salle before Hennepin pretended to the\\ndiscovery of the Ixjwer Mississippi. During this time M.\\nTonti had descended from the Illinois to that place and\\nthe information derived from hjm and his party, enabled\\nHennepin to impose on the world, a volume of surrepti-\\ntious discoveries. Peter Kalm, the Swedish naturalist,\\nin his account of Niagara f;ill, published in the Annual Re-\\ngister for 1759, speaks thus of his character: Father\\nHennepin calls the fall six hundred feet perpendicular:\\nBut he has gained little credit in (Canada the name of\\nhonor thcv give him there, is, t/w great liar he writes\\nof what he saw in places where he never xvns.^^ These\\ncircumstances seem to destroy the authority of Hennepin\\nhis pretensions to the discovery of the mouth of the Mis-\\nsissippi, are founded in fraud and imposture.\\nM. de la Salle was extrcnuly pleased with the Countiy\\nabout the Illinois river. On his return to Canada, as has\\nbeen already staled, he endeavoured to prrsuade his\\nuntrvmen to accompany him to the Mis*issi])pi. A", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "20 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ndisposition for enterprise prevailed amon^them but they\\nwere poor, and the repeated losses of M. de la Salle had\\ndeprived him of all resources, except those of his fertile\\ngenius. M. Tonti, whom he left in command of Fort Cre-\\nvecoeur, followed him to Canada by their united exertions\\nsupplies vi ere eventually procured, as likewise a considera-\\nble number of adventurers, who were inclined to seek their\\nfortunes in unknown regions. They set out with the de-\\nsign of forming new settlements, and in 1683 arrived on\\nthe Mississippi. They established themselves on the east\\nside of that river and Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and some\\nother villages, were founded at this period. M. de la\\nSalle, after he had regulated the affairs of his little Colony,\\nleft M. Tonti in command, and then proceeded with a\\nnumber of men to the mouth of the Mississippi, where he\\nmade such observations as time and other circumstances\\npermitted. He speedily returned to Quebec, and from\\nthence passed over to France, and communicated the par-\\nticulars of his discoveries to the French ministry.\\nThe certainty of a great inland water communication\\nfrom the gulf of St. Lawrence to that of Mexico, a dis-\\ntance of about 3,500 miles, awakened the surprise and cu-\\nriosity of the French Cabinet. This discovery was the\\nfoundation of that policy, which was ultimately adopted\\nto extend round the English settlements a strong cordon,\\ncalculated to draw them gradually into the embraces of\\nFrance. This policy bad less of hypothesis in it than was\\nat first believed by the English. To carry it into effect,\\nthe French adopted the most artful and prudent precau-\\ntions, and all their subsequent colonial measures tended to\\nthis point.\\nA strong settlement was already formed on the Upper\\nMississippi, and it was deemed of primary imp.^rtance\\nto form anodier at the mouth of that river. M. de la Salle\\nwas therefore supplied with four ships, their several crews,\\nand 170 landsmen. Aft^r various difiicuhies and delays,", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 21\\noccasioned by storms and other accidents among the A^ est\\nIndia Islands, he at length made the continent, and landed\\nhis Colony, February 18th, 1685. J3eceived by the cur-\\nrents m the gulf, or by his former observations, he sailed\\nabout three hundred miles to the westward of his destina-\\ntion, and debarked his settlers at the mouth of the river\\nGuadaloupe, on the west side of the bay of St. Bernard,\\nin about N. Lat. 29 degrees. Here they were strongly\\nopposed by the Indians, and a Fort was erected for their\\nsecurity. Here several other misfortunes awaited them,\\nsufficient to check the ardor, and to break down the spi-\\nrits of ordinary men. All their Vessels, and part of theii\\nprovisions and stores, were soon destroyed either by the\\nviolence of the winds, or the negligence of the Officers\\nand Pilots. The diseases contracted in St. Domingo as-\\nsumed a fatal type on their arrival, and about one hun-\\ndred of the adventurers miserably perished. A voyage\\nover land to the Illinois Country, where M. Tonti com-\\nmanded, seemed alone to promise the means of relief.\\nSuch indeed was the painful situation of the Colony,\\nthat it required more than ordinary firmness and caution\\nin M. de la Salle to remedy the evils of it. In April 1686\\nhe selected tvventy of his best men, and proceeded by land\\nin a north-east direction about 450 miles but was obliged\\nto return on account of the desertion of four of his men,\\nthe sickness of himself and others, and the want of am-\\nmunition. In this excursion he visited many powerful na-\\ntions of Indians, who in general treated him with kindness,\\nand this created a spirit of desertion among his men.\\nThis retrograde movement was a terrible misfortune,\\nas it protracted the period of relief. M. de la Salle felt\\nthe full force of it. The effect was to stimulate his exer-\\ntions, and to animate him with the hopes of arriving at the\\nIllinois in season to save his people from famine and death.\\nHe set out again in .T:inu;irv 1687, with the same num-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "22 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nber of men, and directed his course more to the east-\\nward, perhaps to find the Mississippi. The rains had\\nraised all the rivers, which impeded his progress, and\\nimposed on him and his men the most incredible hard-\\nships. He likewise on this journey visited many nations\\nof Indians, and some of them manifested hostile designs\\nbut his penetration and vigilance enabled him more than\\nonce to preserve the lives of his men.\\nSome remission from about two months incessant toil\\nwas rendered necessary, not only to recruit the strength\\nand spirits of the men, but likewise to prepare a stock of\\nprovisions. M. de la Salle, therefore, halted for these\\npurposes in a delightful part of the Country, where there\\nappeared to be plenty of game. In this situation the men\\nunder his command had time to reflect on the fatigues\\nthey suffered, and secretly to deliberate on the means of\\nescaping them. The) readily fancied, that their compa-\\nnions, who deserted the year before, were happy among\\nthe Indians, and they felt a secret desire to participate\\nwith them the enjoyments of rural life. Under these ex-\\ntravagant impressions, they soon reconciled themselves to\\nthe commission of the blackest crimes. These poor\\nfellows had been accustomed to beg their bread about\\nthe streets of Rochelle, and honor and gratitude formed\\nno part of their character. In fine, they resolved to mur-\\nder such as were likely to obstruct their designs. M. de\\nla Salle sent his nephew, servant, and hunter, in pursuit\\nof game and these fell the first victims. Their long ab-\\nsence rendered him uneasy, particularly as he had disco-\\nvered treacherous symptoms in the conduct of his men\\nand he went in search of his lost companions with the\\nmost awful presages of their destruction, and of his own\\nfate. He finally found their dead bodies. The two mur-\\nderers fired from their obscure retreat, and gave him a\\nmortal wound, of which he shortly expired.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OFiLOUISIANA. 2;\\nT^hus perished M. de la Salle on the 19th of March,\\n1687, illustrious for his courage as well as misfortunes,\\nand one of the greatest adventurers of the age in which\\nhe lived. His discoveries were extensive, and of impor-\\ntance to his nation. He laid the foundation of the Colony\\nof Louisiana. The difficulties and dangers he encounter-\\ned, added to his private virtues, seem to entitle him to\\nour esteem and admiration.\\nImmediately after this tragical event, a quarrel ensued\\nabout the command. The bosoms of all the men were\\nnot inaccessible to remorse and in this quarrel the two\\nmurderers were shot. The remainder of the party (among\\nwhom was Father Anastasius, who has left us an account\\nof these transactions, and likewise a Priest by the name\\nof Cavalier, brother to M. de la Salle) directed their\\ncourse northward, and soon arrived among the Cenesians\\nand Nassonians, where they were joined by the four men\\nwho deserted them the preceding year. The Cenesians\\nprevailed on some to take up their abode among them,\\nparticularly those in any way concerned in the late muti-\\nny. The remaining seven, with Father Anastasius and\\nCavalier at their head, set out for the Illinois. The Ce-\\nnesians furnished them with horses and guides to conduct\\nthem to the Cahirmois. These likewise furnished them\\nwith horses and guides to conduct them to the Arkansas,\\nwhere they all arrived (except one man, v/ho was drown-\\ned by the way) in July 1687, and where, to their great\\njoy and surprise, they found a Fort already erected, and\\na number of Canadian settlers planted about it.\\nAt the time of the expected arrival of M. de la Salle,\\nmore than two years before, M. Tonti descended to the\\nmouth of the Mississippi to meet him. After a fruitless\\nstay of some weeks, he proceeded on his return to the Il-\\nlinois. He entered the Arkansas river for the purposes\\nof discovery, and soon found himself among the Indians", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "24 IIISTOHICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nof that name. ITe made a treaty with that people, opened\\na trade with them, built a Fort, and made preparations for\\na settlement. The Soldiers he left here were soon joined\\nby adventurers from Canada many of whom married In-\\ndian womc;n.\\nFather Anastasius calculates, that the distance from the\\nbay of St. Bernard to the Arkansas, following the route\\nof the party, was about six hundred miles. Many of the\\nColonists left at the former place perished with hunger\\nand sickness, and by the stratagen)s of the Indians. About\\ntwo years after the death of JVl. de la Salle, the surviving\\nfew were seized by the crews of some Spanish Vessels,\\nand conducted to New Leon.\\nThe Spaniards about St. Augustine were not ignorant\\nof the discoveries made by the French on various parts of\\nthe Mississippi, and they resolved to pn vent, if possible,\\ntheir settlement in the Country, or at least to confine them\\nto the Delta, where it was believed they would perish.\\nFor this purpose they founded Pensacola in 1696, and\\nstrongly fortified it well aware, that the French w^ould\\nsoon appear again on the coast. They even endeavoured\\nto excite the prejudices of the Indians against them, and\\nto engage them to commence hostilities on their arrival.\\nIbberville was the first royal French Governor, and he\\narrived with the first Colony in 1699 and from this pe-\\nriod the Country was known by the name of Louisiana,\\nwhich was given to it about nineteen years before by Fa-\\nther Hennepin. He entered the mouth of the Mississippi,\\nand hovered on the coast for some time, in search of the\\nsetdement made by the unfortunate M. de la Salle. At\\nlength he landed his Colonists at old Baloxi, situated at\\nthe mouth of the Rio Perdido^ and twelve miles west of\\nPensacola river or bay, where he erected a Fort with\\nfour bastions, oa which he mounted twelve pieces of ord-\\nnance. He went several times to France in pursuit of", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "tirSTORtCAL SKE rt;iTE9 OF LOUISIANA. 35\\nisttlkrs ?nd necessaries for the province, and finally died\\nin one of the Islands, while fitting out an expedition against\\nthe Englibh of Carolina.\\nThe success of colonization in a great measure depends\\non the reputation and resources of the first Colonists.\\nThose of Canada were not famed for either but they\\nmuch surpassed those of Jjower Louisiana in both. Two\\ndescriptions of Colonists came out under Ibberville. The\\nfirst were unaccustomed to manual labor, but they posses-\\nsed enterprise, and expected to gather fortunes from the\\nmines and Indian trade. The second, and much the most\\nnumerous, were poor and idle, and expected to subsist on\\nthe bounty of Government rather than on the avails of\\ntheir own industry. It may be readily conceived, that\\nboth were frustrated in their expectations.\\nDisappointment and apathv succeeded the allurements\\nheld out to the adventurers. They had no inclination to\\nlabor nor were they supplied with the tools and imple-\\nments necessary to their various professions. Their situa-\\ntion AYas rendered still more deplorable from the gradual\\nadditions made to their number j for, previously to the\\ndeath of Ibberville, several hundred arrived, who were\\nplanted on Isle Dauphin, and along the Mobile and Per-\\ndido. An intercourse was opened with the Spaniards at\\nPcnsacola, from whom they obtained some supplies of\\nprovisions, l^hey even extended their trade to the Ila-\\nvanna and Vera Cruz, and drew from them many of the\\nnecessaries of life, particularly vegetables! They appear-\\ned wholly ignorant, that their own grounds were calcula-\\nted for the growth of the very articles they imported, or\\nthey were too indolent to try experiments in agriculture.\\nThe consequence was, that during the short administra-\\ntion of Ibberville, upwards of sixty persons perished with\\nhunger so that, at the close of the year ITOJ, the Colony\\nwas reduced to one hundred and fifty persons.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "26 HISTORICAL SKETCHKS OF LOLISIAXA.\\nNo doubt these distresses were multiplied from the\\nwant of power in the Colonial authorities to remedy abu-\\nses, and to guard against anticipated evils. The French\\nCabinet, from an ill-timed jealousy, reserved to itself the\\npower of devising the necessary Colonial measures, even\\nthose of a local and sumptuary nature and hence the evils\\nit aimed to avert, generally arrived, and oppressed the\\nsettlers, before any steps were taken for their relief. This\\nruinous system was persisted in till Louisiana fell into\\nthe hands of Crozat.\\nOne instance is sufficient to illustrate the bad policy of\\nthe French Cabinet. It was rumored in France, that fa-\\ntal endemics prevailed on the Perdido. Peremptory or-\\nders were sent out to remove the Settlers to Isle Dauphin,\\nand Mobile, places equally unfavorable to health, and these\\norders v/cre partly carried into effect in January 1 702\\na small G.irrison and a few settlers only, were suffered to\\nremain. The seat of Government, hitherto established on\\nthe Perdido, was likewise transferred to Isle Dauphin,\\nwhere it remained till New Orleans was founded. So ea-\\nger were the authorities in France to ascribe to the climate\\nwhat was the effect of their own ineflicient measures This\\nremoval operated to the great injury of the people. To\\nabandon their dwellings, and be compelled to form new\\nsettlements in the wilderness, produced a train of misfor-\\ntunes, not easily avoided by their slender means. It\\nmust be acknowledged, however, that they were partly\\nthe authors of their own distresses. They depended on\\nthe Government for those supplies, which the lands about\\nthem were calculated to yield in abundance, and with lit-\\ntle labor. Notwithstanding the evidence of their senses,\\nthey persisted in the discovery of rich mines, and in the\\nacquisition of fortunes in Indian Countries.\\nDuring this period the setdements in the Illinois were\\nin a much more prosperous condition. The climate was", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 27\\nfavorable to health, and the soil prolific. The inhabitants\\npursued agriculture as a secondary object only yet they\\nwere plentifully supplied with provisions. They were\\nlikewise exempt from Indian wars, which enabled them\\nto prosecute their trade in safety. The same may be said\\nof the lower Colony For Ibberville made it his first care\\nto establish peace among the Indian tribes, and between\\nthem and the French which continued, with one or two\\nunimportant interruptions only, for several years.\\nNotwithstanding the embarrassments of the French,\\nprojects of discovery were formed, and carried into effect\\nmore, perhaps, to ascertain the existence of mineral wealth,\\nthan to gratify mere speculative curiosity. Shortly after\\nthe arrival of the Colony, M. de St. Dennis penetrated se-\\nveral hundred miles up Ri d Piver and in 1700 M. Biain-\\nville ascended the same River to the Yattersee villages on\\nBayou Pierre, and at the same time explored the Washi-\\nta. The next year both these Rivers were more fully ex-\\nplored by M. de St. Dennis, who spent six months on\\nthem and in 1703 a settlement was made on the banks\\nof the latter. Another settlement, with a mission, was\\nestablished at the same period on the Yazous.\\nThe French of Kaskaskia, as early as 1683, discovered\\nsome copper mines on the Mississippi, about six hundred\\nmiles above the mouth of the Illinois River, as likewise\\ngreat quantities of different colored clays, which were con-\\nsidered as valuable. In 1695 they formed an establish-\\nment at these mines, which so much incensed the Indians,\\nthat they were soon obliged to abandon it.\\nExpectations of mineral wealth induced the Farmer-\\nGeneral to send out with Ibberville some experienced\\nmetallurgists. He had orders to attempt a settlement in\\nthe vicinity of the mines and this enterprise was under-\\ntaken in 1702. I he French in that year erected a Fort,\\nnamed V Huiller^ at the mouth of Blue River, said by\\nthem to be in N Lat. 44 deg. 13 min. Thi was consi-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "23 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ndered by the Indians as a fresh encroachment and the\\nFrench, to avoid hostihties, retired in the course of a year\\nto the mouth of a small River about twenty one miles\\nabove the de bon secoujs, or about one hundred miles above\\nthe Ouisconsing, where they built another Fort, and com-\\nmenced a settlement. Here they procured two thousand\\nquintals of fine clay, and opened some mines of Copper.\\nAt another place, about forty miles above the River St.\\nCroix, they found considerable quantities of Virgin Cop-\\nper, particularly one piece (the) say of native brass) weigh-\\ning sixty pounds. The Indians still cherished prejudices\\nagainst them and they finally became so troublesome, that\\nthe French found it prudent to abandon this part of the\\nCountry.\\nThese repeated interruptions were the more severely\\nfelt, as they blasted the prospects of a settlement at the\\nsource of the Mississippi, which the ministry designed,\\nand had much at heart. The French next turned their\\nattention to the Missouri; which they ascended in 1705\\nto the mouth of the Kansas River, where they met with a\\nwelcome reception from the Indians. Their success in\\nthis quarter soon obliterated from their minds the rever-\\nses they had experienced on the Upper Mississippi, as\\nlikewise the very existence of the Copper mines.\\nAbout this period the Jfinglish concerted apian to seize\\non Louisiana, and to expel the French. Several armed\\nVessels of that nation arrived in the Mississippi under\\nthe mask of friendship. Their object was suspected by M.\\nBiainville, who commanded in the absence of the Gover-\\nnor but he was in no condition to oppose them. The\\nEnglish, however, did not believe themselves jn the M\\nsissinpi, and conceived it to be moi-e to the westward.\\nThis idea was encouraged bv M. Biainville but it served\\nonly to postpone the meditated blow. They soon after\\nlanded on Isle I anphin, and plundered the French to tho\\namount of fifty thousand livres.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 29\\nOn board of one of these Vessels was a French Protes-\\ntant, who, with a number of others, liad fled from religi-\\nous persecution, and taken refuge in Carolina. lie found\\nmeans to present a petition to M. Biainville, stating, that\\nif the King would allow them the free exercise of their\\nreligion, upwards of four hundred Protestant families\\nwould remove from among the English into liouisia-\\nna. This petition was laid before the King, who re-\\nturned for answer, that he had not expelled them from\\nhis kingdom to form a republic of them/\\nPerhaps no Colony, for the first few years of its exist-\\nence, ever suflered more than that of Louisiana. Between\\nnegligence and disappointment, connected with poverty\\nand the endemics of the climate, the settlements gradually\\ndeclined. The loss of Ibbervillc was severely felt, and\\nthe more so as, during the long vacancy occasioned by\\nhis death, jealousies were excited among the several Co-\\nlonial authorities, and their contentious proceedings poi-\\nsoned the minds of the people. The Governor, or rather\\nhis Representative, frequently exercised the power given\\nhim of suspension from office but this, instead of healing\\nthe public disorders, served only to embitter them. This\\npower of suspension was greatly abused it was therefore\\nwithdrawn. The Governor was authorised to suspend the\\nexercise of official functions, and suspension from office was\\nreserved to the ministry.\\nTo an improper management, and want of system, may\\nbe traced most of the misfortunes v/e have stated. The\\ncrown was liberal in both men and money. During the\\nlirst thirteen years, about 2500 Settlers arrived, and few\\nof them ever returned and the money expended on the\\nColony, during the same period, amounted to the enor-\\nmous sum of CS9,000 livres Yet such were the sufferings\\nof the Colony, that, in 1712, it contained only four hundred\\nWhites, twenty iNegro i^laves, and diree hundred head of\\nCattle.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "30 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nAt this time the wars in Europe demanded all the at-\\ntention and resources of France. The King, though obli-\\nged to withhold from Louisiana the usual supplies of men\\nand money, was determined to keep it out of the hands of\\nhis enemies and for this purpose granted it to Crozat m\\n1712. The great wealth and credit of this Gentleman,\\nand the important services he had rendered the crown,\\nwere sure pledges of his ability and exertions and it was\\nconfidently expected, that he would prevent the extinction\\nof the Colony. Another motive, perhaps still stronger,\\nled to the concession. The provincial authorities were\\nhostile to each other, and it required some steady and en-\\nergetic hand to heal the disorders among them. M. de\\nla Motte, who was the first Governor under the grant, ar-\\nrived in iri3, and took possession of his Government.\\nThe English were always jealous of the French Colo-\\nnies, and took no small pains to obstruct their prosperity.\\nThey at length prevailed on the Spaniards to shut their\\nports against them, and to suspend the usual intercourse.\\nThis was the more injurious, as the French depended on\\nPensacola, and the other Spanish settlements, for most of\\ntheir supplies. Perhaps their wants were as great at this\\nas any former period, particularly as Crozat sent out a con-\\nsidei-able number of Settlers. In fine, this suspension of\\nintercourse produced an unpleasant state of things, which\\neventuated in actual war. If, indeed, peace had hitherto\\nsubsisted between the French and Spaniards, it resulted\\nmore from mutual fear than friendship.\\nAbout this time a rumor prevailed, that the Mexican\\nSpaniards meditated an establishment on the east side of\\nthe Rio Bravo. To ascertain the fact, and to gain other\\nintelligence, M. de St. Dennis was despatched in 1714 to\\nNatchitoches with thirty men part of whom he left at\\nthat place to form a settlement, and the remainder attend-\\ned him in his inland voyage of discovery. Ko Spaniards\\nwere found to the eastward of the Rio Bravo, nor had any", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 31\\npassed that river but a number of them, under the com-\\nmand of a Captaiii Raymond, had just arrived on the\\nwest bank of it, where they erected a Fort, called St. John\\nBaptist. jM. de St. Dennis was received in a friendly\\nmanner, and while there, married the sister of that offi-\\ncer, and a near relation of the Viceroy of Mexico.\\nThe main object of the Spaniards was to penetrate to\\nRed River, and in this way to circumscribe or weaken the\\nclaims of the French; but they dreaded them too much to\\nmake the attempt, or to interrupt them in their voyages of\\ndiscovery. They were content to create a province, with-\\nout inhabitants, on the east side of the Rio Bravo, and to\\ncall it Texas.\\nThe policy of this measure was understood j and to de-\\nfeat it, the French the same year (1714) sent two detach-\\nments into that Country. One built a Fort, called the\\nDout^ ni ar the source of the Sabine, which was maintain-\\ned till liouisiana changed masters. The other penetrated\\nto a nation of Indians, called the Assinais, situated on a\\nsmall River about twenty seven or thirty miles to the\\nwestward of the present Spanish village of Nacogdoches,\\nor about 140 miles to the westward of Red River, where\\nthey built a Fort, the ruins of which still remain, and took\\nevery other precaution in their power to vindicate their\\nrights. During the two or three succeeding years, they\\nseveral times visited the Rio Bravo both to watch the\\nmotions of the Spaniards, and to gain additional informa-\\ntion of the Countr}\\nNo complaints of intrusion were made by the Spaniards.\\nThey meditated a deeper game, and artifice was the wea-\\npon with which they designed to accomplish their wishes\\nparticularly as they knew the Indians to be friendly to the\\nFrench, and felt themselves incompetent to contend with\\nboth. They conceived it practicable to seduce the French\\ninto an approbation of their measures, and even to render\\nthem subservient to their own views.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "32 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nA Spanish Franciscan Friar, by the name of YJaldo,*\\nwas the principal agent in this affair. He addressed a\\nletter to M. de la Motte, and requested his assistance and\\nconcurrence in a mission to the Assinais. It was contimon\\nin those times for the Missionaries of two rival nations,\\niiot to say belligerents, attended by the troops of both, to\\nunite in spreading the light of the Gospel among the chil-\\ndren of darkness. The conversion of the heathen was\\nconsidered by them as a sacred duty, and paramount to\\nall secular views and obligations. Still many frauds and\\nimpositions, and even crimes, were committed under the\\nmask of religion, and ambition was as incident to. the\\nmitre as the crown. The Spaniards meditated the ex-\\npulsion of the French from the Assinais, and they eventu-\\nally effected it.\\nM. de la Motte penetrated the motives of this mission,\\nand he saw the danger with which it was pregnant But\\nhe was inclmed to assent to it, though not without an am-\\nple equivalent he entertained the belief that he should be\\nable to frustrat the views of the Spaniards, and at the\\nsame time, from a temporising police obtain provisions and\\nother necessaries for the Colony. He anticipated many in-\\nsuperable difficulties from a state of war, and therefore re-\\nsolv.. d to avoid it, particularly as he was not furnished with\\nthe means of carrying it on, and as the people were desti-\\ntute of the necessaries of life.\\nInstead of entering into any discussion with Ydaldo, he\\nconceived it most prudent to send an Agent to M-.xico,\\nproperly authorised to conclude a Treaty, and to obtain\\na revival of the commercial intercourse, which was some-\\nThis man was an artful cunning priest, extremely bold and daring^\\nin his actions. He was at the head of he missions in Texas, and makes\\na conspicuous fi;;ure in the history of that Country. He published an\\naccount of the most material transactions oi liis life, which was long\\nand active, and several families in Nacogdoclies are in possession of\\nthe work. And finally, he was canonized for tlic services he had re;\\\\-\\ndered to his religion and Government", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 33\\ntime before suspended at the instigation of the English,\\nM. de St. Dennis was deemed the most suitable person\\nto conduct the negociation, particularly as he was inti-\\nmately acquainted with the concerns of the Colony. In\\naddition to this qualification, he commanded at Natchito-\\nches, and his courage and military talents had gained him\\nuniversal respect. The Spaniards dreaded him as an\\nenemy many Indian nations so much esteemed him as to\\nmake him their Chief; and it was likewise conceived,\\nthat his marriage with a Spanish Lady of rank would en-\\nsure him a welcome reception at Mexico, and add much\\nto his influence. He was accordingly invested with full\\npowers to negociate a commercial Treaty, and to remove\\nthe obstacles in the way of a friendly intercourse between\\nthe French and Spaniards.\\nOn his arrival at Mexico in June 1715 he was favora-\\nbly received by the Viceroy, who pledged himself to con-\\nclude the Treaty in question, and to suffer the French of\\nLouisiana to import provisions and other necessaries from\\nthe Spanish Provinces, as soon as the Mission was esta-\\nblished among the Assinais. In making this verbal ar-\\nrangement, the Viceroy was unquestionably sincere and\\nto exact of the French the fulfilment of a previous con-\\ndition, was deemed by him as mere matter of precaution.\\nM. de St. Dennis, on reporting to M. de la Motte the\\nconditions of the agreement, was directed to carry them\\ninto effect. He accordingly hastened to the fortress of St.\\nJohn Baptist, where he formed a caravan, put himself at\\nthe head of it, and in the early part of the year 1717 con-\\nducted the Spaniards to the Assinais. He assembled the\\nChiefs and old men of that nation, and persuaded them,\\nmuch against their inclination, to admit the strangers among\\ntliem. This was the first time the Spaniards ever appear-\\ned on the east side of the Rio Bravo except in one in-\\nstance by way of the Gulf, when they took away the", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "34. HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nwretched remains of the Colony planted by M. dela SaUe\\non the bay of St. Bernard.\\nIn the month of May of that year, M. de St. Dennis\\narrived the second time at Mexico, expecting a punctual\\nfulfilment of the stipulations already made, and taking\\nwith him a considerable quantity of merchandise to ex-\\nchange for such articles as were indispensably necessary\\nin Louisiana. But what was his chagrin and disappoint-\\nment, when he found the old Viceroy on his death-bed,\\nand his successor indifferent to his claims Still greater\\nwas his disappointment when he found himself arrested,\\nand confined in a dungeon, denounced as a Smuggler and\\nSpy, and his merchandise seized and condemned as con-\\ntraband. This act of injustice excited the murmurs of\\nthe Spanish populace, particularly as M. de St. Dennis\\nwas a public authorised Agent, and not only highly res-\\npected among them, but connected by marriage with some\\nof the first families in the Spanish Provinces. Such in-\\ndeed was the irritation of the public mind, that he was li-\\nberated from confinement, but restricted to the limits of\\nthe City. His situation was extremely disagreeable, if\\nnot dangerous, and he determined to seize the first favor-\\nable moment, and attempt the recovery of his liberty.\\nAccordingly in St-ptember 1718 he escaped from Mexico\\nin the night, soon procured a good Horse by dismount-\\ning the rider, and finally arrived in Louisiana in April\\n1719.\\nIn the mean time, immediately after the death of the\\nViceroy, the Spaniards gradually added to their numbers\\nat the Assinais, till the French at that place found them-\\nselves too weak to counteract their designs. The fate of\\nM. de St. Dennis b^t too cleai-ly pointed out what they\\nhad a right to expect for themselves, and concluded it\\nbest to retire in season from the snare evidently preparing\\nfor them.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 35\\nThus the Spaniards, by fraud and deception, and in\\nviolation of mutual agreements, established themselves\\nwithin the territory previously discovered and occupied\\nby the French and hence they never acquired a legiti-\\nmate right to that part of the Country.\\nDuring the existence of this fruitless negociation (in\\n1716) the French formed a settlement at the Natchez,\\nand built Fort Rosalie for their protection. M. de la\\nMotte likewise died, and was succeeded in the Govern-\\nment by M. Biainville, who had been concerned in most\\nof the events subsequent to the arrival of the first Colony.\\nThis accession, though a mark of honorable distinction,\\nproved to him a source of great vexation. As he was\\nboth a Statesman and a Soldier, he was much better quali-\\nfied than his predecessor to stem the tide of adversity but\\nsuch was the reduced state of the province, that he almost\\ndespaired of preserving it. All the ports on the continent.\\nwere closed against the French, and they found it difficult\\nto obtain supplies from France.\\nFive years experience convinced Crozat, that he had\\nnothing to expect from Louisiana. Notwithstanding he\\nhad furnished large .supplies of men and money, no pros-\\npect of indemnity presented itself. The Settlers enter-\\ntained a rooted aversion to agriculture, and immense\\nsums were lavished in purchasing provisions for them.\\nDuring these five years he expended 425,000 livres, while\\nthe whole trade of the province yielded him no more than\\n300,000 livres, leaving a balance against him of 125,000\\nlivres. Under these circumstances, in 1717, he relinquish-\\ned his patent to the Mississippi Companvj projected by\\nthe celebrated John Law. At this period the province\\ncontained only seven hundred Persons, and four hundred\\nhead of Cattle.\\nFrom the ability and enterprise of this Company, great\\nexpectations were formed, and Louisiana began to attract\\nthe attention of the monied capitalists of Europe. An", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "36 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nextensive and lively commerccj and the discovery of\\nmines (which for more than two centuries had eluded\\nthe avidity of the Spaniards) were to fill the exhausted\\ncoffers of France, and to yield princely fortunes to the\\nnumerous adventurers. These prospects, however, were\\nnot to be realised without an increase of population. Ex-\\nertions were made to obtain and send out settlers but an\\ninadequate provision was made for their support in the\\nColony.\\nIn the course of the first six years, the Mother Country\\nand the Islands furnished four thousand and forty four\\nSettlers, likewise one hundred and fifty Galley Slaves,\\nand several hundred females taken from the charity and\\ncorrection houses. During the same period, one thousand\\nfour hundred and forty one Africans were landed in Lou-\\nisiana. Such an accession of inhabitants contributed only\\nto augment the general distress. The consequence was,\\nthat many hundreds of them perished with hunger and\\nsickness. Perhaps the year 1721 may be selected as the\\nperiod of the greatest calamity in Louisiana; every coun-\\ntenance was covered with a melancholy gloom the sick\\nwere without medicine, as well as the other comforts\\nadapted to their situation and children perished from\\nwant in the arms of their mothei s. Such indeed, in that\\nyear, was the want of pi-ovisions, that the troops, station-\\ned on the Perdido, Isle Dauphin, and Mobile, were divi-\\nded among, and obliged to seek support from, the Indian\\nvillages about the Country.\\nThe interdiction of commerce, which took place in 1713,\\nnot only rendered it diflicult for the French to obtain sup-\\nplies, but was always considered by them as the precur-\\nsor of war; and this broke out in 1719. The King of\\nSpain refused to accede to the triple alliance and this re-\\nfusal drew from France a declaration of war in the month\\nof March of that year. On the arrival of this intelligence\\n5n Louisiana, a council of war was immediaiely coiive-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 37\\nned, and it was resolved to attack Pensacola before it\\ncould be reinforced from the Islands. Accordingly M.\\nBiainville, with four hundred Indians and a party of Ca-\\nnadian French, hastened to invest that post by land, while\\nthree armed Vessels joined in the attack by Sea. The\\nSpanish Commandant, to avoid an escalade, conceived it\\nprudent to capitulate. The French agreed to save the\\nFort from pillage, and to send the prisoners to the Ha-\\nvanna. On the arrival in that port of the two Vessels em-\\nployed to transport them, they were seized and condemn-\\ned by the Spaniards, and their crews secured in dungeons,\\ncontrary to the laws of war. In the mean time a number\\nof Spanish Vessels, unapprised of the capitulation, enter-\\ned the harbor of Pensacola, and were captured.\\nThe Spaniards were not backward in attempting to re-\\npossess themselves of that place. In the month of Au-\\ngust their Flotilla appeared before it. They found means\\nto excite a mutiny among the French Soldiery, which\\nobliged the town to surrender at discretion. The prison-\\ners were sent to the Ilavanna.\\nThis partial success led the Spaniards to believe, that\\nthey were able to drive the French out of Louisiana. Du-\\nring the same month, their Flotilla arrived before Isle\\nDauphin*. The Spanish Commander peremptorily dc\\nmanded of M. Biainville an unconditional surrender, and\\ndeclared that, in case of a refusal, he should treat him os\\nan ince7idiary that he would give no quarter, and that\\nthe prisoners taken at Pensacola should experience tbe\\nsame fate. To this angry rodomontade an answer was\\nreturned, and it was such as became a brave man. The\\nFlotilla then invested and bombarded the Island during\\nthirteen successive days, sometimes attempting to land\\ntroops, and at others keeping up a regular and constant\\nThis isliind is sitiuite l near the mouth of the INIobile River, in\\nabout N. Lat. 30 degrees, 10 minutes. At the time of which we speak,\\nit was eiijhleen miles lor.p.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "38 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nfire on the Garrison, and on a s nail Vessel of war in the\\nharbor. But the unexpected appearance of a French squa-\\ndron on the coast induced the Spaniards to make a preci-\\npitate retreat.\\nThis squadron arrived at Isle Dauphin on the first of\\nSeptember, laden with goods and provisions, troops and\\nsettlers. These supplies revived the hopes of the French,\\nand they again resolved to attempt the reduction of Pen-\\nsacola, particularly as a Spanish fleet was hourly expected\\nfrom Vera Cruz. M. Biainville rendezvoused on the\\nPerdido a considerable body of French and Indians. He\\nimmediately put himself at their head, and marched and\\nlaid siege to the principal Fort, while the fleet entered\\nthe harbor, where it met with a warm reception from a\\nsmall battery. But the Spanish Ordnance was speedily\\nsilenced, and the pallisades, with which the town was en-\\nclosed, levelled with the ground. The French then en-\\ntered without opposition. The lives of the inhabitants\\nwere spared, but their dwellings were given up to the\\npillage of the Indian auxiliaries. The number killed was\\nnot considerable on either side. The French obtained\\neighteen hundred prisoners. From these were selected\\nthree hundred and sixty, who were transported to the Ha-\\nvanna, accompanied with a request, that the Spaniards\\nwould return the French prisoners at that place. This\\nwas the more readily granted, as the staff and principal\\nofficers were retained as hostages at Isle Dauphin.\\nIn this, as in the former case, several Spanish Vessels\\nentered the harbor of Pensacola soon after its reduction,\\nand v/ere captured by the French by which means rhey\\nobtained some prisoners, and no small quantity of provi-\\nsions and stores.\\nAs they were apprised, that a strong fleet was fitting\\nout at Vera Cruz, which was probably destined lor Flori-\\nda, they destroyed the fortifications, and reduced the to\\\\rn\\n(o ashes and then reoaired to the Mobile, leaving behind", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "HJSTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 39\\nan Officer, and a few men, to watch the motions of the\\nenemy. Things remained in this state till 1722, when the\\ntruce put the Spaniards again in possession of Pensacola.\\nFrom this period the Perdido was considered as the boun-\\ndary line between the two Colonies; the Spanish laws\\noperated on one side, and those of the French on the\\nother.\\nThe Mississippi Company, even in the midst of the\\ntroubles already stated, aimed to form new barrier settle-\\nments, partly to maintain the territorial claims of France,\\nand partly to arrest the progress of the Spaniards. For\\nthis purpose, immediately after the reduction of Pensaco-\\nla in 1719, a considerable detachment was ordered to the\\nbay of St. Joseph, where a Fort was erected. This was\\nintended, in conjunction with the other establishments on\\nthe coast, to exclude the Spaniards wholly from this part\\nof Florida. The troops, however, suffered great hard-\\nships from the want of provisions, and desertions were\\nfinally so prevalent, that the French abandoned the posi-\\ntion.\\nBernard de la Harp*, the same year, with a body of\\ntroops, ascended Red River to the villages of the Cad-\\ndoques in N. Lat. 33 deg. 55 min. where he built a Fort,\\ncalled Sf^ Louis de Carlorette^ on the right bank of that ri-\\nver. He wrote to the Spanish Commandant at the Assi-\\nnais, informing him, that he was directed by his Govern-\\nment to assume a station on Red River, and charged to\\ncultivate a good understanding with the subjects of\\nSpain. He at the same time forwarded to him a letter\\nThe author has had access to the manuscript journal of this Gen-\\ntleman, which has been transmitted to this time. It in a great\\nmeasure comprehends the history of Louisiana from its fust discovery\\nto 1722. As his authority is of weight, the author is bound to ac-\\nknowledge, that hj^ is indebted to him for many important facts re-\\ncorded in the first part of this chapter, as also in that respecting tiie\\nextent and boundaj-ies of Louisiana.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "40 lIISrORICAL SKKTCUES OF LOUISIANA.\\nfrom M. Biainville. M. de la Harp likewise wrote to\\nthe superior of the missions in Texas, and expressed a\\ndesire to open a trade with the Spaniards, assured him of\\nhis friendship, and professed to have much at heart the\\nconversion of the Infidels. He proposed to him to re-\\nceive the merchandize, and to be the Agent in this traffic.\\nThe Spanish Commandant returned for answer, that\\nwhile he was disposed to maintain peace with the French,\\nit was his duty to inform him, that the post he occupied was\\nwithin the territory of his master, and that if he did not\\nabandon it, he should be obliged to attack him.\\nThe answer of the Priest exhibited a more conciliatory\\naspect. He wished for a mutual correspondence, and for\\nan opportunity of serving M. de la Harp but as it did\\nnot become a Clergyman to be concerned in mercantile\\nenterprises, their intercourse ought to be kept a secret,\\nmore particularly as his commandant was unfriendly to\\nhim. Yet he at the same time observed that, as his com-\\nmandant had treated the Indians improperly, and disobey-\\ned the orders of the Viceroy, such charges had been for-\\nwarded against him as would probably cause his removal\\nfrom office.\\nThe contents of this letter afforded M. de la Harp some\\nidea of the character of his adversary, which the better\\nenabled him to reply to his threat and pretensions.\\nHe therefore told him, that his dispositions to maintain\\npeace did not agree with his proceedings that Biainville\\nwas well informed of the limits of his Government that\\nthe post he then occupied was not within the dominions\\nof Spain that the Spaniards well knew the province,\\nwhich they called Texas, to be pare of Louisiana that\\nM. de la Salle took possession of it in 1665, and that this\\npossession had been renewed at various times since that\\nperiod that the Spanish adventurer, Do7i Antonio du Mi-\\nroii-y who discovered the northern provinces in 1683, ne-\\nver penetrated east of New Mexico, or the Rio Bravo", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "iirSTURlCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 4I\\nthat the. Frt-nch were the first to make alliances with the\\nIndian nations that the rivers flowing into the Mississip-\\npi, consequently the lands between them, belonged to\\nFrance j and that if he would do him the pleasure of a\\nvisit, he would find, that he occupied a post, which he\\nknew how to defend.\\nHere ended the contest about this post, which was\\nmaintained by the French till Louisiana fell into the hands\\nof Spain, and during this time the Spaniards never gave\\nthem any trouble. They formed a small settlement, and\\nbuilt a mill at this place. They cultivated wheat, corn,\\nand tobacco, and carried on a trade with the Indians.\\nThey discovered a saline in this quarter, which yielded\\nplenty of salt and M. Dutisne of Kaskaskia, about the\\nsame time discovered another of mineral rock salt near\\nthe Kansas river.\\nM. de la Harp pursued his discc^-eries to the Arkan-\\nsas. On that river he visited an Indian village of three\\nmiles in extent, containing upwards of four thousand per-\\nsons. It was situated about one hundred and twenty\\nmiles south west of the Osages. The excursions of the\\nSpaniards were at that time limited to the sources of Red\\nRiver and the Arkansas in the Mexican mountains, where\\nthey found plenty of rock salt, and whei e they worked\\nsome silver mines.\\nAt this period an attempt was likewise made to form a\\nsettlement in the bay of St. Bernard. The conduct of the\\nexpedition was confided to M. Beranger, who sailed three\\nhundred and ninety miles to the westward of the Missis-\\nsippi, and landed in N. Lat. 27 degrees, 45 minutes. Here\\nhe built a small Fort, and leaving five of his men to de-\\nfend it, returned with the remainder to the Mobile for a\\nreinforcement. Huring his absence the Indians took one\\nof his men, and killed the other four. The Company al-\\nways had it in contemplation to form n strong s( ttlement\\nin this quarter, and considerable blame was attached to", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "42 HISfOlilCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe Colonial Officers for their negligence. But the Indians\\nwere opposed to the admission of the whites among them\\nand the fate of M. de la Salle and Colony, cooled the ar-\\ndor of subsequent adventurers.\\nThe population had become so numerous in 1720, that\\nthe French authorities were constrained to devise some\\nefficacious measures to relieve the wants of the Colony.\\nThey therefore resolved to strengthen their barrier posts,\\nand to disperse the people on plantations. A large num-\\nber went to Natchitoches, and on their arrival attacked\\nthe Spaniards at the Adaize, deprived them of their pro-\\nperty, and drove them from that place. Another party\\nrepaired to their plantations about Natchez, and the St.\\nCatharine*s others fixed themselves in the Delta, particu-\\nlarly at New-Orleans, which was founded at this time,\\nand soon after became the seat of Government. The\\nFrench likewise erected Fort Chartres in the neighbour-\\nhood of Kaskaskia, and took every other precaution in their\\npower to guard themselves against their enemies, and to\\nraise a sufficient quantity of provisions for the consump-\\ntion of the Colony.\\nThe French were at last apparently convinced of their\\ndestructive policy, and now for the first time attempted\\nan innovation. If this had not been carried to extremes,\\nthe benefits resulting from it would have been more per-\\nceptible 3nd permanent. Sensible of the sterility of the\\nlands about the O d Baloxi, or Perdido, the settlers were\\nremoved in the first instance from that place to Isle Dau-\\nphin and Mobile, and subsequently to New Baloxi, situa-\\nted r. )out forty tnilt. to the westward of that river. This\\nproved extremely injurious to them, and expensive to the\\nGovernment; especially as such frequent removals depri-\\nved them of the opportunity of raising their crops, and as\\nthe last position was not less sickly and barren than those\\nthey had previously occupied. This fatal step was soon\\ndiscovered, but not easily retraced, and the several branch-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "JIISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 43\\ncs of the Government were eager to throw the blame on\\neach other. Hence those animosities and suspensions from\\noffice already noticed. The dispersion of the people on\\nplantations was likewise productive of a serious evil, though\\nof a temporary nature. They found it difficult to subsist\\nduring the growth of their first crops and hence those ca-\\nlamities and distresses, particularlj in 1721, to whirh the\\nattention of the reader has already been drawn. These and\\nother embarrassments extorted from the company vast\\nsums of money so that the expenditure for the year\\n17^2 only, amounted to no less than 1,163,256 livres.\\nThe dispersion of the settlers rendered a new system\\nof jurisprudence indispensible. Before this period all\\nsuits were decided at the seat of Government. Lower\\nLouisiana was now divided into Districts, to each of which\\nwas assigned a Commandant and a Judge, though in most\\ninstances both offices were united in the same person. The\\njurisdiction of the District Judge extended to all civil\\nand criminal suits, except capital offences j and appeals\\nlay in every instance to the provincial council. The same\\nsystem, with some slight modifications, was maintained\\ntill the country fell into the hands of the United States.\\nNotwithstanding the French had been more than once\\nfrustrated in their attempts to form a settlement on the\\nBay of St. Bernard, yet the Company determined to make\\nanother effort. For this purpose M. de la Harp, in 1721,\\nembarked at New Orleans under a royal order, with a de-\\ntachment of troops, engineers, and draftsmen, and was di-\\nrected to take a more accurate view of the Country than\\nhis predecessors had done. He found eleven and an half\\nfeet of water on the bar, and at the entrance of the bay, four\\nlarge rivers falling into it, probably the Trinity, Brassos,\\nGuadaloupc, and Colorulo. He also found the soil along the\\ncoast extremely fertile, the Country beautiful and variegated\\nwith woods, prairies andstreamsof pure water. On the coast\\nof this bay he planted the arms of France, and took formal", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "44 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\npossession of the territory in the name of his Sovereign. The\\nright of France to it was said in his instructions to be de-\\nrived from the actual possession of M. de la Salle in 1G85,\\nas well as from subst-quent discoveries and he was parti-\\ncularly directed, that if the Spaniards opposed his esta-\\nblishment, to defend himself to the last extremity. The\\nSpaniards were unpopular in this quarter, and therefore\\nhad not visited it over land, and only once by sea. But\\nthe Indians still retained their former enmity to the\\nFrench they still remembered the slaughter made among\\nthem by M. de la Salle, and the more recent trespass^f\\nM. Beranger. Such indeed were their threats and hos-\\ntile preparations, that M. de la Harp did not deem it pru-\\ndent to attempt an establishment he therefore seized se-\\neral of them, put them on board his Vessel, and then re-\\nturned to New Orleans. The object he had in view by\\nthis seizure was to excite in the minds of the Indians a\\nfavf)rable opinion of the French by means of the captives,\\nwhom he intended to return to their nation, after inspiring\\nthem with confidence, treating them with kindness, and\\nloading them with presents but, thinking themselves\\ndoomed to destruction, they found means of escaping in\\nthe nighty and some of them, on their way home, perished\\nwith hunger in the wilderness. Hence this stratagem, in-\\nstead of promoting the interest of the French, destroyed\\ngll hopes of a friendly mtercourse with the Indians about\\nthe bay of St. Be rnard.\\nNeither the French nor Spanish Colonists were inclined\\nto carry on a systematic war; but as they were competi-\\ntors in the Indian trade, and the rights of territory fre-\\nquently came in question, they maintained a kind of pre-\\ndatory warfare for several years. The perfidy practised\\non M. de St. Dennis kept alive the resentment of the\\nFrench and the reduction of Pensacola, and the unfriend-\\nly disposition manifested by some of the Indian tribes in\\nLpuisiana, wounded the pride of the Spaniards, Hither-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "mSTOKICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISFANA. 45\\nto the t^rench had been remarkably successful in their at-\\ntempts to maintain peace with the Indians in their neigh-\\nbourhood. The Chickasavvs alone gave them trouble\\nthe English often instigated them to hostilities. The de-\\npredations made by the French and Spaniards on each\\nother, even while their mother Countries were at peace,\\nmay be traced in the first instance to mutual jealousies,\\nand in the second to the mutual infliction of real or ima-\\nginary injuries.\\nThe Spaniards exulted in the treacherous expulsion of\\nthe French from the Assinais and as they were so suc-\\ncessful in forming an establishment at that place, they re-\\nsolved to repeat the experiment in a distant quarter, par-\\nticularly as their rivals began to appear formidable on Bed\\nRiver. They well knew the importance of the Missouri,\\nand were anxious to secure a strong position on its banks.\\nThey readilv perceived, that such a measure, if prose-\\ncuted with success, would effectually hold in check the\\nIllinois French, confine their territorial claims to the bor-\\nders of the Mississippi, and turn the current of the In-\\ndian trade. Their first object was to attack and destroy\\nthe nation of Missouris,* situated on the Missouri, at\\nno great distance from the Kansas river, within whose\\njurisdiction they meditated a setdement. These Indians\\n%vere the firm friends of the French, and this rendered\\ntheir destruction the more necessary. At this time they\\nwere at war with the Pawnes, and the Spaniards designed\\nto engage these as auxiliaries in the enterprise. A consi-\\nderable Colony, therefore, started from Santa Fe in 1720,\\nand marched in pursuit of the Pawne Villages but they\\nlost their way, and unluckily arrived among the Missou-\\nris, whose ruin they meditated. Ignorant of their mis-\\ntake, (the Missouris speaking the Pawne language) they\\ncommunicated their sentiments without reserve, and re-\\nThi o nation is now nearly cxiinc*.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "46 HISTORrCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nquested their co-operation. The Indians manifested no\\nsurprise at this unexpected %Msit, and only requested time\\nto assemble their warriors. At the end ol fort) eight\\nhours about two thousand of them appeared in arms.\\nThey attacked the Spaniards in the night, while reposing\\nthemselves in fatal security, and killed all of them, ex-\\ncept the Priest who escaped the slaughter by means of\\nhis horse. Various writers assert, that these colonists\\naimed to find the Osage villages but the records of San-\\nta Pe authorize the statement we have given.\\nThis boldness of the Spaniards in penetrating into d.\\nCountry with which they had no previous acquaintance,\\nat least six hundred miles from their own, apprised the\\nFrench of their danger, and warned them to provide\\nagiiinst a repetition of encroachment. M. de Burgmont,\\ntherefore, was despatched with a considerable force, who\\ntook possession of an Island in the Missouri, some dis-\\ntance above the Osage river, on which he built Fort Or-\\nleans.\\nOn his arrival at that place, he found the various nati-\\nons about him engaged in a sanguinary war, which dimi-\\nnished the trade, and rendered all intercourse extremely\\nhazardous. Hencp it became an object of importance to\\nbring about a general peace. ^Fliis was attempted with\\nthe desired success in 1724. Soon after this event, how-\\never, Fort Orleans was attacked and totally destroyed,\\nwhen all the French were massacred, but it was never\\nknown by whom this bloody work was performed. About\\nthis period the French began to experience troubles of a\\nserious nature from the Indians, which were not entirely\\nsurmounted till after a lapse of sixteen years.\\nOf all the Indians known to the French, the Natchez\\nwere the most servicealile, and at the same time the most\\nterrible to them. Ibberville visited them soon after his\\narrival in the country. Settlers at various times planted\\nthemselves among them, particularly a large body of", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF t OUISIANA. 47\\nthem, when the Government dispersed them on planta-\\ntions. Some indeed, penetrated to the Yazous, where\\nthey huilt a Fort, which was destroyed in 1723 by the\\nChickasaws. The French adventurers wer- fiuourably\\nreceived by the Natchez, who supplied them with provi-\\nsions, assisted them in their tillage, and in building their\\nhouses: In fine, their friendly .tertions saved the strin-\\ngers from famine and death.\\nIt happened in this as in most other connexions of the\\nkind, that the Whites encroached on the rights of the In-\\ndians, and excited their jealousy. The Natchez posses-\\nsed the strongest disposition to oblige, and would have\\ncontinued eminently useful to the French, if the com-\\nmandant of Fort Rosalie had not treated them with in-\\ndignity and injustice. The first dispute between them\\noccurred in 1723. An old Natchez warrior had obtained\\ncredit of a soldier, and agreed to deliver some corn in\\npayment. About the time the debt became due, the latter\\ndemanded his pay he was answered, that the corn was\\ntoo green to be gathered, but that it should be delivered\\nas soon as possible. Not satisfied with this excuse, the\\nsoldier threatened to beat the old man, which so much\\nincensed him, that he retired from the Fort, and chal-\\nlenged his opponent to single combat. This induced the\\nsoldier to cry murder when the old man departed for his\\nvillage. The Guard was pressed to fire, and one of them\\nwas so imprudent as to do it, when the old man received\\na mortal wound. No punishment was inflicted on the\\nperpetrators of this deed they received a slight repri-\\nmand only from the commandant, who, in other respects,\\nhad rendered himself extremely obnoxious to the Natchez.\\nAs revenge is the predominant passion of the Indians,\\nno wonder the murder of a warrior prompted the Nat-\\nchez to take up arms. They attacked the French in all\\nquarters, and killed many of them. At last the Scung\\nSerpent, an influential chief, was prevailed on to inter-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "48 HiSTORICAl SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\npose his authority, and the slaughter ceased. This gene-\\nrous interposition probably prevented the utter extermi-\\nnation of the French in this quarter. A treaty of peace\\nwas the resylt mutual confidence was restored and all\\nformer enmities appeared to be buried in oblivion.\\nThis peace had no other effect than to lull the Natchez\\nin security, and to preciptate the French into the black-\\nest treachery. It was duly ratified by M. Biainville yet\\nhe took advantage of it to inflict a sudden and dreadful\\nblow on these innocent people lie found means to elude\\ntheir cautious vigilance, and soon after the peace, arrived\\nat Fort Rosalie with seven hundred men, when he attack-\\ned the defenceless natives, slaughtered them in their huts,\\nand demanded the head of one, whom he styled a muti-\\nnous Chief, as the price of peace, with which they were\\nobliged to comply. This war, or rather wanton slaugh-\\nter lasted four days.\\nFrom this moment the Natchez despaired of ever liv-\\ning in peace with the French, who, although loaded with\\nbenefits, daily usurped their lands, and inflicted personal\\ninjuries, and whose insolence and rapaciousness increased\\nwith their numbers. They reflected on the ingratitude\\nof the French, who studiously rewarded their kindness\\nwith injustice they even anticipated the assumption of a\\nstill more dreadful power over them, calculated at no re-\\nmole period to destroy their existence as a nation. Hence\\nthey perceived no medium between their own ruin, and\\nthe total annihilation of their enemies. This painful al-\\nternative rendered them thoughtful, distrustful, and pen-\\nsive, and extremely timid in devising the means of futur\\nsecurity.\\nShortly after the slaughter just mentioned, a French\\nOfficer accidentally met the Stung Serpent, who appeared\\ndisposed to avoid him. Why do you wish to shun me\\nwe were once friends are we no longer so said the\\nOflicer. The indignant Chief replied in a long speed-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "IIlSTOniCAL SKF/rCIIKS OF LOUISIANA. 49\\nand among other things observed AVhy did the French\\ncome into our country we did not go to seek them.\\nThey asked us fur land, and we told them to take it\\nu were they pleased there was enough lor th. m and for\\nus the same Sun ought to enlighten us both, and we\\nought to walk together as friends in the same path\\nwe promised to give them food, assist them to build,\\nand to labour in the fields. We have done so. The\\nNatchez Were well convinced, that they could not openly\\ncontend with the French. This made them the more pa-\\ntient of injuries, and they resolved to bear them as long\\nas thev were tolerable.\\nAffairs remained in this situation till 1729, when a cir-\\ncumstance occurred, which justified the highest resent-\\nment of the Natchez, but which ultimately plunged them\\ninto ruin.\\nM. de Chopart, the Commandant of Fort Rosalie, had\\nbeen guilty of such repeated acts of injustice, as to ren-\\nder an investigation of his conduct indispensable and for\\nthis purpose he was ordered to New Orleans. This event\\nexcited much joy among the Indians, but it was of short\\nduration. That Officer appeared before M. Perier, who\\nat that time administered the Government, and found\\nmeans to justify his proceedings in such a manner as to\\nbe re-instated in his command. On his return to his\\npost he conceived himself at liberty to indulge his\\nmalice against the Indians; partly on account of the trou-\\nble they had given him, but much more on account ot the\\nsatisfaction manifested by them at the prospects of his\\ndisgrace. As some gratification to his spite, he suddenly\\nresolved to build a town on the site of the village of the\\nWhite Apple,* which covered a square of about three\\nTins village was situated about twelve miles below the present city\\nof Natchez, unci nearly three miles to the eastward of ilie Mississippi\\nun tl.e site of which is the seat of the late Col. Anthony Hn liings.\\nNot a vestii^e of Indian industry now remains, except a i\\\\:;v mouuis", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "50 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nmiles in extent. Accordingly he sent for the Sun, or\\nChief, of that village, and directed him to clear the huts,\\nand to plant themselves in some other place. The Chief\\nreplied, perhaps rather hastily, that their ancestors had\\nlived there for many ages, and that it was good for\\ntheir descendants to occupy the same ground. This\\nnoble and dignified language served only to exasperate\\nthe haughty Commandant, and to extort from him the de-\\nclaration, that unless the village was abandoned in a few\\ndays, the inhabitants of it should repent of their obsti-\\nnacy. The Chief then retired to consult the old\\nmen, and to hold a council. As a bloody conflict was\\ninevitable, the Indians resorted to such expedients as\\nwere calculated to gain time. They wished to create an\\nindissoluble union among themselves, and to devise means\\nadequate to the end one of these was the assistance of\\ntheir allies, which they deemed of infinite importance.\\nThey therefore represented to M. de Chopart, that their\\ncorn had just come out of the ground, that their hens\\nwere laying their eggs, and that to abandon their village\\nat that time would prove as injurious to the French as to\\nthemselves. M. de Chopart treated these reasons\\nwith disdain, and menaced immediate destruction, unless\\nhis desires were gratified. The Indians in general are\\nfruitful of expedients and the Natchez, who were well\\nacquainted with the avaricious disposition of their adver-\\nsary, at last resorted to one, which for a while suspended\\nhis wrath. They obtained permission to remain in their\\nown houses till after harvest, on condition, that each hut\\nshould pay him a fowl and a basket of corn.\\nDuring this short interval the Natchez frequently and\\nprivately assembled in council, and a plan of operations\\nwas carefully concerted. They unanimously resolved to\\nmake one great elTort to preserve their independence, and\\nto defend the tombs of their fathers. They proceeded\\nv,ith caution, and omitted nothing to ensure success.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA 51\\nThey invited the Chickasaws to share in the arduous en-\\nterprize but by a strange fatality, occasioned by the trea-\\nchery of one of their own women, the latter were deceiv-\\ned as to the time of the intended blow, and therefore did\\nnot arrive in season to participate in the struv ,gle. The\\nmassacre of all the French was what they had in view,\\nand it was concluded to commence the work at the time\\nof presenting the tribute of corn and fowls. Notwith-\\nstanding all their precaution, and the inducement t- ach\\none had to observe inviolable secrecy, yet one of their chief\\nwomen suspected the plot and either offended at the se-\\nclusion of her sex, at least of one of her rank, from a\\nknowledge of it, or influenced by private attachment,\\ncomjnunicated her suspicions to some soldiers and others.\\nEven just before the fatal catastrophe, M. de Chopart\\nwas cautioned to be on his guard but his evil genius led\\nhim to disregard the admonitions given him, to punish\\nthose who prognosticated danger, and to repose himself\\nin criminal security.\\nAt length the fatal period arrived, when the vengeance\\nof the injured and vindictive Savages was to burst on the\\ndevoted heads of the French. Near the close of the last\\nday of November 1729, the grand Sun, with some war-\\nriors, repaired to the Fort with the tribute of corn and\\nfowls agreed on. They seized the gate and other passa-\\nges, and the Soldiers were instantly deprived of the means\\nof defence. Such was their number, and so well distri-\\nbuted, that opposition was vain. Other parties repaired\\nto their appointed rendezvous, and the houses of the\\nFrench about the country were filled with them. The\\nmassacre was general among the men the slaves, and\\nsome of the women and children were spared. The\\nchiefs and warriors, disdaining to stain their hands with\\nthe blood of ]M. de Chopart, he fell by one of the mean-\\nest of the Indians. This settlement contained about sev-\\nen hundred French, and very few of them escaped to", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "^2 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA;\\ncarry the dreadful tidings to the Capital. The Forts and\\nSettlements at the Yazous and Washita shared the same\\nfate. Thus these extensive possessions of the French,\\nwhich were gradually progressing to maturity, and the\\nmost wealthy of any in the Colony, presented a melan-\\ncholy picture. They were first plundered, and then ex-\\nposed to the flames.\\nThe news of this disaster created much confusion in\\nthe Capital, and all seemed to imagine, that the merci-?\\nless Savages were at their doors. M. Perier was very\\nactive in contriving measures lo punish his enemies. The\\nChickasaws were offended with the Natchez Indians for\\ncommencing the attack without them, and therefore rea-\\ndily accepted the invitation of the French. In February\\n1730, about fifteen hundred of them arrived in the neigh-\\nbourhood of the Natchez, where they were joined the\\nnext month by a detachment of troops from New Orleans,\\nunder the command of M. de Loubois.\\nThe Natchrz Indians, anticipating the storm, endea-\\nvoured to provide against it. They strongly fortified\\nthemselves in the F ..rt but on the appearance of the\\nFrench, supported by their numerous auxiliaries, and\\nsome pieces of heavy ordnance, they were induced to\\nsue for peace. They offered to release the prisoners in\\ntheir custody, on condition that friendship and amity\\nshould be restored, and permission given them to live\\non their own ground, and their future repose secured-\\nThe French were not disposed to grant these favors, nor\\ndid they return an explicit answer. Deception was prac-\\ntised on both sides, and for once the French were com-\\npletely duped. The Natchez wished for an opportunity\\nof leaving their country the French aimed at the posses-\\nsion of the prisoners, after which they intended to in-\\ndulge themselves in the indiscriminate slaughter of their\\nenemies. M. de Loubois finally proposed to suspend\\nthe attack, provided the Natchez would agree to release", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES \u00c2\u00a9P LOUISIANA 53\\nthe prisoners the next day. This proposition was ac-\\ncepted.\\nThe Natchez were highly pleased with this arrange-\\nment, as it seemed to afford them the means of escape.\\nDuring the following night they silently deserted the\\nFort, loaded with their plunder and baggage, and cros-\\nsed the Mississippi This dextrous manoeuvre filled the\\nFrench with astonishment but they were in no condition\\nto pursue the fugitives. Their first care was to build a\\nterrace Fort, to supply it with cannon and ammunition,\\nand one hundred and twenty effective men. Th auxil-\\niaries were then dismissed, and the remainder of the\\nFrench returned to New Orleans.\\nIn the mean time the Natchez retired to the mouth of\\nSilver Creek,* about one hundred and eighty miles up\\nRed River, where they erected a fortification for their\\ndefence. The arrival of one hundred and fifty soldiers\\nfrom France, enabled M. Ferier to march at the head of\\na respectable force in pursuit of them he was soon be-\\nfore them, opened a battery of mortars on their Fort,\\nand put them into great confusion. They made several\\ndesperate sallies, and were repulsed with great slaughter.\\nThey endeavoured to escape, but this was impracticable.\\nIn vain they attempted to negociate they struggled in\\nvain to avoid the leaden messengers of death, and at last\\nsurrendered at discretion. The women and children\\nwere immediately reduced to slavery, and dispersed a-\\nmong the plantations. The remains of this wretched\\npeople were eventually sent in the same condition to St.\\nDomingo. On the first arrival of the French among them,\\ntheir villages contained about twelve hundred souls.\\nThus the Natchez Indians, once so useful to the\\nFrench, became almost extinct. The fugitives, who es-\\nAt no great distance Lelow Natcliitoches. No creek in that qu.n-\\nter is known by tliat name at the present day", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": ";,4 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ncaped the carnage and the chains of bondage, united\\nthemselves to the Chickasaws and Creeks, and their an-\\ncient language is still preserved among them.\\nOf all the Indians in this quarter known to the Whites,\\nthe Natchez were the most polished and civilized. They\\nhad an established religion amongst them, in many parti-\\nculars rational and consistent, as likewise regular orders\\nof Priesthood. They had a temple dedicated to the\\nGreat Spirit, in which they preserved the eternal fire. If\\ntheir religion was occasionally stained with human sacrifi-\\nces, p:.rticularly on the death of their Suns, or Chiefs,\\nwc ought to be the less surprised, as many other nations\\non the globe admit of the same practice. To them were\\ndenied the advantages of literature, and above all, the\\nblessings of our revealed religion. They were guided\\nalone by the dictates of nature and hence their aberrati-\\nons were less criminal. Perhaps their religious rites and\\nceremonies were originally derived from a pure source\\nfor who will pretend to say that their ancestors six or\\neight centuries ago were unacquainted with the Scrip-\\ntures No doubt these tokens of religion were greatly\\nobscured and perverted by tradition but this is rather\\nthe misfortune than the crime of the Indians. This re-\\nmark is applicable to all the aborigines of America.\\nThe civil polity of the Natchez partook of the refine-\\nments of a people, apparently in some degree learned\\nand scientific; it exhibited penetration and wisdom, and\\nwas calculated to render them happy. They had K-ings,\\nor Chiefs, whom they denominated Suns, invested with\\nabsolute power, as likewise a kind of subordinate nobi-\\nlity and the usual distinctions cr,eated by rank were well\\nunderstood and preserved among them. They were just,\\ngenerous, and humane, and never failed to extend relief\\nto the objects of distress and misery. They were well\\nacquainted with the properties of medicinal plants and\\nthe cures they performed, particularly among the French.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "lllsroKUAI. NKlVrcllF.S l.ODISIAN A J.i\\nappear nlnu)Ht imrrdiblf. \\\\Mut is much luore to thfii\\npraiHf, ihcy ncvt r iKt nutl ii j^lorioui to (U-Htroy the hii\\nman sptrirs, and lor this reason siKloin \\\\\\\\mj;ihI any oihci\\nihan ilcfcnsivc war.\\nHistory ta scUIoni scon to nnViK; anil perhaps no one\\nprtsiiita a more Irightlul picture than that ol the con-\\n(piests in the new world. The work of death curried on,\\nhy ancient copcpierorH, was in aome instancea mon* niag-\\nniliient, but in none so prolific of human blood. lUaides,\\nthe ancient nations had nearly the same knowledge of the\\nart of war, at least they nuulc use of the sanie weapons j\\n\u00c2\u00abnd hence tlu-ir contests were in some nu asure equal.\\nUut the I luropeans on this continent, furninhed with hu\\nperior weapons of destruction, often vantpiished nuiner\\nous armies of the natives, with little or no loss on tlieir\\nside many of whom, tcrnfuil at their mode of warfare,\\nsufl ered themselves to be enslaved, and even empaled,\\nat discretion. The Spanish history, ui particular, for\\nmore than two centuries, affords nothing but series of\\ncomplicated crimes, the black catalogue of which will\\ncontinue to excite in every breast, the mingled emotions\\nof pity and indignation. They nuulc war on defenceless\\nnations without provocation, spilt oceans of blood, and\\nin\\\\()lvcd n\u00c2\u00bbillioim of their fellow creatures in rniser)\\nTlw y trampled on all those laws deemed sacred by the ci-\\nvilii .ed world, and tlu ir misdeeds lind u) (uher excuse\\nthan what is deri\\\\ id from the jjralilit.ition ol their ava-\\nrice.\\nThe ways ol I lovidence are inscruifaljle. (iond nj)-\\npcars frequently, to our limited conceptions, to be the re-\\nsult of evil. IVrhops the Ignited Htates owe their exist-\\nence ns a nation, to the religious persecutions of the Mo-\\nther Country. The victorious progress of the Homans\\ndiffused the arts and sciences among the States oi l^airope,\\nand to this cause may be attributed, in a gieid ni usure,\\ntheir present perfection. Still more are they iiulihleU to", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "56 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe conquests in the new world for the wide extension of\\ntheir commerce, and even for the intercourse, which they\\nhave estabUshed with the other great continents. The\\ndesolations occasioned by the Spaniards have, more than\\nany other, produced a wonderful change in the political\\nand moral character of nations j if they have multiplied\\ntheir wants, they have at the same time elicited the means\\nof gratification. Yet we must ever deplore the primary\\ncauses of these events, and regret the hard conditions\\nimposed on the original proprietors of the soil in this\\nquarter of the globe.\\nThe Spaniards wholly abjured the pacific character of\\n(Christians, and followed the example of those nations\\nwhom they pronounced barbarous. They not only ensla-\\nved the prisoners taken in battle, but likewise those peace-\\nable and effeminate people, who submitted themselves at\\ndiscretion. They compelled them to labour in the mines\\nof Hispaniola and Cuba, where vast numbers perished.\\nThe first contained more than a million of inhabitants}\\nand at the end of fifteen years from the first discovery of\\nthat place, they were reduced to less than sixty thousand\\nOn the second upwards of half a million perished. A si-\\nmilar destruction took place on the continent.\\nThose who ought first to know the evils of the State,\\nare generally the last to be made acquainted with them.\\nThus it happered in the reductions of the Indians to sla-\\nvery. Their fate was unknown to the Spanish Monarch\\nfor many years. The eloquent Blather de las Casas, who\\nwitnessed their miseries, was the first to carry their com-\\nplaints to the throne and in him the unhappy Indians\\nfound an able advocate and friend. On this occasion the\\navaritious colonists became his inveterate opposers, and\\ndevised a thousand expedients to defeat his measures.\\nEven the pious ministers of the Christian Church, who\\nwere sent out to propagate the glad tidings of salvation\\namong the heathen those heralds of meekness, mercy,", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "HISTOillCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 57\\nand peace, condescended to advocate the bondage of the\\nIndians; for, in one of their synodical assemblies held a-\\nbout this period, they pronouiiC d the Indians incapable of\\nreceiving the Eucharist, because they manifested a defect\\nof understanding, and accordingly decreed their exclu-\\nsion from that privilege. The Roman Pontiff was of a\\ndifferent opinion he not only abrogated the decree, but\\nlikewise declared, that the Indians were entitled to the\\nrights of human nature; and therefore authorized their\\nadmission into holy orders, and to the participation of the\\nsacraments. The Spanish monarch was disposed to ac-\\ncede to these sentiments but when it was represented to\\nhim, that the Europeans were unable to labor in the\\nwarm climatts of the precious metals, and that, unless\\nthe Indians were employed, the acquisition of silver and\\ngold must cease, he began to doubt, to deliberate and to\\nwaver. The danger did not escape the penetration of de\\nlas Casas and, apprehensive of the consequences, he\\nseized the critical moment, and proposed the slaver\\\\ of\\nthe Africans as a substitute for that of the Indians. Hence\\nthis good man has been stigmatised as the first advocate\\nof negro slavery. But the truth is, that of the two evils\\nhe wished to adopt the least; for he concluded, that the\\ndistance of Africa from America, and the difficulty and\\nexpense of procuring slaves in that part of the globe,\\nwould serve to render the system less pernicious. If he\\nwas mistaken in his opinion, the motive by which he\\nwas actuated, must ever be deemed pure. The king of\\nSpain remained no longer undecided. He sanctioned ne-\\ngro slavery in I5ir, and at the same time decreed, that\\nthe Indians should be liberated from their imperious mas-\\nters and overseers no longer be obliged to f.ll the lands,\\nor to labor in the mines, except at certain fixed periods iu\\nrotatioi.. and at fixed wages. This regulation still exists\\nin the Spanish provinces; so that, while the Indians are\\nT", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "5 8 MISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nexempted from the badges of servitude, they cannot be\\npronounced absolutely free.\\nThis kind of middle character attached itself to those\\nof the conquered provinces only. The Spaniards for a\\nlong time carried havoc and desolation among those nati-\\nons, who were disposed to maintain their liberty, and ma-\\nny of them remain unconquered to this day. The noble\\nstand made by the Araucanians, a people of Chili, casts\\na shade over the deeds of valor displayed by the Greeks\\nand Romans in the brightest periods of their history.\\nThese proud sons of liberty, by no means numerous,\\nwith the imperfect weapons in use among them, vanquish-\\ned, and even annihilated, several veteran armies, who had\\ngathered a harvest of renown in the wars of Europe un-\\nder their military monarch. They even had the courage\\nto besiege fortified cities, and the address to make them-\\nselves masters of them, after which they reduced them to\\nashes. They soon obtained the European art of war,\\n(though not the weapons) as practised in those days, and\\ntheir hopes of success never deserted them amid their great-\\nest dangers. To mitigate the terrible effects of the Spa-\\nnn^h musketry and cannon, they precipitated themselves\\ninto the thickest ranks of their enemies, and contended\\nhand to hand. The war commenced in 1550. and conti-\\nnued without intermission for ninety years, when a short\\npeace only ensued, the precursor to a still more bloody\\nconflict and be it recorded to their immortal honor, that\\nthey have maintained their independence to this day.\\nThe Spaniai-ds found their country divided into pro-\\nvinces, and these again into counties or districts. ^I heir\\nsystem of government, both general and local, resembled\\nin theory, some of those deemed the most perfect in Eu-\\nrope, and indeed it was not much unlike that of the Uni-\\nted States in most of its essential features. They culti-\\nvated eloquence, poetry, and music. They had some\\nknowledge of the arts and sciences, particularly of astrd-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 59\\nnomy for they divided the year (of three hundred and\\nsixty five days) into seasons, months, days, and hours.\\nThe names of their several months indicated some re-\\nmarkable quality or thing common to each period, hke\\nthose of the ancient Egyptians and Persians, and of the\\nipodern French. Their language was copious and flexi-\\nble, and their eloquence of no ordinary kind. Are these\\npeople the proper objects of slavery Say rather, they\\nare entitled to the respect of the present age, and to the\\nhomage of posterity.\\nMen are imitative creatures, and examples are contagi-\\nous. This is particularly verified in the conduct of the\\nFrench. In imitation of the first conquerors of America,\\nthey reduced the Natchez to slavery, because they dared\\nto contend for their rights. Near the close of their go-\\nvernment in Louisiana, the people on Red River purchas-\\ned several Indian prisoners brought from the bay of St.\\nBernard; but their successors, the Spaniards, lib rated\\nthem. At a subsequent period the Spaniards themselves\\nconnived at the slavery of several Indians of both sexes\\nin another quarter of the province. Their parents were\\nfree and yet the highest court of the United States in\\nthat country has lately sanctioned their cruel fate by a so-\\nlemn decision. The Spanish authorities had no such\\nlegal power. Where shall we look for that exercised by\\ntheir successors\\nIt is of no use to enter into a disquisition on the right\\nof conquests, or to ascertain the obligations due from the\\nconquerors to the countries and inhabitants subdued by\\nthem. All these were prostrated by the Spaniards in a\\nmuch less degree by the French and even our pious\\nEnglish ancestors stand charged with violating their own\\nprinciples on these points.\\nIt is evident from what we have seen, that the jVIissis-\\nsippi Company acquired Louisiana at a moment unfavour-\\nable to its interests. The expectation of a profitable re-", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "60 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nvenue, and an anxiety to rival in power the English and\\nSpaniards of the new world, induced it to be liberal\\nin the advances of money. But as Mr. L uw was a fo-\\nreigner, he was of course unpopular. He had many\\npowerful enemies about the French court, who finally\\ncompleted his ruin, and destroyed the credit of the Com-\\npany; so that in 1731, the charter was resigned to the\\ncrown.\\nThe Mississippi scheme was no less bold in its concept\\ntion, than disasterous in its consequences. It seized with\\nin its grasp the bank, the mint, all the trading companies,\\nand all the revenues of the kingio-n. The object was to\\nemploy this vast capital in opening the rich mines of Lou-\\nisiana, and in cultivating its fertile soil in carrying on\\nthe whole commerce of the nation, and in managing the\\nroyal revenues. The company created three hundred\\nthousand shares, at five hundred livres each fifty thou-\\n\u00c2\u00aband shares at five hundred and fifty livres each three\\nhundred thousand shares at five thousand livres each all\\nof which were sold in market, and before the completion\\nof the sale, they rose to at) enormous height, The a-\\nmount of the stock thus created, without taking the rise\\ninto calculation, amounted to sixteen hundred seventy se?\\nven millions, five hundred thousand livres, or three hun-s;\\ndred and ten million, six hundred forty eight thousand,\\none hundrttd forty eight dollars Such indeed was the\\nphrensy of speculation, that tht whole nation, clergy aiid\\nlaity, peers and plebeians, princes and statesmen, mecha-\\nnics, and even ladies, employed their wealth in purchas-\\ning these shares? The scheme was calculated to enrich\\nthe nation as well as the holders of the scrip but a per-\\nfidious breach of royal faith destroyed the credit of the\\npaper, and multitudes were involved in ruin, though the\\npublic treasury gained by it the annual sum of twenty\\nthree millions of livres. The enemies of the financier^\\n(and these were the dignified clergy, who were ambitious", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. bl\\nof getting him superceded in office by one of their own\\norder) prevailed on the Regent to reduce by an arret\\nthe value of the paper, so as to bring it on- a level with\\nthe coin, and other commodities of the kingdom. This\\nreduction destroyed all public confidence it proved iaial\\nto the minister, and to the splendid paper fabric, which\\nvanished like a dream, and left the multitude to bewail\\ntheir credulity, and to execrate the authors ot iheir ruin.\\nWhoever takes a correct view of the transactions of\\nthe Mississippi Company, must be convinced that it was\\nof infinite utility to Louisiana, perhaps the preservation\\nof it particularly as it possessed energy and resources.\\nThe great misfortune was, that its exertions were nLi. suf-\\nficiently seconded by the colonial authorities. We have\\nalready witnessed the extreme liberality of the company,\\nand this liberality enabled the French to survive the pres-\\nsure of war, and the still more dreadful scourge of fa-\\nmine. The dissolution of it replenished the publir trea-\\nsur) and furnished the crown with the means to be ge-\\nnerous. Hence, on the conclusion of the Natchez ir,\\nthe colony began to flourish, though it had lost much of\\nits credit. The security of the people was less precari-\\nous, and the timely and liberal aids of the mother coun-\\ntry, contributed to their prosperit}-. From this period\\nmay be dated the gradual progress of the colony to a\\nmore eligible condition, though it was occasionally inter-\\nrupted by the Indians and Spaniards.\\nThe earliest settlements, as has been stated, were\\nformed on the Perdido, and about the Mobile but after\\nthe erection of New Orleans, and the dispersion of the\\npeople on plantations, they considerably dcclii ed. At those\\nplaces, however, regular garrisons were maintained; and\\nanother was eventually established on the TomI)igbee, de-\\nsigned to keep in check the Chickasavvs, and to interrupt\\ntht communication between them and the English. About\\nthese posts a number of settlers remained some to till", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "62 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe lands, but most of them to carry on the Indian and\\nlumber trade. Other posts were established on some of\\nthe rivers, which were intended as annoyances to the En-\\nglish and Spaniards, and to monopolize the internal com-\\nmerce. A trade was likewise opened with the Islands,\\nand the advantages it afforded, gave a spur to agricul-\\nture, which enabled the planters, for the first time, to\\nsend to foreign markets the valuable products of their\\nown industry. The war with the Chitimaches, and the\\nconspiracy of the negroes to murder all the whites, inflic-\\nted no material injury on the colony. These evils were\\ntemporary, and soon repaired by the prompt measures\\nand activity of the French.\\nThe Chickasaws, from their attachment to the English,\\nwere never disposed to have much intercourse with the\\nFrench and as they were powerful within themselves,\\nand powerfully supported, they stood in no great fear of\\ntheir neighbors. The French anxiously u^aited for an\\nopportunity of measuring their strength with them, and\\nin this they were influenced by two motives they wished\\nin the first place, to drive the English from among them,\\nand secure the trade to themselves in the second place,\\nthey deemed it of importance to destroy their influence\\namong the other tribes, and by this means render their\\nfrontiers, and trading parties, less exposed to depredati-\\non. A plausible pretext for a quorrel occurred in 1736,\\nand the French seized it with avidity. Part of the Natchez\\nIndians, who escaped the general slaughter, claimed the\\nprotection of the Chickasaws, and were incorporated into\\ntheir nation. M. Biainville demanded them and as this\\ndemand was treated with contempt, he resolved to catry\\nthe war into the Chickasaw country. He therefore\\nmarched a considerable army up the Mobile, attacked\\ntheir fortification without success, and was obliged to\\nmake a digraceful r treat. The troops from the Illinois,\\nwho attacked them on the opposite quarter, where also", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "IIISTOIUCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA. 6;^\\nobliged to seek safety in flight. These, when they march-\\ned up to the attack, had wool-sacks suspended from their\\nnecks in front of their bodies, as a security against the\\nshot of the Indians. This kind of armor was first dis-\\ncovered by the English traders, who directed the Chic-\\nkasaws to aim their shot at the heads and legs of the\\nFrench.\\nThese repulses served only to stimulate M. Biainville\\nto another exertion, particularly as the people began to\\ndoubt his talents and skill as a general. He wrote to\\nFrance for succors, and obtained them. In 1739, he as-\\ncended the Mississippi, with much the largest army, in-\\ncluding the Indian auxiliaries, ever witnessed in Louisi-\\nana, and landed at the mouth of Margot river, where he\\nbuilt fort Assumption. Here he incurred as much dis-\\ngrace by a peace he made in 1 7-iO, as he had experienced\\nby his defeat four years before. Had he attacked the\\nChickasaws on his arrival, he might have obtained an easy\\nvictory. But, instead of pursuing prompt and vigorous\\nmeasures, he kept his army encamped in a state of inac-\\ntivity, till his provisions were mostly expended, till his\\nauxiliaries were uneasy, and ready to abandon him and\\nhe suffered the important moment to escape, when the\\nterror, occasioned by the extent of his preparations, was\\nlittle short of a defeat. In this situation he was compel-\\nled to offer peace to the Chickasaws and happily for\\nhim, unacquainted with his weakness, they negociated\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0with him.\\nSome years previously to these events, the European\\nFrench began to entertain a more favorable opinion of\\nLouisiana. They perceived, that the soil was prolific, and\\ncapable of yielding, with moderate industry, not only the\\nnecessaries, but also the luxuries of life. The peltry trade\\ntoo, in their estimation, was nearly of equal importance\\nand a commercial intercourse between the colony and\\nEurope, particularly the Islands, seemed to promise an", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "64 HISTOIIICAL SKETCHES OF LaUlSlANA\\nopulent harvest. Full of these expectations, they em-\\nbarked considerable wealth in the trade of Louisiana\\nand although they met with disappointment, (owing to the\\nindolence of the settlers, and the great reduction of their\\nnumber) the colony derived no small benefit from their\\nenterprise. The pursuit of internal commerce was by\\nno means profitable to those who engaged in it nor were\\nihe products of agriculture sufficiently numerous and va-\\nluable to reward the hopes of the European capitalists.\\nYet the first served to conciliate the minds of the Indians,\\nand to excite a violent competition between the French,\\nSpaniards, and English not more indeed from motives\\nof wealth, than a mutual disposition to inflict mutual\\ninjuries. A regular intercourse with the Islands was\\nof primary importance to the poor planters, as they ob-\\ntained from them, in exchange for the scanty avails of\\ntheir labor, many indispensable supplies. The Chicka-\\nsaws, and sometimes the Chocktaws, were in the interest\\nof the English. Some chiefs of the latter went to Eng-\\nland in 1730, and were presented to the king. They\\nlaid their regalia at his feet, and acknowledged themselve:\\nand nation as subjects of his dominion. Most of the o-\\nther Indians on the Mississippi, and indeed along its nu-\\nmerous waters, were the friends of the French.\\nThat the early history of most of the American colo-\\nnies should describe little else than Indian affairs, is, per-\\nhaps, not to be wondered at. The resistance of the abo-\\nriginals in some instances wholly obstructed colonization,\\nand it proved in nearly all, a source of lasting troubles.\\nLike other nations, jealous of their territorial and other\\nrights, they repelled encroachments, and endeavoured U\\npunish aggressors. Some writers have represented them\\nas treacherous and faithless. This character is inapplica-\\nble to much the greatest proportion of them. They are\\nin general extremely scrupulous in regard to the fulfil-\\nment of national compacts j though, in their individual", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "IJISTOUICAL SKIVrCMES OF LOUISIANA. (35\\ncapacities, they are Itss hontst, and more inclined to e-\\nvade their engagements. Their want of faith in most\\ninstances, where it has been manifested, may be traced\\neither to the hard conditions imposed on them, or to the\\nadvantages taken of iheir ignorance. Whoever attentively\\nexamines into the merits of the numerous quarrels be-\\ntween them and the whites, will be apt to find, that the\\nlatter were almost up.i ornily the aggressors. Thv French\\nand Spaniards, in particular, never deemed their engage-\\nments any longer obligatory than wh le they contributed\\nto their interests. The least infraction of natural or sti-\\npulated rights, excited the jealousy of the Indians and\\nif justice was denied them, as it almost uniformly was,\\nthey knew of no other mode of redress than a resort to\\nwar. If their mode of warfare appears cruel and barba-\\nrous, let it be remembered, that this mode is universal\\namong them tKat it is adapted to their situation and\\nthat it seems, according to their apprehension, to be ab-\\nsolutely necessary. Strike, but conceal the hand, is no\\nless a maxim among them, than with some of their more\\ncivilized contemporaries. This maxim, indeed, as appli-\\ncable to war, is a dictate of nature and self preservation.\\nFrom the year 1740, to the commencement of the war\\nbetween England and France, in 1754, few events of im-\\nportance occurred in Louisiana. The colonists were ex-\\nempted from disastrous wars, which enabled them to ex-\\ntend their settlements, to cultivate their fields, and to\\nprosecute their trade with the islands. They surmount-\\ned their poverty, the usual attendant on all infant colonial\\nestablishments, and began to export some cotton, as also\\nconsiderable quantities of indigo, peltry, hides, tallow,\\npitch, tar, ship timber, and various other r.\u00c2\u00abw materials.\\nThese exports continued, and gradually increased, till\\nthe country was ceded to Spain though they were nevrr\\nsufficient to procure the necess iry supplies in return,\\nK", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "66 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nOne of the first syuptoms of an approaching war be-\\ntween France and England, was a dispute about boun-\\ndarits as early as i:47. The English extended their\\nclaims to the river St. I^r^wrence, while the French on\\ntheir part contended for all the country to the westward\\nof the Apalachean mountains. It was not believed at that\\ntime, that either intended to insist on the extent of its\\nclaims but it will appear in the sequel, that France was\\nextravagant in her pretensions. Perhaps the proximity of\\nsettlement, and the reciprocal attempts to corrupt the In-\\ndians, and to precipitate them into hostilities with the\\nwhitts, served to inflame the gathering storm, and to\\nhasten its approach.\\nAfter the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, the French\\nministrv more attentively examined the strength and re-\\nsources of Canada and Louisiana. The position of these\\ncolonies, stretching from the mouth of the St. Lawrence\\nto that of the Mississippi, with an almost uninterrupted\\ninland water communication between the extremities of\\nboth, seemed to unfold the means of subdumg the Eng-\\nlish power in America. This scheme was the more rea-\\ndiiy adopted by the French, as they were anxious to rival\\nthf Spaniards in the splendor of their conquests, and to\\nshare with them the wealth, and other resources, of the\\nnew world. A sudden and unexpected blow was deemed\\nimpolitic. Extrtions were therefore made to postpone\\nhostilities, and to appease the fears and suspicions of the\\nEnglish. They gradually strengthened their posts on the\\nlakis, and along the Mississippi, and endeavoured to ren-\\nder the communication between them as safe and expedi-\\ntious ae possible.\\nThe French in 1740, explored the Ohio, and ascei-*.\\ntained the geography of the country about it, and its prox-\\nimity to ths English settlements. They even flattered\\nthemselves with the hope, that the Apalachean mountains", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "ntsTourcAi, sketches of Louisiana. 67\\nwould prove an insuperable barrier to the incursions of\\nth r rival neighhi rs. They took measures to extend\\ntheir trade among thr Indians well aware that, in c;ise\\nof a rupture, they uould prove useful friends, or danijer-\\nous enemies. Their supplic s, however, were scanty, and\\ninadequate to the wants of the Indians, who were obliged\\nto resort to the English traders. These carefully watched\\nthe policv of the French, and endeavoured to counteract\\ntheir influence. They formed what was called the Ohio\\nCompany, intended as a counterpoise to the numerous\\nFrench traders on our frontier and to facilitate their\\nschemes, a considerable tract of land was granted them\\non that river, as also an exclusive trade. But the exer-\\ntions ot this company Jailed of the desired success. The\\nIndians were displeased with the grant, especially as they\\nhad not been consulted. The French took advantage of\\nthe irritation it excited, and thereby secured the affections\\nof tht Indians. They therefore seized on the English\\ntraders, confiscated their property, and then loudly com-\\nplained ot the encroachments made on their territory.\\nTni aid some other checks experienced by the Eng-\\nlish, so much emboldened the French that, in 1753, they\\nbegan to erect new forts, and to form new establishments,\\nmore in the neighbourhood of their rivals, particularly at\\nCrown point, Niagara, Riviere au Beuf, and at the junc-\\ntion of the Monongahela and ^Vjleghany rivers. These\\nadvances, attended too with hostile appearances, were not\\nviewed with indifference. Complaints were made to the\\nFrench court, which extorted reiterated promises of re\\ndress, without the least intention of performing them\\nand, to gain as much time as possible, the English w^ere\\namused with the most specious reasons for the delay of\\nretribution. This evasive conduct was considered as tan-\\ntamount to a direct denial of justice particularly wht n it\\nwas known, that the French were fortiiying themselves\\nalong the lakes, and on the Ohio and Mississippi.", "height": "3267", "width": "1611", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "58 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nThe English cabintt resolved to be no longer amused\\nby the artifices oi the French. Orders were despatched\\nin 1754, to the governors of provinces, directing them to\\nresort ro force in defence of their rights, and tc drive the\\nFrench from their station on the Ohio. The New Eng-\\nland pro\\\\ inces formed a political confederacy for mutual\\ndefence. Measures were taken to detach the Indians from\\nthe French, but with little or no effect. The illustrious\\nWdslungton now commenced his military career. He was\\nappointed to the rank of colonel, and detached from Vir-\\nginia with four hundred men to erect some works of de-\\nfence on the banks of the Ohio. H re he was attacked by\\na superior force, and obliged to capitulate after which\\nhe was severely handled by the Indians on his return from\\nthe expedition.\\nComplaints were again made to the French king on the\\nrepeated aggressions of his subjects: But as it was evi-\\ndent, that he considered the Ohio, and all the recent esta-\\nblishments made in that quarter, as within his territories,\\na rupture was deemed inevitable, and both nations prepa-\\nred for it. French troops were sent out to Canada, and\\nall the posts in that province, as well as in Louisiana,\\nput in the best possible state of defence. A temporary\\ndisunion among the English colonies, rendered it difficult\\nto collect a sufficient force to (-ppose them in season.\\nIn 1/55, general Braddock arrived with a considerable\\nbody of troops from England, and marched over the\\nmountains to attack fort du ^lesne, the ruins of which are\\nstill to be seen at Pittsburgh. He suffered himself to be\\ndrawn into an ambuscade a few miles from the fort, in\\nin which he lost his life, and seven hundred of his men\\nperished with him. His ignorance of savage warfare\\nwas probably the cause of this disaster. He rejected the\\nadvice of Washington, to whose lot it fell to collect the\\nfugitives, and to lead them back to fort Cumberland.\\nThis loss was in some measure compensated the same", "height": "3267", "width": "1626", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "HISTUinCAL SKtVlTHES OF LOUISIANA. 59\\n3 ear, by the defeat of the Frmch at fort Edward under\\nBaron Dieskau, who was wounded ai.d taken prisoner.\\nThe clamors raised in Kngland against the tardiness of\\nthe ministry, for a while disconcerted the military opera-\\ntions of the Englisii. In lT57y the celebrated William\\nPitt, afterwards Lord Chatham, came into office, when\\nthe war was prosecuted with vigor, though at fn-st with\\nvarious success. The Fr. nth laid siege to fort William\\nHenry, and obliged the garrison to capitulatf. The\\ntroops were permitted to march out with the honors of\\nwar, when they were attacked by the savages, and many\\nof them inhumanly butchered.\\nThe year 1758, is memorable from the conquest of Cape\\nBreton, the reduction oi Cadaraqid^ and iorx. duQjtesne. The\\nEnglish and provincial troops, however, were shamefully\\ndefeated near Tyconderoga, where- Lord Howe was slain.\\nFrom this period the exertions of the English were at-\\ntendc d with uninterrupted success. Crown point and Ty-\\nconderoga were considered as the keys of Canada, yet the\\nFrench were obliged to abandon them in 1759, especially-\\nafter iheir defeat near Niagara, and repair to the defence\\nof the capital. The contest on the plains of Abraham\\ndecided the fate of the French possessions in North Ame-,\\nrica. The intrepid Wolfe was wounded, and expired in\\nthe arms of victory. The no less brave Montcalme was\\nlikewise wounded, and lived only to witness the disasters\\nof the day, and to lament the misfortunes of his country.\\nQuebec was invested, and it soon fell into the hands of\\nthe victorious English and its fall drew after it the ces-\\nsion of Louisiana.\\nThus on the heights of Abraham two illustrious gene-\\nrals expired on the bed of honor. Their respective nati-\\nons have done justice to their memories. Wcstnjtnstcr\\nAbbey contains a magnificent monument of W^olfe, descrip-\\ntive of his dying moments. The French minister re-\\nquested, and obtained permission to erect a monument at", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "70 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nQuebec, to perpetuate the memory of Montcalme. Such\\nnational honors paid to the manes of military men, i ve\\nto animate those in arms to deeds of enterprise and glory.\\nNotwithstanding the success of the English, the Indi-\\nans continued thtir depredations on our frontiers. In the\\nyear 1760, the Cherokees were instigated by the French\\nof Louisiana to fall on the English traders and settlers\\namong them, whom they pillaged and slaughtered with-\\nout mercy. About twelve hundred men from South Ca-\\nrolina marched against them, attacked and defeated them,\\nlaid waste their towns, and destroyed their provisions.\\nThe Indians soon assembled again, and in their turn laid\\nsiege to fort Loudon, and obliged the garrison to capitu-\\nlate. These brave troops, while retiring homewards, on\\nthe faith of stipulated agreements, were ambuscaded, and\\nmany of them put to death.\\nYet these inroads of the Indians had no effect on the\\ngreat contest between the two nations. As the power of\\nFrance in America rapidly approached its dissolution,\\nshe resolved to retrieve all her misfortunes by the invasi-\\non of England. No sooner was this resolution made\\nknown to the English ministers, than they despatched two\\nformidable firt: ts to sea. Admiral Boscawen attacked and\\ndefeated the Toulon squadron near the straits of Gibral-\\ntar and within three months afterwards, Sir Edward\\nHawke obtained a signal victory over another French\\nfleet in the bay of Biscav. These misfortunes effectually\\nchecked the spirit of invasion.\\nNever was France more humbled in her pride and glo-\\nry than during this war. Her subjects were oppressed\\nwith taxes, her fleets destroyed, and her islands captured.\\nHer armies were likewise hard pressed on the continent\\nof Europe, and the terrible defeat before Mmden in 1759\\nseemed to be the precursor of still greater calamities.\\nWith infinite regret she found herself obliged to solicit\\npeace, and to accept it on such terms as England was", "height": "3267", "width": "1626", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 71\\npleased to prescribe. The treaty was finally concluded\\nbetween them February 10th. 1763 by which France\\nceded Canada to Great Britain, as also all her possessions\\non the east side of the Mississippi. On the third day of\\nthe preceding November, France ceded to Spain all her\\nterritories on the west side of that river, including the\\nisland and city of New Orleans, which cession was ac-\\ncepted by the latter power on the thirteenth of the same\\nmonth.\\nPrior to this period the whole territory on both sides o*\\nthe Mississippi, situated between the lakes and the gulf\\nof Mexico, and between the Mexican and Alleghany\\nmountains, went under the general name of Louisiana.\\nThat part of it ceded to the English lost the name but\\nthe new acquisitions of Spain retained it.\\nThe fate of the Louisianians was made known to them\\nby a letter signed by the French king, dated April 21st,\\n1764, addressed to 31. D Abbadie, whom he calls the\\nDirector General and Commandant of Louisiana, inform-\\ning him of the treaty of cession, and directing him to\\ngive up to the officers of Spain the country and colony of\\nLouisiana, together with the city of New Orleans, and\\nall the military posts. He expressed a desire for the pros-\\nperity and peace of the inhabitants of the colony, and his\\nconfidence in the friendship and affection of the king of\\nSpain. He at the same time declared his expectation,\\nthat the ecclesiastics and religious houses, which had the\\ncare of the parishes and missions, would continue to ex-\\nercise their functions that the superior council and ordi-\\nnary judges would continue to administer justice accord-\\nn g to th laws, forms, and usages of the colony that\\nthe inhabitants would be preserved and maintained in their\\nestates, which had been granted to them by the governors\\nand (li) ctors of the colony and that, finally, all these\\ngrants, though not confirmed by the French authorities,\\nwould be confirmed by his catholic majesty.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "72 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nThe treaty of cession, dated the third of November\\n1762, was never published, and the terms of it remain\\na secret to this day but there is good reason to beheve,\\nthat the sentiments expressed by the French kmg corres-\\npon led with the stipulations it contained. His letter was\\npublished in New Orleans in October 1764, and it created\\na great ferment in the colony. Don Uiloa, in 1766, ar-\\nrived with a detachment of Spanish troops, and demand-\\ned possession of M. Aubry, who at that time exercised\\nthe functions of governor.* This gentleman united\\nwith the people in opposing the designs of Spnn. Ttiey\\ncomplained that a transfer without their consent, was un-\\njust, and in a moment of irritation resorted to their nrms,\\nat obliged the Spaniards to measure back their steps to\\nthe Havanna.\\nThings remained in this situation till the 17th of Au-\\ngust 1769, when O Reilly arrived, and took peaceable\\npossession of the colony. He immediately selected twelve\\nof the most distinguished leaders of the opposition, as the\\nvictims of resentment. Six of them were devoted to the\\nhalter, to gratify the malice of arbitrary power, and to\\nstrike terror into the other malecontents. Ttie other six\\ndeemed less guilty, and surely they were much less iortu-\\nnate, were doomed to the dungeons of Cuba. This scene\\nof blood and outrage made a deep impression of horror\\non the minds of the people, and will never be forgotten.\\nIn 1770, the Spanish authorities were established m Up-\\nper Louisiana, where some small settlements were made\\nfour years before, under the direction of their French\\npredecessors.\\nO R.illy was the first governor and intendant general,\\nwho exercised the Spanish power in Louisiana. A-i go-\\nvernor-general he was vested with the supreme power of\\nthe province, both civil and military j and as intendant-\\nM. D Abbadie died just before this period.", "height": "3267", "width": "1626", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "JllSTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. f-\\n^^neral he granted lands, prescribed the conditions, and\\nconfirmed the concessions made by his subordinates su-\\npcrintended the fiscal department, and the affairs of the\\nIndians. This arrangement, with some slight modifica-\\ntions, continued till 17L9, when a department of finance\\nwas created.\\nThe English in 1764, took possession of Florida under\\nthe treaty of the preceding year. A regiment on its way\\nup the Mississippi to Natchez, was attacked by the Ton-\\nnicas at the clifts, where fort Adams now stands, and en-\\ntirely defeated. In this rencounter Major Loftus lost his\\nlife, and ever since that period the clifts have borne his\\nname. The bones of those killed in the action have been\\nuncovered by the ebrasion of the rains, and a considera-\\nb.c slaughter appears to have taken place.\\nAfter the Spanish authorities had gained possession of\\nLouisiana, it was not long before the people became ia\\nsome measure, reconciled to the change. The severity\\nexercised on the leaders of the opposition excited horri-\\nble sensations in their minds though, when their hopes\\nwere blasted, and their fate inevitably fixed, they endea-\\nvored to bear their misfortunes with becoming fortitude.\\nPerhaps the similarity of their religious principles, and\\nmodes of worship, urged them the more readily to a\\nspeedy acquiescence especially when they found them-\\nselves abandoned by their mother country, and menaced\\nby the whole power of Spain.\\nThe new Spanish governor was active in organizing the\\ngovernment, and in establishing such military posts as\\ntended to promote the welfare of the culony. The French\\ncode was in part abolished, and the Spanish colonial sys-\\ntem introduced. The subordinate offices were mostly fil-\\nled by Frenchmen, because the province was destitute of\\na Spanish population. This compulsive generosit)-, how-\\never, was of great advantage it served to secure the fi-\\n1.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "74 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIAKA.\\ndelity of the officers, and to meliorate the irritated feel-\\nings of the inhabitants.\\nDuring the eight or nine succeeding years, few events\\noccurred in Louisiana worthy of record. Population and\\nimprovement gradually increased. Agriculturists from\\nthe English settlements began to turn their attention to\\nthe country about Natchez, and their enterprise imparted\\nanimation to industry, and the culture of cotton became\\nan object of importance. The example of the English\\nexcited the ambition of the Spanish colonial government,\\nand the encouragement it afforded to foreign and domes-\\ntic commerce, created a great demand for surplus pro-\\nduce. Among the items of export, that of sugar was\\nfound to yield the greatest profit. Hence the planters in\\nthe Delta procured an additional number of slaves, and\\nengaged in the culture of that article. Much knowledge\\nof the interior was at the same time obtained, but indus-\\ntriously concealed. The Indians in a great measure ceased\\nto trouble the frontiers, and the peltry trade was prosecu-\\nted with some degree of success.\\nThe era of the American revolution was not viewed by\\nSpain with indifference, and she found it no easy matter to\\ndecide on the policy which it became her to pursue. England\\nwas justly alarmed at the dangerous situation of Florida,\\n(now divided into two provinces, and called east and west\\nFlorida) especially as they were exposed to the attacks of\\nthe revolutionists on one side, and to those of the Spani-\\nards on the other. In a pecuniary point of view, these\\nisolated colonies were of no real value to England yet\\nit was for her interest to maintain them, and for this pur-\\npose a considerable number of troops was sent out to Mo-\\nbile, Pensacola, St. Augustine, Baton Rouge, Natchez,\\nand some other places of inferior note. If ultimately, by-\\nevents of an unpropitious nature, she should find it neces-\\nsary to yield them, the conclusion of the war presented", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 75\\nthe most advantageous period for such a measure. In de-\\nciding on the number of troops requisite to defend the\\nFloridas, she undervalued the skill and bravery of those\\nthe most likely to attack them.\\nNothing disturbed Spain more than the contemplated\\nestablishment of an independent empire in America. She\\nwas apprehensive, that the spirit of innovation would\\nmake its way into her provinces,, and eventually dismem-\\nber them from the parent country. But she could not re-\\nsist the lures held out by France and when she engaged\\nin the war, it was merely as an auxiliary, and with a de\u00c2\u00bb\\ntermination to promote her own interest, and to remain\\nquiescent as regarded the independence of the United\\nStates. The acquisition of Gibraltar, Jamaica, Minorca,\\nand the Floridas were splendid objects in her view. She\\nreadily perceived that, in case the United States succeed-\\ned in breaking their connexion with England, the Flori-\\ndas would change masters, and she deemed it prudent\\nto add them to her own dominions before we had a legi-\\ntimate claim to them.\\nLouisiana at this period was governed by general Galvez,\\na man of daring ambition, and not destitute of genius\\nand talents. He perceived the advantages which would\\naccrue to his country from the conquest of the Floridas,\\nand resolved to make an attempt on them. His measures\\nwere dictated with more than ordinary caution, as he was\\nobliged mostly to depend on an undisciplined militia and\\nhe was so fortunate as to carry them into effect with ad-\\ndress and success. He suddenly appeared before Baton\\nRouge with about two thousand three hundred men, sup-\\nported by several pieces of heavy ordnance. The forti-\\nfication at that place, defended by about five hundred\\nBritish troops under the command of lieutenant colonel\\nDickson, was immediately invested, and the Spanish bat-\\nteries constructed with ardor. But as the works of the\\nKn^lish were too detective to resist a siege, and the sol", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "76 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\ndiery too much nfflicted with sickness to repair them, lieu-\\ntenant colonel Dickson, v;ith the loss of a few killed and\\nwounded, was obliged to surrender by capitulation on the\\ntwenty first day of September 1779. His troops were\\nallowed to march out with the honors of war, when they\\nsubmitted as prisoners. In this capitulation the fortress\\nat Natcheg was included, though the troops at that post\\nwere permitted to pass to Pensacola.\\nThe fall of Baton Rouge, and with it the country be-\\ntween that post and the Yazous, infused into the Spani-\\nards a confidence of their own strength, and inspired\\nthem with the hopes of new successes. Another attempt\\nwas resolved on and in i 780, general Galvez sailed from\\nNew Orleans with a considerable force of militia and re-\\ngulars, though almost destitute of naval support, to attack\\nthe English at Mobile. The fleet was overtaken by a\\nstorm in the gulf; one of the armed vessels stranded the\\ntroops were exposed to great dangers ihe water found its\\nway to the provisions and ammunition, and these were\\neither ruined, or rendered useless for some time. In this\\nwretched condition, general Galvez finally succeeded in\\nlanding h s army, together with the ordnance, military\\nstores and provisions, near Mobile bay, and took imme-\\ndiate measures to repair the damage they had sustained.\\nIf the English had attacked the Spaniards at this criti-\\ncal juncture, an easy victory would have rewarded their\\nexertions; and so sensible was general Galvez of this, that\\nhe made preparations to abandon his artillery and bag-\\ngage, and to attempt a retrograde movement over land\\nto New Orleans. Surprised, however, at the se3ming\\nignorance, or weakness of the English, he. began to as-\\nsume courage, and to raise the dejected spirits of his men.\\nAs soon as his provisions and stores were put in order,\\nhe boldly marched to invest the town and fort, which\\nwere defended by militia and regulars. He erected six\\nbatteries against them. A practicable breach was soon", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 5-7\\nmade in the fort, when the garrison surrendered by capi-\\ntulation. This was an important acquisition to the Spa-\\nniards, and it led to the eventual reduction of Pensacola.\\nThe English troops in this quarter suffered extremely\\nfrom their inactivity and indecision. General Campbell\\nhad an army at Pensacola, sixty miles only to the east-\\nward of Mobile, of sufficient force to have driven the\\nSpaniards out of Florida yet he suffered an important\\nfortress and harbor to fall into the hands of his enemy\\nHis attempts at relief were so long delayed, #iat, when\\nhis army arrived, the town and fort were in possession of\\nthe Spaniards.\\nGnat Britain was never, perhaps, less triumphant on\\nthe ocean than at this period. The combined fleets of\\nFrance and Spain manifested a confidence seldom before\\nwitnessed, and the pride of the British commerce and na-\\nvy appeared on the decline. Spain was particularly anx-\\nious to recover her ancient dominions in Florida, and re-\\nsolved to employ a considerable force under the fortunate\\ngeneral Galvez for that purpose. The capture of Mo-\\nbile induced her to send to the Havanna nearly twelve\\nthousand men, together with a formidable fleet, under\\nadmiral Solano. At that place, and on the voyage from\\nSpain, vast numbers died of sickness, and several large\\nships, filled with men, went to the bottom in a subsequent\\ngale.\\nJust before the arrival of this fleet and army, general\\nGalvez made two unsuccessful attempts on Pensacola,\\nand then repaii-ed to the Havanna in pursuit of competent\\nsupplies, and a force equal to thf object in view.\\nFrom the fleet of admiral Solano he obtained all the\\nrequisite means, and early in February 1781, set sail with\\na strong naval and military force. But a violent storm in\\nthe gulf sunk some oi his heavy ships, as already menti-\\noned, dispersed the remainder, and obliged him to make\\nthe best of his way back to the Havanna,", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "78 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nThe fortunate arrival of some store ships from Spam,\\nenabled him to repair his losses, and speedily to be at sea\\nagain. On the ninth of March the Spanish fleet entered\\nthe bay of Pensacola, and general Galvez proceeded to\\nland the troops, ordn:\u00c2\u00bbnce, and military stores. The next\\nday the ships of war made an attempt to enter the har-\\nbor but they met with such a warm reception as oblig-\\ned them to retire. On the nineteenth they succeeded un-\\nder a tremendous cannonade from the English land bat-\\nteries, an cast anchor before the town. Some Spanish\\ntroops from Mobile arrived the following day, and were\\nvery roughly handled as they entered the harbor.\\nThe Spaniards lost no time in opening a land commu-\\nnication between the bay and town, and in preparing to\\nattack the fortifications. They were provided with a\\ngood train of artillery and such was the nature of the\\ncountry, and the materials with which it abounded, that\\ntheir works were soon consructed.\\nFrom the Spanish fleet on one side, and the land bat-\\nteries on the other, the English soldiery were exposed to\\nsuch a dreadful fire as frequently to be driven from their\\nguns. Yet amid this scene of dangerous hostility they\\nnever despaired of the issue, till an unlucky accident oc-\\ncurred, which obliged them to propose terms of capitula-\\ntion. The magazine in one of the advance redoubts of\\nthe English was blown up by means of a shell the work\\nwas completely destroyed by the explosion, and a free\\npassage opened into the town.\\nThe Spanish commander was not disinclined to accede\\nto favorable terms, particularly as his troops smarted se-\\nverely under the effects of the English ordnance. On the\\nninth of May, generals Galvez and Campbell signed arti-\\ncles of capitulation. The whole of the territory, then\\ndenominated West Florida, was resigned to Spain. The\\nEnglish were allowed to retain their baggage and private\\nproperty, and to retire where they pleased, stipulating on-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "fllSTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 79\\nly not to serve against Spain till an exchange took place.\\nGeneral Campbell was charged, at least in the publications\\nof the day, with a premature surrender of this important\\nfortress and colony. Success is too often considered as\\nthe only criterion of merit, and the want of it seldom\\nmeets with a favorable interpretation from the public.\\nThe number of killed and wounded among the Spani-\\nards was never precisely known but it was considerable.\\nAbout one hundred of the English were killed, and a\\ngreat number wounded. The capitulation included about\\none thousand prisoners.\\nAn occurrence took place during the siege, which in-\\nvolved some of the English settlers in difficulty. A con-\\nsiderable fleet made its appearance in the offing, and it\\nwas on both sides conjectured to belong to the English.\\nGeneral Galvez was so apprehensive of it, that he prepar-\\ned to abandon the advantages he had gained, and to lead\\nhis army over land to Mobile. The hopes of the besieg-\\ned experienced a momentary elevation but it was soon\\nascertained that the fleet in question belonged to the\\nFrench. The tidings of relief, however, soon spread o~\\nver the country and so confident were the people of the\\ntotal expulsion of the Spaniards from Florida, that those\\nin the neighborhood of Natchez rose in arms, and seized\\non the Spanish garrison at that place. The news of the\\nfall of Pensacohi, which arrived soon after, convinced\\nthem of their error. The garrison was immediately re-\\nstored but some of the most active leaders deemed it\\nprudent to seek safety in flight, and a reward was offered\\nfor their scalps. It does not appear, however, that any\\nblood was spilt on the occasion.\\nWhile the Spaniards were aiming at the possession of\\nWest Florida, the English endeavoured to divert their at-\\ntention lo another quarter. The commandant of Michil-\\nlimakinak in 1780, :\u00c2\u00bbsscmbled about fifteen hundred Indi-\\nans, and one huuUicd and forty English, and attempted", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "80 HISTORICAL SKIiTGIIES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe reduction of St. Louis, the capital of Upper Louisia\\nna. During the short time they were before that towpj\\nsixty of the inhabitants were killed, and thirty taken pri-\\nsoners. Fortunately for them, general Clark was on the-\\nthe opposite side of the Mississippi with a considerable\\nforce. On his appearance at St. Louis with a strong de-\\ntachment, the Indians were amazed. They had no dis-\\nposition to quarrel with any other than the Louisianians,\\nand charged the English with deception. In fine, as the\\njealousy of the Indians was excited, the English trembled\\nfor their safety, and therefore secretly abandoned their\\nauxiliaries, and made the best of their way into Canada.\\nThe Indians then retired to their homes in peace. This\\nexpedition, as appears, was not sanctioned by the Eng-\\nlish court, and the private property of the commandant\\nwat seized to pay the expenses of it most likely because\\nit proved unfortunate.\\nThus terminated the dispute between the English and\\nSpaniards in this quarter of the globe. At the peace of\\n1783, Great Britain ceded East Florida, and guaranteed\\nAVest Florida to the crown of Spain.\\nThe terms of this peace opened a wide field of dispute\\nbetween the United States and Spain, which continued to\\nagitate the two nations for about twelve years. Great\\nBritain by treaty relinquished the Fioridas to Spain, with-\\nout any specific boundaries, and by another treaty of a\\nsimultaneous date, ceded to the United States all the\\ncountry to the north of the thirty first degree. Soon af-\\nter the treaty of 1763, she divided Florida into two pro-\\nvinces. The northern boundary of what she denominated\\nWest Florida, was at first limited to the thirty first de-\\ngree, but was eventually extended to the Y.izous in north\\nlatitude thirty two degrees, twenty eight minutes, where\\nit actually existed at the time of the guarantee in 1/83.\\nThis boundary had no existence under the French go-\\nvernment; what was afterwards called West Florida, was", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 81\\nUt that time included in Louisiana. Besides, at the time\\nof the guarantee already mentioned, the Spaniards were\\nin possession ot ^\\\\est Florida, as antecedently occupied\\nby the English, in virtue of the right of conquest.\\nHence the pretensions of Spain to all the territory south\\nof the Yazous, were, perhaps, as well founded as those\\nof the United States.\\nAnother point of still greater magnitude was involved\\nin the dispute the United States claimed the right of na-\\nvigating the Mississippi, and Spain contested it. The\\ntreaty of 1763, allowed both Great Britain and Spain an\\nequal participation of this right. The latter contended\\nthat the reduction of West Florida by force of arms, ves-\\nted in her an exclusive right to that river below the up-\\nper boundary of her dominions on the east side of it, and\\neven denied to the United States Ihe least shadow of claim\\nto participate it with her.\\nBut Spain had other and more powerful reasons for ob-\\nstructing the navigation of the Mississippi. She was ap-\\nprehensive that New Orleans would be glutted with the\\nproduce of the country about the Ohio, and of course\\nexclude her own subjects from a profitable market. It\\nwas likewise her policy to have as little intercourse as\\npossible with a people, whose rapid population and enter-\\nprise, added to the nature of tiieir political principles, ex-\\ncited serious apprehensions for the safety of her colonies.\\nTo open the navigation of the Mississippi appeared to\\nher the same as to invite an attack, pariicularly as it would\\ndraw to the capital, an army of boatmen, equal to the\\nconquest of Louisiana. Besides, she contemplated the\\nannexation of some of our western territories to her do-\\nminions, and conceived, that an interdiction of commer-\\ncial pursuits was the most likely means of facilitating that\\ndesirable event.\\nAt the r ose of the American revolution, the country\\nabout the Ohio and its waters was rapidly populated; and", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "82 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nso early as 1785, Kentucky alone contained about twelve\\nthousand souls. The propriety of forming a new state\\non the western waters was now for the first time suggest-\\ned, and Virginia vvas disposed to accelerate the measure.\\nA convention met at Danville to deliberate on the subject\\nbut a majority of the members declared against it.\\nThe political relations of these people were much em-\\nbarrassed. Their legislature convened six hundred miles\\nfrom them, and the confederation was so defective as to\\nleave them almost unprotected by the United States.\\nTheir distance too from the Atlantic markets, (rendered\\ndifficult of access from an almost impenetrable wilder-\\nness, and a chain of stupendous mountains) exposed them to\\nmany serious inconveniences. Vain were their attempts to\\nobtain a market at New Orleans for their produce. The\\nnavig:ition of the Mississippi was strictly prohibited by the\\nSpaniards, and even the United States seemed disposed to\\nacquiesce in this prohibition for at least a term of years\\nThe courts of justice established among them by the le-\\ngislature of Virginia, served to remedy some of their local-\\nevils j but those of a more universal nature, and of the\\ngreatest magnitude, still remained to be removed.\\nThe climate and soil of Kentucky proved extremely fa-\\nvorable to agricultural pursuits. The planters soon found\\nthemselves in possession of large quantities of surplus\\nproduce, and a rapid accumulation was rendered certain\\nfrom their industry. This made them the more impatient\\nof the restraints under which they labored, and incited\\nthem to utter their complaints to the legislature of the\\nunion.\\nFor this purpose another convention vvas formed in\\nKentucky in 1788. A petition to congress was agreed on,\\nand a redress of grievances demanded, particularly the\\nrenovation of the Mississippi commerce. Not much was\\nexpected from this measure, and the convention resorted\\nto it more from a sense of duty than any prospect of sue-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCIIl^S OF LOUiSIANA. g-\\ncess. Our confcdt^rattd government at that tin:ie was ex-\\ntremely weak at home, and not much respected abroad.\\nThe warm remonstrance of congress, however, produced\\na temporary relaxation of the usual restrictions yet as\\nthe impediments were not fully removed, and the dura-\\ntion of the indulgence uncertain, the ferment continued\\nto rage among the western people.\\nAbandoned in a manner by their own government, and\\ndenied admittance to the ocean by the Spaniards, thev felt\\nsome alarm for their interest, and much more for their\\nsafety. The exertions of congress in their favor had\\nproved ineffectual, and the hardy lessons of experience\\npersuaded all, that their future fate almost wholly depended\\non themselves. Many expedients to obtain redress were sug-\\ngested, though the majority acceded to none of them. A\\ndiversity of mere opinion only, at first prevailed among\\nthe Kentuckians but this served in the end to excite\\ntheir jealousy, and to mould them into no less than five\\nparties of opposite sentiments and views. The design of\\nthe first was to become independent of the United States,\\nto frame a government for the western settlements, and\\nto enter into a commercial treaty with Spain. The se-\\ncond aimed to annex Kentucky to Louisiana, and to admit\\nthe Spanish laws among them This scheme was strenu-\\nously supported by the government of Spain, which en-\\ndeavored by means of its partizans to corrupt the minds\\nof the people. The third was anxious to wage war with\\nthe Spaniards, and to seize on New Orleans. The fourth\\nexerted itself to maintain the connexion between the wes-\\ntern settlements and the Atlantic states and at the same\\nlime to intimidate the Spanish authorities with threats\\nof invasion, and thereby to extort from them what they\\nwere inclined to refuse. The object of the fifth was to\\ninduce France to obtain the retrocession of Louisiana,\\nand then to receive the western people under her protec-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "84. IIISTOmCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ntion. Each party had its views in the plans proposed,\\nand some of ihem had a favorable effect.\\nThe fears of an invasion, much more than the execu-\\ntion of any other project, alarmed the Spaniards, and oc-\\ncasionally induced them to soften the rigor of their com-\\nmercial restrictions. The settlements on the Ohio ap-\\npeared formidable, and the character of the people was\\nnot much liked among them. They still kept in view the\\nplan of disunion, and conceived it good policy to vary\\ntheir mode of operations particularly as, with all their\\nexertions, they had not been able to raise a party suffici-\\nently strong and respectable to justify a public manifesta-\\ntion of their designs. In fine, they determined to try the\\neffect of lenient measures. They conceived it practicable,\\nby moderate concessions, and the distribution of money\\nand other largesses among the leading characters,to bring\\nabout a gradual revolution in the public sentiment.\\nExclusive privileges in trade were never deemed ano-\\nmalous under the Spanish government and the authori-\\nties at N :W Orleans conceived it good policy to extend\\nthem to Kentucky, especially as they were sure to find\\na friend in every privil ged trader. These grants were\\nrestricted to a few influential individuals Bat as these\\nsoon discovered their inability to transport all the surplus\\nproduce of the country, permission was given them to\\nsign passports for such of their friends as wished to try\\nthe market and New Orleans in the end swarmed with\\npeople from the Ohio. Pensions were likewise granted\\nto a number of individuals in Kentucky not more, per-\\nhaps, to detach them from the interest of their own\\ncountry, than to induce them to resist any preparations to\\nattack the territories of Spain. The Spaniards expec-\\nted that these commercial privileges and pensions v/ould\\nperform wonders, and operate like a charm on the stub-\\nborn and refractory sons of Kentucky.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "mSTOFTCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. gJ\\nOur present federal government, soon after its esiab-\\nlishment, began to extort the respect of ihe powers of\\nEurope. Perhaps the character of Washinrton not a lit-\\ntle contributed to the lustre it shed. It was among his\\nfirst cares to attempt the settlement of the difficulties be-\\ntween us and Spain. The free navigation of the Missis-\\nsippi, and the designation of the territorial limits, were\\nclaimed in a ton-- not to be rejected and after a variety\\nof discussions, the points in dispute between us and that\\npower were happily adjusted.\\nPending this negociation, which was of several years\\ncontinuance, the English and French were not inattentive\\nto the distresses of the western people, nor unacquainted\\nwith the attempts of Spain to extend its jurisdiction over\\nthem. Both of these powers aimed at the possession of\\nLouisiana and the Floridas, and were equally desirous of\\ndetaching Kentucky, and the other settlements on the\\nOhio, from the United States. The Spaniards redoubled\\ntheir efforts to procure a division of the union, and by\\nthis measure to frustrate the policy of their enemies.\\nEmissaries from Canada tampered with some of the\\ndefectious citizens of Kentucky. The Spanish possessi-\\nons on the Mississippi, according to them, were soon to\\nbe in the hands of England, when the money and rich\\nfabrics of that nation would amply reward the industry\\nof the planters. New Orleans was to be opcni.d for the\\nreception of their provisions and raw materials of every\\nkind, and commercial privileges of an advantag.rous na-\\nture were to be enjoved by all the inhabitants on the west\\nside of the mountains. The delta, indeed, was to be the\\ngrand emporium of the western world, from which floods\\nof wealth were to roll into the wilds and recesses of thc\\nregions on the Ohio.\\nThe people, however, were not much moved by these\\nflattering prospects. They still ent-rt lined antipathies\\nagainst the English, and were not disposed to come again", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "86 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nunder thtir dominion. Besides, the hopes of escaping\\nfrom thfir difficulties had not entirely forsaken them, and\\nthey were unwilling to incnr the stigma of an ignominious\\ndesertion of their country.\\nLures of the same nature were held out by the French,\\nand with more effect. We had received benefits from that\\nnation, and were disposed to consider her revolution as\\na struggle between tyranny and liberty. An imprudent\\ndiplomatic character took advantage of this generous par-\\ntiality, concerted a plan to attack Louisiana, and t* carry\\nit into effect by means of the citizeiis of the United States.\\nThis was one of the boldest steps ever taken by a public\\nminister. Had he succeeded in his endeavors, a war be-\\ntween us and Spain would have been inevitable. Nothing\\nbut the wisdom and firmness of our government saved us\\nfrom the impending calamity; and at the same time pro-\\ncured the recall of the minister, who, by repeated acts of\\naggression, had forfeited all claim to inviolability.\\nThese measures of the English and French, extorted\\nloud complaints from Spain Those of the former were\\nthe most dreaded by her. The Spanish minister alleged\\nto our government, that an expedition from Canada, by\\nway of the lakes, was in agitation against Louisiana; pe-\\nremptorily demanded the arrestation of it, and the vm-\\ndication of our sovereignty. The government was not\\nfull)^ convinced of the truth of this allegation yet, to ap-\\npease the fears of Spain, and to remove the impediments\\nin the way of the pending negociation with that power, it\\nstrengthened our frontier posts, and issued strict orders\\nto interdict the passage of any British troops across our\\nterritory. The English never attempted to carry such a\\nplan into effect but a knowledge or suspicion of their\\nviews, si rved to keep Louisiana in a state of alarm, to\\ninduce the Spaniards to strengthen their barrier posts, to\\nkeep the United States out of the possession of the terri-\\ntory to the north of the thirty first degree, and to exclude", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 87\\nthem from the commercial advantages of the Mississippi.\\nTlu-se two objects were finally adjusied by the treaty oi\\nOctober 1795.\\nThis treaty, which hnd occupied the attention of the\\nUnited Siates for many years, and was so ardently desir-\\ned, enfeebled the seductive practices of contending rivals,\\nand resuscitated the ph\\\\sical energies of the western peo-\\nple. Measures were immediately taken by our govern-\\nment to carrv the stipulations into effect. Andrew Ellicott,\\nEsquire, who was appointed commissioner on the part of\\nthe United States, arrived at Natchez in February 1797,\\naccompanied by a small guard of soldiers under the com-\\nmand of lieutenant John M Clary. But, from a variety\\nof causes, the demarcation of the boundary was delated,\\nfor more than a year.\\nIt was stipulated between the parties, that one commis-\\nsioner from each, should meet at Natchez within six\\nmonths after the ratification of the treaty, attended by\\nguards drawn from the troops of their respective nations;\\nat which time the Spanish posts to the north of the thirty\\nfirst degree were to be evacuated.\\nFor the purpose of receiving possession of these posts,\\na detachment of troops under the command of lieutenant\\nP. S. Pope, soon followed Mr. Ellicott. The orders\\ngiven to this ofRctr render it sufficiently probable, that the\\ngovernment apprehended some difficulties in the way of\\nthe execution of the treaty. He was directed to proceed\\nin the first instance, to fort Massac on the Ohio, and there\\nto wait the return of an officer previously despatched to\\nNew Madrid, in pursuit of official information relative to\\nthe delivery of the posts j and on the certainty or proba-\\nbility of such an event, he was authorized to descend the\\nMississippi to Natchez. He was particularly charged, on\\nhis arrival at that place, to establish the most perfect\\ndiscipline among the troops, to prevent every kind of\\ndisorder, and to promote harmony, and a friendly inter-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "88 niSTORTCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nchange of good offices with the mibjects of his catholic\\nj}iajesty, and to treat the Spanish fag- with due respect\\non all occasions.\\nIt may be safely doubted, whether Spain ever seriously\\nintended to carry the treaty into effect, unless compelled\\nto it by a concurrence of unfavorable events. The clamors\\nof the western people, and the occasional disposition ma-\\nnifested by them to invade Louisiana, in some measure\\nextorted it from her, and therefore the fulfilment or non-\\nexecution of it, depended on future contingencies. To\\ndetach those people from the union was what she had\\nmost at heart, and of course was slow to despair of suc-\\ncess. She was not ignorant, that they expressed much\\ndissatisfaction at the tardy measures of government rela-\\ntive to the navigation of the Mississippi, and that their\\nisolated situation had often suggested the necessity of a\\nseparation from the Atlantic states. She was well aware,\\nthat the publication of the arrangement between the two\\nnations, would bring her projects of disunion to a crisis,\\nand in a manner compel the western people to make a de-\\ncided election, either to adhere to the Atlantic states, or\\nto embrace the splendid advantages held out to them on\\nthe Mississippi. It was deemed highly probable, indeed,\\nthat, by the distribution of money, and the promises of\\nan unimbarrassed trade, the Kentuckians would eventu-\\nally accede to the propositions made them by the Spanish\\nauthorities. At any rate, as the lulfilment of the treaty\\nwould render abortive all future measures of disunion,\\nshe determined to make another effort to accomplish her\\npurposes.\\nConsiderable time was necessary for this experiment,\\nand it was obtained under various pretexts. The Spanish\\nminister intrigued at the seat of government, and the au-\\nthorities in Louisiana ably seconded his views. The first\\nobject was to prevent our commissioner, and the guard\\nattached to him, from descending the Mississippi. The", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "IIISTOKICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 89\\ncommissioner on the part of Spain, don Manuel Gayoso,*\\ngovernor of the district of Natchez, under pretenct^, that\\nhe was not ready to evacuate the posts, and dreading, as\\nhe pretended, the approximation of the troops of the two\\nnations, forwarded an express to Mr. Ellicott, and re-\\nquested him to leave his guard at Bayou Pierre till the\\npreparatory arrangements were made. This request,\\nhowever, was disregarded, and they landed and encamped\\nat Natchez. Lieutenant Pope soon followed with another\\ndetachment, and as it seems, contrary to his instructions,\\nand was detained at the Walnut Hills by the orders of\\nGayoso. Mr. Ellicott secretly invited him to descend to\\nNatchez in opposition to the Spanish authorities though\\nGayoso, before his arrival, was prevailed on to sanction\\nthe descent.\\nThe arrival of Mr. Ellicott and the troops of the Uni-\\nted States at Natchez, was contrary to the wishes and ex-\\npectations of the Spanish authorities Yet they resolved\\nto delay the execution of the treaty and the treaty itself,\\nas well as the peculiar circumstances of the times, furnish-\\ned several plausible pretexts for the measure. They al-\\nleged, that, as the treaty had not stipulated for the secu-\\nrity of the landed property of the inhabitants, nor was\\nexplicit as to the delivery or demolition of the public\\nbuildings and fortifications, it was necessary to postpone\\nthe evacuation till these unexpected difficulties were set-\\ntled by the two governments. They likewise alleged that\\nthe Canadian English contemplated the invasion of Lou-\\nisiana by way of the lakes and hence the posts at the\\nWalnut Hills and Natchez were necessary to cover New\\nOrleans. The noted conspiracy of Blount was calculated\\nto excite their fears.\\nThese allegations, however plausible and well founded,\\nwere urged by the Spanish authorities more to procure\\nlie acted hoAvcvcr, under the orders of the baron Carondelct.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "yO HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ndela) than from any other motive. Their final evacua-\\ntion or retention of the posts wholly depended on the de-\\nfeat or success of the measures, which were taken to de-\\ntach the western country from the union.\\nFor, when the conclusion of the treaty was first known\\nin Louisiana, an emissary was despatched to Tennessee\\nand Kentucky, authorized to enter into engagements, to\\nencourage the leading characters to seduce the minds of\\nthe people, to stipulate for the delivery of large sums of\\nmoney, and to promise independence and a free trade.\\nThis was the last effort at disunion, and had it resulted\\nin success, the treaty would have been totally disregar-\\nded.\\nBut it was found, that the people were less disposed\\nfor a change than ten years before. Some of the most\\nprominent characters, who formerly advocated a sepa-\\nration, and were probably stimulated in their exertions\\nby pecuniary rewards, now discovered an aversion to the\\nhazardous experiment, especially as they were likely to\\nacquire by amicable arrangement, the free enjoyment of\\nthe Mississippi navigation, which had been th e great ob-\\nject of all their efforts. Hence they were not inclined to\\nincur the danger of defeat, when even the most ample\\nsuccess would not place them in a more prosperous situa-\\ntion than tha contemplated by the treaty.\\nMr. Ellicott, durii g this period, was not an idle spec-\\ntator of events, nor ignorant of the designs of the Spanish\\nauthorities, and he took measures to defeat them. Whe-\\nther these measures were prudent and wise, or injudici-\\nous and reprehensible, perhaps may admit of dispute.\\nSome will unquestionably be inclined to think, that in\\none instance he tergiversated, and in several openly vio-\\nlated the sovereignty of Spain while others will find in\\nhis peculiar situation and motives, a complete justification\\nof his conduct. To his irregular pniceedtngs, iniieed,\\nhas been imputed the detention of the posts, at least six", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA, 91\\nmonths longer than was actually contemplated by the Spa-\\nnish authorities.\\nOn his arrival at Natchez he insultingly displayed the\\nflag of the United States in full view of the Spanish garrison,,\\nLieutenant jVrClary, who acted as he directed, proceeded\\nto augment the number of his guard b\\\\ the enlistment of\\nSpanish subjects, and by the apprehension of deserters\\nfrom the army of the United States, who had taken re-\\nfuge in the territories of Spain. Governor Gayoso loudly\\ncomplained of this conduct; he even directed the flag to\\nbe taken down, and demanded the liberation of the de-\\nserters. Mr. EUicott was not disposed to yield the points\\nin issue and the Spanish governor conceived it best not\\nto press the subject a second time. No one will maintain,\\nthat he had a right to infract the laws of nations, or to\\nattack the sovereignty of Spain. From the nature of the\\ninstructions given to lieutenant Pope, may be pretty clear-\\nly inferred the pacific tenor of his own.\\nA considerable proportion of the people in the district\\nof Natchez had removed from the United States, and no\\nwonder they were solicitous for the meditated change.\\n^I hey fully comprehended the motives, which induced the\\nSpanish authorities to postpone the execution of the treaty,\\nand therefore became impatient. A confidence of impu-\\nnity led them to associate for the purpose of accelerating\\nthe desired change, and they were in a great measure\\nguided by the hints and insinuations of Mr. Ellicott. In\\nthe end they unguardedly proceeded to such acts of opr\\nposition to the established authorities, as rendered them\\nhighly culpable in the eye of the law, and therefore, to\\navoid its penalties, found it necessary to acquire by vio-\\nlent means, what they had a right to expect from solemn\\nstipulations. From these Mr. EUicott selected what he\\ncalled his Little Council, and the members of it\\nwere not disposed to pacify the tumult among the peo-\\npie.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "92 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nThe disorders in the district did not escape the notice\\nof Gayoso, who, by a proclamation dated March the\\ntwenty ninth 1797, and another of a subsequent date, en-\\ndeavored to appease the impatient disposition of the peo-\\nple, and adverted to the reasons or pretexts, already sta-\\nted, for the inexecution of the treaty. He approbated\\nprivate meetings for the purposes of devotion, and inter-\\ndicted all processes for debt till after the planters had pre-\\npared their ensuing crops.\\nThese acts of condescension f;tiled of their intended ef-\\nfect, particularly as they were believed to result from a\\nsense of danger. The people were extremely jealous,\\nand seemed to discover in the sudden augmentation of\\nthe military force at Natchez and the Walnut Hills (though\\nfor the avowed purpose of obstructing the descent of the\\nEnglish) a deliberate design to seize the malecontents\\nand an apparent conviction of this truth precipitated them\\ninto measures of a hostile nature. Such indeed, were\\nthe commotions in the district, that Gayoso and his fa-\\nmily, on the tenth of June, repaired to the fort for safety.\\nAbout this period the people were indirectly Invited by\\nMr. Eliicott, to assemble and deliberate on their grievan-\\nces. Such a measure accorded with their most ardent\\nwishes but as it would be in opposition to legal authority,\\nthey were apprehensive of an attempt by the Spanish\\ntroops to disperse the meeting, and to arrest those who\\nshould attend it. To dissipate their fears on this head,\\nlieutenant Pope, on the twelfth of June, addressed them\\na letter, wherein, among other things, he declared, that\\nhe would at all hazards protect them. He called on\\nthem in the most solemn manner to com forv/ard and\\nassert their rights, and at the same time offered his\\nsincere co-operation to accomplish that desirable ob-\\nject. He requested their assistance in return to re-\\npel any troops or hostile parties that might make an at-\\ntempt to land for the purpose of reinforcing the garri-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 93\\nson, or other purposes detrimental to the interest of the\\ncountry. At the bottom of this address, IMr. EUicott\\nadded a note in these words: From the present alarm\\ning situation of the country, I fully approve of lieute-\\nnant Pope s letter of this date to his fellow citizens as-\\nsembled at Mr. Belts.\\nSome time prior to this event, the baron Carondelet had\\npublicly charged Mr. Ellicott with menacing the Spanish\\ngovernment. Gayoso on the thirteenth of June, the day\\nafter the date of the above mentioned letter, and while\\nconfined to the walls of his garrison, repeated the same\\ncharge in a communication to Mr. Ellicott, and demand-\\ned of him a statement of the part he took in the rebelli-\\nous proceedings of the people. IMr. Ellicott on the same-\\nday answered, since you demand a positive reply to the\\ngeneral question, whether I am concerned in measures\\ndestructive of his catholic majesty s interest, or in an\\nattempt to attack the fort, I give you my word of honor,\\nthat I am not\\nIt by no means accorded with the temper and feelings\\nof Gayoso to be immured within the walls of the fort,\\nand to be deprived of his power. The laws authorized\\ncoercive measures but of what avail were the laws with-\\nout the mcLins of carrying them into execution Gayoso\\nfelt himself humbled and on the fourteenth of June,\\nwhile under a strong perturbation of mind, addressed an\\nelaborate proclamation to the people, requesting those in\\nbodies to disperse, and to resume their usual occupations\\nthe consequences of which he declared to be, an amnest\\\\\\nfor the past, and security for the future. This proclama-\\ntion conceded every thing desired by the people it exhi-\\nbited more the features of a humble remonstrance, than\\nthe dignified language of magisterial reprehension Yet\\nMr. Ellicott says, that it contained some expression-:.\\nAbout eight miles in tlie rear of Natchcr", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "94 HISTOUICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nvery offensive to the people. Why then has he omitted\\nto record it in his journal It does not appear, after\\nan attentive perusal, to contain any such expressions.\\nCertain it is, however, that inci edible pains were taken\\nto find in this official document some secret reservation,\\nsome occult quality, artfully designed by Giyoso as a pre-\\ntext for future punishment, should it ever be in his power\\nto inflict it. M;iny of the people resorted to the ir arms,\\nformed th-^^mselves into military bands, and elected their\\nofficers. Occasions were dexterously seized to insult the\\nSpanish authorities, and to wound their pride. Lieute-\\nnant Pope repeatedly put himself at the head of his men,\\nsounded the charije, and menaced the garrison with an\\nescalade. One of his men, by his contrivance, eltided the\\nvigilance of th-.- Sp;inish sentinels in the night, cut a small\\npiece of wood from .he door of the magazine, and made\\nhis escape and lieutenant Pope, to tantalizi- Gayoso, im-\\nmediately sent him the fruit of this successful enterprise.\\nThe extent and progress of the opposition at last began\\nto alarm Mr. Ellicott, and he resolved to check it more\\nindeed from a wish to escape the odium of it, than to\\nprevent the expulsion of the Spanish authorities. He was\\nnot disposed to ride in the whirlwind, but he had an inclina-\\ntion to direct the storm, and to gratify his purpose prevail-\\ned on the people to delegate their power to a committee,\\na body deemed more manageable, and Iss liable to be ex-\\nacerbated by the fluctuating occurrences of the times.\\nThe people assembled on the twentieth of June, to de-\\nliberate on their affairs. The pacific declarations of Gay-\\noso, contained in his proclamation, excited their jealousy,\\nand they trembled, lest they were designed as a snare.\\nThey felt an inclination to prescribe the conditions of their\\nown security, not only to avoid all ambiguity of expres-\\nsion, but seemingly to extort what they knew was ready\\nto be granted them. They therefore acceded to the pro-\\nposition of Mr. Ellicott, and appointed a committee of", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 95\\nsafety, invested it with extensive powers, and that gen-\\ntleman and lieutenant Pope were chosen menibcrs of it.\\nl^hisconinnttee proposed to Gayoso, that he should recog-\\nnize its existence as a body that the people should not be\\nprosecuted nor injured on account of the part taken by\\nthem against the government that they should be ex-\\nempted from serving in the militia under the Spanish au-\\nthorities, except to repel the invasion of the Indians, or\\nto suppress riots that they should be considered as in a\\nstate of neutrality, though governed by the Spanish laws,\\nand not be sent out of the country on any pretext what-\\never. Gayoso readily yielded his assent to these propo-\\nsitions and they were soon after ratified by the baron\\nCarondelet, with an exception of no great moment, when\\nthe Spanish authorities resumed their functions, and the\\nstorm in a great measure subsided.\\nThus the people gained a complete victory over the\\nconstituted authorities. These became pledged to obli-\\nviate all transactions of a treasonable nature to sanction\\nand to legalize the existence of a dangerous power with-\\nin their jurisdiction, able at any moment to subvert the go-\\nvernment to exempt the militia from obedience, except\\nin two specified instances, and tacitly to authorize it to o-\\nbey the mandates of a rival nation, or its agents. These\\nconditions are not destitute of point, and manifest a con-\\nsiderable degree of policy and skill.\\nSome of the members of the committee were not fully\\nin the confidence of Mr. Ellicott. He suspected colonel\\nAnthony Hutchings, in particular, of entertaining views\\ndetrimental to the United Slates and the more so, as he\\nhad been a British officer, and was then a known pensi-\\noner of Great Britain. lie therefore prevailed on Gay-\\noso to dissolve the committee of safety by proclamation,\\nand to authorize the election of another, which was to be,\\nccrsidered as permanent. This n* w committee was or-\\nganized about the first of July, and the electors did not", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "96 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA/\\nthink proper to bestow their suffrages on colonel Hatch-\\nings. Hence a permanent committee was now formed,\\nmuch more dangerous to the Spanish authorities than the\\nother, because it was elected and organized by virtue of\\ntheir own mandate. It is strictly true as Mr. Eilicott\\nboasts, that this measure, as was really intended, put\\na finishing stroke to the Spanish authority and jurisdic-\\ntion in the district.\\nAbout this period a considerable change took place in\\nthe Spanish colonial government. The baron Carondelet\\nwas transferred to the province of Quito, and Gayoso\\nsucceeded him as governor general of Louisiana, and re-\\npaired to New Orleans. Colonel Grandpree was appoint-\\ned governor of the district of Natchez but the perma-\\nnent committee resolved, that he should not be received\\nas such, and he never made his appearance. In the mean\\ntime, and until the evacuation of the posts, the Spanish\\ngovernment in the district devolved on major Mmor, a\\ngentleman originally from Pennsylvania, and at this time\\none of the most wealthy planters in the Mississippi ter-\\nritorv.\\nColontrl Hutchings v/as not a little chagrined and disap-\\npointed at the defeat he experienced in the late election\\nand the doubts entertained of his patriotism served to\\nwound his pride, and to excite his resentment. No won-\\nder, then, that he became inimical to the permanent com-\\nmittee, and meditated its destruction. After the depar-\\nture of Giyoso he attempted the dissolution of it, and\\nthe organization of another. He failed in his first object,\\nand succeeded in the second, llcnce the district was vi-\\nolently arvitated by the bitter contests of the two rival\\ncommittees. The Spanish authorities were too feeble to\\nresist the views of opposition, or to impart energy to a\\nrival pow! r.\\nOne of the first steps taken by the new committee was\\nto prepare a petition and memorial to congress, in which", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 9/\\nthe measures of INIr. Ellicott and lieutenant Pope were\\nseverely reprehended. The other committee endeavoured\\nto shield these gentlemen from the resentment of the ex-\\necutive of the United States and rc-solved, that the neu-\\ntral position of the district resulted from the friendly and\\nsalutary advice of the first, and that the second deserved\\nwell of his country.\\nCiiptain Guion arrived at Natchez in December with a\\nconsiderable detachment, and assumed the command of\\nall the troops of the United States in the district. From\\nihe tenor of his instructions, it is evident, that they were\\ndictated with a view to the prevalent disturbances. At\\nany rate, he conceived it his duty to discountenance the\\nhostile attitude of the people, and to disconcert the efforts\\nof the permanent committee He even threatened to\\ndisperse the members of that body, and to put Mr. Elli-\\n:ott in confinement, whose conduct he reprobated in the\\nstrongest terms.\\nThis decisive tone, added to measures of a correspond-\\ning nature, at once arrested the progress of the disorders;\\nthe ferment gradually subsided, and tranquility was re-\\nstored; the Spanish authorities resumed their former\\nconsequence, and no longer hesitated to prepare for aa\\nevacuation of the posts. No doubt this event was accele-\\nrated in part, by the restoration of order in society, and ia\\npart, by the complete failure of all attempts at disunion.\\nThe evacuation of all the posts to the north of the thirty\\nfirst degree, took place in the early part of the summer\\nof 1798. The demarcation of the boundary line com-\\nmenced near the same period, and was completed in\\nMarch 1709, except a small portion of it along the bor-\\nders of East Florida, which was suspended on account\\nof the hostile appearance ol the Indians. William Dun-\\nbar, esquire, disimguished in the republic i ktters, and\\nmajor Minor, were successively the commissioners on\\nthe part of Spain.\\no", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "98 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nIt has already been hinttd, that the acquisition of our\\nindependence excited the jealousy of Spain. That me-\\nmorable event led the politicians and statesmen of that\\npower to speculate on our future views. They dreaded\\nthe example we had afforded to the world, and trembled\\nat the probable introduction of the spirit of liberty into\\nthe Mexican dominions. In 1787, the intendant of Lou-^\\nisiana prepared an elaborate memoir on this subject b}\\norder of the Spanish court, in which he represented the\\npeople of the United States as extremely ambitious, as\\nanimated by the spirit of conquest, and as anxious to ex-\\ntend their empire to the shores of the Pacific. He then\\nsuggested a line of policy, which, in his opinion, it was\\nincumbent on Spain to adopt. The dismemberment of\\nthe western country, by means of pensions and commer-\\ncial benefits, was considered by him as not difficult. The\\nattempt was therefore strongly urged, particularly as it\\nwould, if successful, greatly augment the power of Spain\\nin this quarter, and forever arrest our progress west-\\nward. These suggestions were favorably receix ed, and\\nformed the ground work of that policy, which Spain af-\\nterwards pursued. If she interdicted our commence, it\\nwas from an apprehension that our government under the\\nconfederation was too weak to assert with effect the rights\\nof the nation that this weakness would eventually alien-\\nate the affections of the western people, cool their patri-\\notism, and induce them to become Spanish subjects At\\nany rate, the measure seemed well calculated to remove\\nto a distant day, the dangers of mutual intercourse,\\nwhich it was feared would disturb the tranquility of the\\nprovinces. On this ground the proposition of some of\\nour revolutionary officers to form an extensive settlement\\nin the heart of Louisiana, was rejected both by (luar-\\ndoqui, and the authorities \u00c2\u00abt New Orleans.\\nThat Spain actually resolved on the non execution of\\nthe treaty, is fully explained in a letter written by gover-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. 99\\nnor Gayoso in June 1796, to a confidential friend, which\\nhas lately come to light. He was persuaded from many\\nand powerful reasons, that it would never be carried into\\neffect. He alleged that, at the time the treaty was sign-\\ned, the affairs of Europe rendered the neutrality of the\\nUnited States of the greatest importance to Spain, parti-\\ncularly as it had a tendency to destroy a plan in agitation\\nto renew a destructive war. According to him, the ob-\\nject of Great Britain, in her treaty with the United\\nStates, about this period, was to attach them to her in-\\nterests, and even to render them dependent on her, and\\ntherefore, the Spanish treaty of limits was made to coun-\\nterbalance it; but as Great Britain had totally failed in\\nher object, it was not the policy of Spain to regard her\\nstipulations* Besides, it was expected, that several\\nstates would separate from the union, which would ab-\\nsolve Spain from her engagements because, as her con-\\nt ct was made with the union, it would be no longer ob-\\nligatory than while that union lasted That Spain, con*\\ntrary to her expectations, was not likely to derive any\\nadvantages from the treaty, and that her views and po-\\nlicy would be changed, particularly if an alteration took\\nplace in the political existence of the United States.\\nHe therefore concluded, that, all things considered, no-\\nthing more would result from the treaty than the free\\nnavigation of the Mississippi. These are some of the\\nreasons urged by governor Gayoso against the fulfilment\\nof mutual stipulations. They fully account for the obsta-\\ncles thrown in the way of the demarcation of the boun-\\ndary line, and likewise explain the objects of the several\\nsecret missions of a Spanish emissary to the territories ot\\nthe United States on the western waters.\\nDuring the period of these local transactions, the con-\\nflicts in Europe began to trouble the repose of the United\\nStates. The belligerents paid little or no regard to the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "100 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nrights of neutrals, and prostrated them on the ocean. The\\nprivateers and armed ships of Spain, regardless of trea-\\nties, committed numerous and destructive spoliations on\\nour commerce. That power most likely again contem-\\nplated the separation of the western people from the uni-\\non; and there is but too much reason to believe, that its\\nfritnds and agents in that quarter represented such a re-\\nvolution as among probable events.\\nThe Spaniards did not limit their outrages to our pro-\\nperty on the ocean; they even denied us the right of de-\\nposit at New Orleans, and manifested a disposition to re-\\nvivf their former occlusions in their utmost extent. This\\nproduced a strong ferment in the public mind. The go-\\nvernment remonstrated, but without any advantageous ef-\\nfect. This conduct was deemed the more culpable on\\nthe part of Spain, as she had just before agreed to allow\\nus the free navigation of the Mississippi, and stipulated\\nfor the admission and deposit of our produce at New Or-\\nleans. A convincing proof was now exhibited, that no\\nfaith was to be reposed in the engagements of that power,\\nand that something more substantial than treaty stipulati-\\nons was necessary to ensure the enjoyment of our rights.\\nThe injury inflicted by these last restrictions was the more\\nseverely felt by the western states and territories, as theic\\npopulation and industry had greatly accumulated within a\\nshort period.\\nPresident Adams bad been no stranger to the pernici-\\nous inti-igues of foreign nations on our interior waters\\nand he readily perceived that, if justice was suffered to\\nsleep, the same intrigues would be revived, and perhaps\\nwith more effect. As the arts of negociation had been\\nexhausted to no purpose, he concerted a plan of redress,\\nnot less bold in conception, than difficult, and even deli-\\ncate, in execution. Nothing less than the acquisition of\\nNew Orleans appeared to him in the least calculated to", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. IQI\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0nclemnify the United States lor the losses they had sus-\\ntained, and to appease the fears and inquietudes of the\\nwestern people.*\\nThe success of this enterprlze almost wholly depend-\\ned on conducting it in such a way, as not to awaken the\\nsuspicions of Spain and happily our dispute with France\\nserved as a cover to the real design. The depredations\\ncommitted on our commerce by that power, and the re-\\njection of our ministers, excited a spirit of resentment\\nin the public mind, and incredible efforts were made to\\ninflame it. Hence twelve regiments were added to the\\narmy in 1799, which engaged to serve during the exist-\\ning differences between the United States and the French\\nrepublic.\\nA\\\\ hen this additional army was nearly ready for the\\nfield, three of the old regiments, then stationed on the\\nwestern waters, were ordered to assume a position near\\nthe mouth of the Ohio, and to keep their boats in constant\\nrepair for service. The intention was that, with the ap-\\nprobation of congress, these regiments should descend\\nthe Mississippi, and seize on New Orleans. The new le-\\nvies were to march from the Atlantic states about the\\nsame time and it was conceived probable, that they\\nwould be able to join their companions before the arrival\\nof any Spanish troops in the country. It was expected\\nthat a successful expedition of this nature would induce\\nSpain to accede to such terms as the United States were\\ndisposed to prescribe.\\nAs this portion of histoiy may probably be new to most teachers,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0it seems necessaiy to state, that the Autlior derived it from the late\\nGeneral Knox. This Gentleman was appointed a major-general on the\\nnew establishment; but considerations of a personal nature induced\\nhim to decline the service. It was understood, however, that he was\\nwell acquainted with the military views of our {jovernmcnt at that\\nperiod.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "i02 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nThis plan of operations was well concerted, and\\nmust have succeeded if attempts had been made to carry\\nit into effect. But the certainty of a change in the\\npresidency, which took place soon after, induced Mr.\\nAdams to recommend the dissolution of the twelve\\nregiments and they were accordingly disbanded in the\\nsummer of 1800.\\nMr. Jefferson, on his accession to the presidency in\\n1801, reiterated to Spain the infractions of the treaty,\\nand demanded redress. She restored to us the right of\\ndeposit, but no longer claimed Louisiana as her own. On\\nthe first of October 1800, she entered into a conditional\\nagreement to retrocede that colony to the French repub-\\nlic and this retrocession actually took place by treaty on\\nthe twenty first of Mnxh 1801. The French made pre-\\nparations to take possession of Louisiana, and an army of\\ntwenty five thousand men was designed for that country\\nbut the fleet and army were suddenly blockaded in one of\\nthe ports of Holland by an English squadron.\\nThis unexpected occurrence, joined to the gloomy as-\\npect of affairs in Europe, and the want of funds to carry\\non a complicated war, induced the French republic to\\ncede Louisiana to the United States, by treaty bearing\\ndate the thirtieth of April 1803. The Spanish authorities\\nearly in December of the same year, delivered possession\\nof Lower Louisiana to M. Laussat, the French commissi-\\noner, and it was by him duly transferred on the twentieth\\nof the same month, to the commissioners of the United\\nStates, governor Claiborne, and general Wilkinson. The\\nauthor of these sketches was the constituted agent of the-\\nFrench republic in Upper Louisiana, and in her name re-\\nceived possession of that province on the ninth day of\\nMarch 1804, and the next day transferred it to the Uni-\\nted States.\\nCongress took an early opportunity to provide for the\\ntemporary administration of justice in Louisiana. An act", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA. loj\\nwas passed, vesting all the military, civil, and judicial\\npowers, exercised by the Spanish authorities, in such per-\\nson or persons, and to be exercised in such manner, as the\\npresident of the United States should direct. His excel-\\nlency William C. C. Claiborne was appointed governor\\nand intendant general of Louisiana and the author of\\nthese sketches was appointed first civil commandant of\\nUpper Louisiana, and legally commissioned to exercise\\nthe powers and prerogatives of the Spanish lieutenant\\ngovernor of that province. On taking possession, he\\ndeemed it adviseable to publish the following circular ad-\\ndress to the inhabitants:\\nThe period has now arrived, when, in conse-\\nquence of amicable negociations, Louisiana is in the posses-\\nsion of the United States. The plan of a permanent ter-\\nritorial government for you, is already under the conside-\\nration of congress, and will doubtless be completed as\\nsoon as the importance of the measure will admit. But,\\nin the mean time, to secure your rights, and to prevent a\\ndelay of justice, his excellency William C. C Qaiborne,\\ngovernor of the Mississippi territory, is invested with\\nthose authorities and powtrs (derived from an act of con-\\ngress) usually exercised by the governor and intendant\\ngeneral under his catholic majest\\\\ and permit me to add\\nthat, by virtue of the authority and power vested in him\\nby the president of the United States, he has been pleased\\nto commission me as first civil commaiidant of Upper\\nLouisiana.\\nDirected to cultivate friendship and harmouy among\\nyou, and to make known the sentiments of the United States\\nrelative to the security and preservation of all your rights,\\nboth civil and religious, I know of no mode better calcu-\\nlated to begin the salutary work, than a circular address.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "104 HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nIt will not be necessary to advert to the various pre-\\nliminary arrangements, which have conspired to place you\\nin your present political situation; with these it is presum-\\ned you are already acquainted. Suffice it to observe, that\\nSpain in 1809, and in 1801, retroceded the colony and\\nprovince of Louisiana to France; and that France in\\n1803, conveyed the sanrae territory to the United States,\\nwho are now in the peaceable and legal possession of it.\\nThese transfers were made with honorable views, and un-\\nder such forms and sanctions as are usually practised\\namong civilized nations.\\nThus you will perceive, that you are divested of the\\nthe character of subjects, and clothed with that of citl-\\nizens. You now form an integral part of a great commu=\\niiity, the powers of whose government are circumscribed\\nand defined by charter, and the liberty of the citizen ex-\\ntended and secured. Between this government and its ci-\\ntizens, nianv reciprocal duties exist, and the prompt and\\nregular performance of them is necessary to the safety\\nand welfare of the whole. No one can plead exemption\\nfrom these duties; they are equally obligatory on the rich\\nand the poor; on men in power, as well as on those not\\nintrusted with it They are not prescribed as whim and\\ncaprice may dictate on the contrary, they result from\\nthe actual or implied compact between society and its\\nmembers, and are founded not only on the sober lessons of\\nexperience, but in the immutable nature of things. If\\ntherefore the government be bound to protect its citizens\\nin the enjoyment of their libertv, property, and religion,\\nthe citizens are no less bound to obey the laws, and to aid\\nthe magistrate in the execution of them to repel inva-\\nsion, and in periods of public danger, to yield a portioii\\noi their time and exertions in defence of public liberty.\\nIn goverameuts differently constituted, where popular e-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "Historical skf/iciirs of Louisiana. 105\\nlections are unknown, and where the exercise of power is\\nconiided to those of hijgh birch, and great wealth, the pub-\\nlic defence is committed to men who make the science of\\nwar an exclusive trade and profession but in all free re-\\npul)lics, where the citizens are capacitated to elect, and to\\nbe elected, into offices of emolument and dignity, perma-\\nnent armies of any considerable extent are justly deemed\\nhostile to liberty and therefore the militia is considered\\nas the palladium of their safety. Hence the origin of this\\nrnaxim, that evtrj- soldier is a citizen, and every citizen\\na soldier.\\nWith these general prir.ciivles before you, it is confi-\\ndently expected, that you will not be less faithful to the\\nUnited States, than you have been to his catholic ma-\\njesty.\\nYour local situation, the varieties in your language\\nand education, have contributed to render your manners,\\nlaws, and customs, and even your prejudices, somewhat\\ndiilerent from those of your neighbors, but not less fa-\\nvorable to virtue, and to good order in society. These\\ndeserve something more than mere indulgence; they shall\\nbe respected.\\nIf, in the course of former time, the people on diffe*\\nrent sides of the Mississippi, fostered national prejudices\\nand antipathies against each other, suffer not these cankers\\nof human happiness any longer to disturb your repose, or\\nto awaken your resentment; draw the veil of oblivion o-\\nver the past, and unite in pleasing anticipations of the fu-\\nture; embrace each other as brethren of the same mighty\\nfamily, and think not, that an\\\\ member of it can derive\\nhappiness from the miserv or degradation ot another.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "lOG llfSTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nI/ittle will the authority and example of the best\\nmagistrates avail, when the public mind becomes tainted\\nwith perverse sentiments, or languishes under an indiffer-\\nence to its true interests. Sulfer not the pride of virtue,\\nnor the holy fire of religion to become extinct. If these\\nbe different in their nature, they are necessary supports to\\neach other. Cherish the sentiments of order and tran-\\nquillity, and frown on the disturbers of the public peace.\\nAvoid as much as possible all legal contests banish village\\nvexation, and unite in the cultivation of the social and\\nmoral affections.\\nAdmitted as you are into the embraces of a wise and\\nmagnanimous nation, patriotism will gradually warm your\\nbreasts, and stamp its features on your future actions.\\nTo be useful, it must be enlightened; not the effect of\\npassion, local prejudice, or blind impulse. Happy the\\npeople^ who possess invaluable rights, and know how to\\nexercise them to the best advantage; wretched are those,\\nwho do not think and act freely. It is a sure test of wis-\\ndom to honor and support the government under which\\nyou live, and to acquiesce in the decisions of the public\\nwill, when they be constitutionally expressed. Confide\\ntherefore in the justice and integrity of our federal presi-\\ndent; he is the faithful guardian of the laws; he enter-\\ntains the most beneficent views relative to the glory and\\nhappiness of this territory and the merit derived from\\nthe acquisition of Louisiana, without any other, will\\nperpetuate his fame to posterity. Place equal confidence\\nin all the other constituted authorities of tht- union. They\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0will protect your rights, and indeed your feelings, and all\\nthe tender felicities and sympathies, so dear to rational\\nand intelligent creatures. A very short experience of their\\nequitable and pacific policy, will enable you to view them\\nin their proper light. I flatter myself that you will give", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA. 107\\ntheir measures a fair trial, and not precipitate yourselves\\ninto conclusions, which you may afterwards see cause to\\nretract. The first official acts of my present station, au-\\nthorized by high authority, will confirm these remarks.\\nThe United States, in the acquisition of Louisiana,\\nwere actuated by just and liberal views. Hence the ad-\\nmission of an article in the treaty of cession, the substance\\nof which is, that the inhabitants of the ceded territory\\nshall be incorporated into the union, and admitted as soon\\nas possible to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages\\nand immunities of citizens of the United States and,\\nin the mean time, be maintained and protected in the\\nfree enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion.\\nFrom these cursory hints you will be enabled to\\ncomprehend your present political situation, and to anti,\\ncipate the future destinies of your country. You may\\nsoon expect the establishment of a territorial govern-\\nment, administered by men of wisdom and integrity,\\nwhose salaries will be paid out of the treasury of the\\nUnited States. From your present population, and the\\nrapidity of its increase, this territorial establishment\\nmust soon be succeeded by your admission as a state in-\\nto the Federal Union. At that period, you will be at li-\\nberty to try an experiment in legislation, and to frame\\nsuch a government as may best comport with your local\\ninterests, manners, and customs popular suffrage will\\nbe its basis. The enaction of laws, and the appoint-\\nment of judges to expound them, and to carry them into\\neffect, are among the first privileg of organized society.\\nEqual to these, indeed, and connected with them, is the\\ninestimable right of trial by jury. The forms of judi-\\ncial processes, and the rules for the admission of testi-\\nmony in courts of justice, when firmly established, are\\nof great and obvious advantage to the people. It is also", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "108 inSTOniCAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nof iuiportance, that a distinction be made between trials\\nof a capital nature, and those of an inferior degree, as\\nlikewise between all criminal and civil contestations.\\nIn fine, Upper Louisiana, from its climate, population,\\nsoil, and productions, and from other natural advantages\\nattached lo i{,, will, in all human probability, soon become\\na star of no inconsiderable magnitude in the American\\nconstdlation.\\nBe assured that the United States feel all the ardor\\nfor your interests, which a warm attachment can inspire,\\nI have reason to believe that it will be among some of their\\nfirst objects, to ascertain and confirm your land titles.\\nThey well know the deranged state of these titles, and of\\nthe existence of a multitude of equitable claims under le-\\ngal surveys, where no grants or concessions have been\\nprocured. What ultimate measures will be taken on this\\nsubject, does not become me to conjecture but thus much\\nI will venture to affirm, that the most ample justice will\\nbe done and that, in the final adjustment of claims, no\\nsettler or landholder will have any just cause to complain.\\nClaimants of this description have hitherto invariably ex-\\nperienced the liberality of government; and surely it will\\nnot be less liberal to the citizens of Upper Louisiana,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2who form a strong cordon across an exposed frontier of a\\nast empire, nnd are entitled by solemn stipulations to all\\nthe rights and immunities of freemen.\\nMy duty, not more indeed than my inclination, urges\\nme to cultivate friendship and harmony among you, and\\nand between you and the L^nited States. I suspect my\\ntalents to be unequal to the duties which devolve on me in\\nthe organization and temporary administration of the go\\nvernment; the want of a proper knowledge of your laws\\nand language, is among the difficulties I have to encounter.\\nBut my ambition and exertions bear some proportion to", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA kjC)\\nthe honor conferred on me and the heavy responsibilit}\\nattached to my office, admonishes me to be prudent and\\ncircumspect. Inflexible justice and impartiality shall guide\\nme in all my determinations. If, however, in the dis-\\ncharge of a variety of complicated duties, almost wholly\\nprescribed by the civil law and the code of the Indies, I be\\nled into error, consider it as involuntary, and not as the effecL\\nof inattention, or of any exclusive favors or aflections. Des-\\ntined to be the temporary guardian of the rights and li-\\nberties of at least ten thousand people, I may not be able\\nto gratify the just expectations of all but your prosperity\\nand happiness will claim all my time and talents and no\\nearthly enjoyment could be more complete, than that de-\\nrived from your public and individual security, and from\\nthe increase of your opulence and power.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAFrER II.\\nOF THE FLORIDAS.\\nTHE proximity of the Floridas to the United States,\\nand our claim to no inconsiderable portion of them, ren-\\nder some account of them of the greatest importance at\\nthis time. It must be confessed, however, that the sub-\\nject is barren of materials. That extensive country, nearly\\ndestitute of roads, and most parts of it equally destitute\\nof inhabitants, offers no allurements to men of enterprise\\nit is not calculated to reward the trouble and expense of\\nitinerant excursions, nor to gratify the curiosity of the\\nspeculative philosopher. Its isolated position, and want\\nof commerce, have likewise contributed to conceal it\\nfrom the eye of observation, and to render it almost as\\nlittle known at the present day, as it was two hundred\\nyears ago.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "112 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nWhile the French were in possession of Louisiana, all\\nthat part of Florida, between the Perdido and Mississippi,\\nwas included in that province. The remainder was in\\nthe possession of the Spaniards, and extended along the\\ngulf and Atlantic coast from the Perdido to the claims oi\\nthe English on the north of them. West Florida owes its\\nname to the English government and when this province\\nwas created, the name of Louisiana became extinct in\\nthat quarter.\\nAntecedent to 1763, while the Spaniards were in pos-\\nsession of what is now called East Florida, a dispute\\nwas long maintained relative to the boundaries between\\nthem, and the then British colonies. As early as 1604,\\nattempts were made, without effect, to adjust the preten-\\nsions of the two powers in America. These attempts\\nwere revived in 1670; and as neither party was disposed\\nto yield its pretensions, it was finally stipulated, that the\\nEnglish should continue to occupy what they then posses-\\nsed. This by no means served to compose the differen-\\nces for the southern limits of Carolina Itccording to the\\nsecond charter of Charles the second, extended to the\\ntwenty ninth degree of north latitude, which included the\\nwhole of the Spanish settlements in Florida, and even\\npart of the peninsula. Besides, the immense tract of un-\\ninhabited territory between the settlements of the two na-\\ntions, was claimed by both, and perhaps with equal pre-\\ntensions. The charter of Georgia was granted in 1733,\\nwhich bounded that colony to the southward on the most\\nsouthern stream of the Altamaha. With this boundary\\nthe Spaniards appear to have been satisfied but thev\\nstrongly contended for the tract between that river and\\nthe St. Mary s, included in the Carolina charter, of which\\ngeneral Ogk-thorpe was directed to take and keep posses-\\nsion. It was, however, the policy of Great Britain to\\navoid a rupture on account of this boundary and so late\\nas 1 56, she directed some settler?, Vv ho had clandestinelv", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "OF THE FLOIllD.Vb. II3\\nplanted themselves on the St. Mary s, to be removed by force.\\nAt the peace of 1763, when Florida passed under the do-\\nminion of Great Britain, the rivc;r St. IMary s was esta-\\nblished as the boundary line between that province and\\n^-leorgia.\\nOne of the first acts of the English, after Florida pas-\\nsed into their hands, was to fix its boundaries and to di-\\nvide it into two colonies, denominated east and west Flo-\\nrida. The north boundary of East Florida, was the ri-\\nver St. Mary s from the sea to its source, and thence\\nwestward to that part of the Apalachicola, where it is\\njoined by Flint rivtr. The north line of West Florida\\nwas fixed on the Mississippi, at the thirty first degree,\\nand thence due east to the Apalachicola, and thence down\\nthat river to the sea. But in 1 r64, under aa apprehension\\nsuggested by the board of trade, that this line would not\\ninclude the Mobile, the northern boundary of that colony-\\nwas extended to the mouth of the Yazous, in about thirty-\\ntwo degrees twenty ei^jht minutes north latitude, and\\nthence due east to the Apalachicola. Each of these co-\\nlonies had a governor, appointed by the crown, and a le-\\ngislature chosen by the people their laws approached as\\nnear as circumstances would permit, to the laws of Eng-\\nland. These arrangements continued till the conquest of\\nWest Florida by the Spaniards in the time of our revolu-\\ntion. At the peace of IT S 3, Great Britain relinquished\\nto the crown of Spain, both the Floridas without anv spe-\\ncific boundaries, and on the same day ceded to the United\\nStates ail the territory to the north of the thirty first de-\\ngree so that Spain had at least a plausible claim to all\\nthe territory below the Yazous river and hence a founda-\\ntion was laid for a dispute between us and that power,\\nwhiclvwas ultimately adjusted by treaty.\\nThat the reader may become the better acquainted with\\nthe country we have undertaken to notice, a rapid geogra-\\nphical sketch of the two Floridas will be given after", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "114 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0vvhich the several kinds of land, and the nature of the-\\nclimate, will come under consideration.\\nTlie Floridas are bounded north, partly on the thirty\\nfirst degree, and partly on the southern boundary of Geor-\\ngia east on the Atlantic south on the gulf; and west on\\nthe Mississippi. We have no accurate data for their length\\nor breadth The former, exclusive of the peninsula, and\\nfallowing the sinuosities of the coast, may be estimated\\nat about eight hundred miles the latter will probably\\naverage from seventy to eighty miles. The peninsula is nar-\\nrow, and stretches in a southern direction about four hun-\\ndred miles into the gulf the extremity of which is within\\none hundred miles of Cuba.\\nWest Florida, as designated by Great Britain, is situ-\\nated between the Apalachicola and the Mississippi, and\\ncontains about four hundred miles of sea coast. To ac-\\ncommodate the different settlements, formed mostly on\\nthe opposite extremities of this tract, the Spanish govern^\\nment divided it into two districts. Pearl river forms\\nthe boundary between them. That on the east retains the\\nname of Florida that on the west, extending to the\\nMississippi, is called New Feliciana. This district is\\nmostly populated from the United States. It contains a\\nfew French, mostly planted at Baton Rouge as likewise\\nsome English and Scotch, who came out under the Bri-\\ntish government. The number of souls may be esti mated\\nat about twelve thousand. The inhabitants are mostly situa-\\nted on, or in the neighbourhood of the Mississippi. They\\nformerly cultivated indigo, and pursued the lumber trade j\\nbut these articles are now nearly abandoned, and the plan-\\nters have turned their attention to the culture of cotton.\\nThe lands in this district are i^nquestionabiy the most\\nvaluable, in an agricultural point of view, of any^in the\\ntwo Floridas. They are generally elevated, excf pt near\\nthe coast, and yield large crops of cotton. In fine, all the\\nproductions common to the Mississippi teiTitory and lower", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "OF THE FLORIDAS. II5\\nLouisiana, except sugar, are cultivated here with success.\\nThe district is watered by the river Amit, which falls in-\\nto the Ibberville, and by Thoaipson s creek, and Bayou\\nSara, which join the Mississippi, and are navigable some\\ndistance into the country. A variety of creeks and bayous\\nof less note are formed along the coast, which will serve\\nto facilitate the exportation of produce as soon as the\\nlands about them become settled.\\nThe capital of New Feliciana is Baton Rouge, situated\\non the east bank of the Mississippi, and about fifteen\\nmiles above the Ibberville. On ascending from New Or-\\nleans, the first high grounds commence at this place. The\\ngeneral elevation of them is from twenty five to thirty\\nfeet above the highest floods; and they alternately recedf^\\nfrom the Mississippi, and approach that river, forming\\noccasional indentations of swamp, till intersected by the\\nthirty first degree. The inhabitants of Baton Rouge are\\nmostly French. They formed a settlement here as early\\nas 1722. The fort is in a ruinous condition. The officer\\nwho commands it, has the title of governor, and admini-\\nsters the Spanish laws in the district.\\nPearl river annually inundates large tracts of land,\\nparticularly near its confluence with the gulf. It heads\\nin the high grounds near the Chickasaw country, and may\\nbe made navigable for at least one hundred and fifty miles.\\nThe country on the west side of it along the coast, is ge-\\nnerally low, and covered with swamps, or pine barrens,\\nexcept were it is watered by creeks and bayous. On each\\nside of these are found some oak bottoms, which are dry\\npart of the year, and considered as fertile. A few indi-\\ngent settlers are scattered here and there along the coast.\\nThey raise some corn and cattle, and manufacture lime\\nfrom a species of clam shell, found in such immense\\nbanks as to justify the expectation, that this article will\\nnot be exhausted for many years to come. They like-\\nM ise manufacture considerable quantities of pitch and tar.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "IIQ SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nThese articles are transported about thirty miles atto:.\\nlake Pontchartraine to New Orleans, and from thence no\\nsmal! pnrt of them find their way to the Hxvanna and Lt^\\nVera Cruz. The growth on the more elevated grounds\\nnear the lake, is pine and this kind of wood more or\\niess covi-rs the ridgc-s for some distance into the interior.\\nFrom Pearl river to the Apalachicola the lands on the coast\\nsre similar to those just noticed, except that they are of a\\nmore spungy nature, and a greater proportion of them\\n{jovered with water. The high grouads are sandy, and\\ncovered v/sth pine. The low grounds, which embrace\\nmuch the largest district of country, are either occasion-\\nally covered with water, or composed of swamps and\\nmarshes, and most of the year impassible by man or\\nbeast. These extend along the coast, and up the rivers\\nand other water courses some distance into the interior.\\nThe scattered tracts of high ground, capable of cultiva-\\ntion, are so isolated among the swamps as to be render-\\ned inaccessible, except by water, This immense coast,\\nif we except Mobile and Pensacola, contains not much\\nmore than one hundred families. They are mostly plan-\\nted along the bays of St. Louis and Nev/ Baloxi, at the\\nmouth of the Pascagola, and some other water courses.\\nThe whole of that tract to the eastward of Pensacola, may\\nbe considered as an uninhabited wilderness.\\nThe tract under consideration is watered by a number\\nof rivers such as the Pascagola, the Mobile and its nu-.\\nmerous branches, the Escambia, and other streams fal-\\nling into the bay of Pensacola, the Apalachicola and its\\nseveral branches, and a variety of smaller streams, which\\nintersect the low country in almost every direction. Some\\nof the^se rivers head, in the back part of Georgia, and\\nothers in Tennessee, They are of infinite importance to\\nour settlers above the line of demarcation, and this im-\\nportance daily increases with the increase of population.\\nThe duties exacted by the Spaniards on our import and", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "OF THE FLORIDAS. H;-\\nexports, arc severely felt. They serve to check the pros-\\nperity of the interior country, to irritate the minds of the\\nsettlers, and to paralyze the hand of industry.\\nThe free navigation of the Mobile river is of great con-\\nsequence. Some of the branches of this river rise in\\nTennessee, and one of them interlocks with the waters of\\nthelennessee river. Indeed, the navigable waters of these\\ntwo rivers approach within nine miles of each other. The\\nMobile affords a boat navigation of three hundred and fif-\\nty miles and coasting vessels may ascend above the line\\nof demarcation, to fort Stoddert, about which we have\\nsome extensive and wealthy settlements. Just below this\\nline, the river is sepaijft\u00c2\u00bbd into two or three channels,\\nforming in its progres\u00c2\u00abeveral large islands, one of which\\nis about thirty miles long, and eight miles broad, yielding\\nlarge crops of cotton, and calculated for the culture of\\nrice. The city of Mobile, as it is called by way of emi-\\nnence, stands on the western channel, about thirty miles\\nfrom the gulf, and in thirty degrees forty minutes north\\nlatitude. It was founded by the French in 1 702 at\\nwhich time Isle Dauphin, situated near the mouth of the\\nharbor, became the seat of government for Louisiana,\\nwhere it remained till it was removed to New Orleans in\\n1722. The city now contains about seventy or eighty\\nhouses only; some of them exhibit the appearance of\\nwealth. The inhabitants are a mixture of French, Scotch,\\nand Irish. Near the lower end of the city stands a regu-\\nlar fortress of brick, erected, or rather repaired, by, the\\nBritish government the area of which is of considera-\\nble extent, containing a spacious square of barracks for\\nthe accommodation of troops. The trade has much decli-\\nned, and the little that remains is almost wholly engros-\\nsed by an English firm. The city is surrounded by\\nsi^ amps, and intermittents are prevalent during the lust of\\nsumpier, and the beginning of autumn..", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "11\u00c2\u00ab SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nThe town of Pensaeola, at present the capital of the\\ni^^Ioridas, was fbunded by the Spaniards in 1606, and in-\\ntended by them to frustrate the settlement of the French\\nin Louisiana. It is situated on the gulf of Mexico, at\\nthe head of a delightful bay or bason, formed by the Es-\\ncambia and some other rivers, about sixty miles to the\\neastward of the city of Mobile, and in thirty degrees\\ntwenty five minutes, north latitude. It stands at the foot\\nof gale hills, extending about one mile along the beach of the\\nbay, in the form of a crescent and nearly surrounded by two\\nrivulets of fresh water. In 1772, the town contained about\\none hundred and eighty habitations but since the Spani-\\nards conquered it from the Etvg4ish in 1781, it has gra-\\ndually declined. In 1794, the poPulation did not ex .eed\\nfour hundred, exclusive of the military, and retainers of\\nthe government. Many of the houses and public struc-\\ntures were formerly spacious and elegant but some of\\nthem already exhibit the appearance of decay. This place\\nis plentifully supplied with shell and other fish, and the\\nclimate about it is deemed healthful. The oar at the en-\\ntrance of the harbor has no more than four fathoms of\\nwater over it. A fortification placed on Rise s island,\\nand another on the main opposite to it, would effectually\\nprevent the entrance of armed vessels into the bay, and\\nof course defend the town from maritime attacks.\\nThe country about Pensaeola is barren, mostly compo\u00c2\u00ab\\n3sd of sand hills it will not even admit the growth of\\ngarden vegetables, except where vegetable mould is col-\\nlected, and mixtd with the sand. The same may be said\\nof the lands about the mouth of the Mobile and the Per-\\ndido. The lands, however in the rear of these plates,\\nand at some distance from them, yield all the necessaries,\\nand some of the conveniences and luxuries of life. The\\ncountry is particularly adapted to the raising of cattle, and\\nvast droves of th^jm are scattered over it.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "OF THE FLOllIDAS. Hj\\niSt. Augustine is situated on the Atlantic coast in about\\nthirty degrees, or, as some make it, twentv nine degrees\\nlorty minutes north latitude, and almost surrounded by\\nAvater. It is of an oblong figure, intersected by four\\nstreets, which cut each other at right angles. It is enclo-\\nsed with a ditch, and strongly fonitied. In addition to a\\nformidable bastion, it is defended by a castle, called fort St.\\nJohn, and all the works are well supplied with ordnance. It\\nhas a church and monastery of the order of its name.\\nThis town anciently contained nine hundred hoivses, and\\nnearly four thousand inhabitants. In 1772, it was reduc-\\ned to three hundred houses, and one thousand inhabitants:\\nBut the apparent stability of the Spanish government since\\n1783, has been of great advantage to it symptoms of its\\nancient opulence and splendor begin to be manifested.\\nThe English, while it v/as in their possession, erected a\\ngovernment house with materials procured in Xew York,\\nas likewise spacious burracks for the use of the militarv,\\ncalculated to accommodate five regiments of men.\\nThe site of St. Augustine is extremely pleasant and\\nhealthful, and the inhabitants are abundandy supplied with\\nfresh water. They genendly live to a good old age, and\\nare seldom attacked by dangerous diseases. j!tlultitudes\\nof invalids from the islands rendcEvous here, and no doubt\\nSt. Augustine will soon attract the notice of our gouty va-\\nletuc inarians in the north. There is some good land a-\\nbout the town, which is liighly cultivated. The swamps\\nand lagoons are too remote from the population to prove\\ninjurious. Fish of all kinds are found here in plenty.\\nIhe harbor is penetrated by two channels, occasioned\\nby breakers, and the bars of each aflord no more than\\neight feet of water.\\nAt what time the country about St. Augustine was first\\nsettled, is not certainl) known; but it has experienced\\nmany vicissitudes from war, and often changed masters.\\nIt was attacked and destroyed by the French protestants", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "120 SKETCHES OV LOUISIANA.\\nas early as 1562; who, in their turn, experienced a simi-\\nlar fate three years afterwards. The French obtained pos-\\nsession of it again in 1567, when they annihilated the Spa-\\nnish settlements, and then hastily retired never more to re-\\nturn. The Spaniards first planted themselves at the mouth\\nof St. Nicholas* creek but they soon discovered a more eli-\\ngible position, to which they removed, and founded St. Au-\\ngustine. From some inscriptions remaining on the houses,\\nit appears that they were built in 1571. This town was\\nattacked bv the English in 1586, under sir Francis Drake,\\nv/hen the Spaniards fled, leaving fourteen cannon behind\\nthem, as also their military chest, containmgtwo thousand\\npounds in specie. In 1665, it was plundered by captain\\nDavis at the head of the buckaneers. At this period the\\ntown was defended by a regular octagonal fort, with a\\ntower bastion at each angle. It was again attacked in\\n1702, by the English and Indians under governor Moore\\nof Carolina, who destroyed some farms and small vil-\\nlages but after a siege of three months he was obliged\\nto make the best of his wa} over land to the English set-\\ntlements. In 1740, general Oglethorpe, with a small\\nfleet, together with the militia of Carolina and Georgia,\\nand a body of Cherokee Indians, attacked and bombard-\\ned the town and castle but his exertions to reduce the\\nplace proved inefllectual. Another attempt was made on it\\nduring the American revolution but without success. If\\nthis place be well defended, it will be no easy matter to\\ngain possession of it.\\nAs the Floridas have often changed masters, some va-\\nriety in the population may be expected. The Spaniards\\nwere the first to make permanent settlements in them.\\nThe peace of 1763, put them in possession of Gieat Bri-\\ntain, when a number of English, Scotch, and Irish, were\\nincorporated with the ancient inhabitants. They also re-\\nceived an accession during the A nerican revolution, when\\nmany of those disaiTected to our cause, obtained refuge", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "OP THE FLORIDAS. 121\\nIn the Floridas and the proximity of our settlenient3\\nhas prompted many of our citizens since that ptriod to\\nbecome Spanish subjects.\\nOne remarkable fact relative to the population of the\\nfloridas must not escape notice. While these were in\\npossession of the English, a plan was concerted to entice\\na colony of Greeks into the country. Sir William Dun-\\ncan and doctor TurnbuU were at the bottom of this trans-\\naction. The country was represented to the Greeks in\\nthe most favorable light; they were promised fertile fields\\nand lands in abundance, and also transportation and sub-\\nsistence. Hence fifteen hundred souls were delud-rd from\\nthe islands in Greece and Italy, and landed in East Flo-\\nrida. They were planted at a place called New Smyrna,\\nsituated about seventy miles to the southward of St. Au-\\ngustine. But what was th*. ir surprise when, inst ad of\\ncultivated fields, they were ushered into a desolate wil-\\nderness, v/ithowt the means of support What mortified\\nthem still more was, that some of them were tantalized\\nwith the use of rented lands for ten years, at the expira-\\ntion of which they reverted again to the original proprie-\\ntors, uhrn the poor settlers were once more reduced to\\npoverty and misery. Some of them indeed could not ob-\\ntain land on any terms. Hence they were obliged to la-\\nbor for the planters in the character of slaves, and to ex-\\nperience hunger and nakedness. Overseers were placed\\nover them, and whenever the usual task was not complet-\\ned, they were goaded with the lash. Families were not\\nallowed to live separate from each other but a number\\nof them were crouded together in one mess, and condem-\\nned to promiscuous repose. The poor wretches were not\\neven aUov/ed to procure fish for theinsclvcs, although the\\nsea at their feet was full of them. People were forbidden\\nto furnish them with victuals severe punishments were\\ndecreed ag.unst those who gave, and those who received\\nthe charitable boon. Under this treatment many of them\\nH", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "1 J J SKivrciiKs OF i.onsi.vw.\\n(lied, csptcially tlu- old people. At length in 1709, seiz-\\ned \\\\vitli despair and sensible ot no other altern.itive than\\nfscapt- or death, they rose on their cruel tyrants, and\\nmade themselves masters of some small vessels. But\\ntheir di signs were frustrated by the prompt exertions of\\nthe military and this revolt eloseil with the deaths ot\\nfive of the unhappy ringleaders.\\nThis transaction is so contrary to the reputed humani-\\nt\\\\ of the English nation, that it rt quires some credulity to\\nbelieve the solemn report of a British olHcer, who was an\\ne\\\\e witness to whit we h.we related.\\nVarious tither seiilenunts are formed along the gulf\\nand Ailantic coast, and on their numerous rivers, parti-\\neularlx to the north of the twenty eij hth degree. The\\ninhabitants have tither fixed tlu n\\\\selves contiguous to navi-\\ngation, or resorted to ihericli boUoms, which bound some\\nof the water courses.\\nIvist Florida has but few large rivers. The St. Mary s\\nand Apalachicola wash the northern and southern extremi-\\nties of it. The St John s, which falls into the bay of A-\\npalache, is nearl\\\\ two hundred miles long, and presents\\nan casv cominunieatu n wii^h St. Augustine. Indian river\\nstn tches alcmg the peninsula in a longitudinal direction,\\nanil may prove useful at some future period. Numerous\\nstjvams of less note penetrate the shorts of the coast, af-\\nfording a boat navigation from twenty to thirty miles,\\nand will c^ne dav bear to the ocean the opulence ot the\\nback coimtry.\\nIn the two Floridas are to be founil a variety of soils\\nsome equal to any in the world others inditlerent and\\nimmense tracts exist which are of no value. Those the\\nbest acquainted with the lanils, usually enumerate seven\\ndiifereut kiniK\\nThe tirst is denominated pine barrens, which extend\\nover almost the whe.leof the peninsula, and are tVtquently\\nfound in other pi^rts oi the country. These lands mosth-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "iw Tiir. ri,( i{in\\\\s ij.;\\nconsist of n groy or wliitc suml, or ot a red or ytllow\\ngravti. They produce vast (juantitits of ytlhiw and pitcli\\npuif, v. hich are suitable for hoards, timlnr, and various\\notlur articUs. They also produce a variety of shrubs,\\nanil a kind (if wire grass, which yield sustenance to an\\nimmense number of cattle. Intermixed widi the |)iucs\\non the more elcvateil grounds, arc the horse chesnut, and\\nseveral kinds of oak. In wet seasons, these sandv and\\ngravelly soils are not altogether useUss in another point\\ni\u00c2\u00bbf view orchards of peach and mulberry flourish reniark-\\nabl\\\\ well ou then). I^ iom three to five feet beneath the\\nsurface is a stiljclay. Some of these lands are extremely\\nriukN-, especiallv near the extremity of the peninsula.\\nIll WiSt Florida this kind of land all ords many symptoms\\nol iron ore.\\nThe- stconil is called hummock land, because it rises in\\ntufts t)r small mounts among the pines. Most of the up-\\nland in the northern farts, remote Irom the sea, is of this\\nkind. The soil of it is various; in some places composed\\nof white sand in others of a mixture of clay and black\\nsand also a kind of othre, and a stratum of black mould.\\nLands of the latter description are very fruitful, particu-\\nlarly in cotton, indigo, potatoes, and pulse.\\nTiu- third is called prairie, because it is destitute of\\ntimber and this is of two kinds. The first is to be\\nfoimd in the pine barrens and as it is covered with sand,\\nit is unfit for tillage. The second is found on the high\\ngriunuU, and arc similar to those scattered over many\\nparts of the western country, particularly Louisiana.\\nSouje of them are of consideralile extent their soil is\\nluxuriant, mixed with shells, flint, chalk, and marl.\\nI lu-y produce a wild grass, of which cattle and other\\nanimals arc extremely fond.\\nThe swamps, as distinguished from marshes, compose\\nthe fourth knul. These are divided into river and inland\\nswamps. The latter are the most valuable, because they", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "124 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nproduce large crops of rice, and in some instances the\\nbest cotton, corn, and indigo in the country. The grounds\\nin them are composed of either clay or sand, and gene-\\nrally of both. The soil is prolific, and produces trees,\\nparticularly cypress of the largest kind. In wet seasons\\nthey are filled with water. Were they projjerly drained,\\nperhaps hemp might be cultivated on them to advantage.\\nThe natural growth of the river swamps consists of seve-\\nral species of cypress, canes, reeds, withes, vines, bri-\\nars and these are so numerous, and so matted together,\\nas to be impi^netrable to man or beast.\\nThe fifth is composed of marshes and these are of\\nfour kinds: Two of them are occasionally covered with\\nsalt water, and two with fresh water. Some of the for-\\nmer are soft, and consist of a very moist clay or mud^\\nand have never been converted to any useful purposes.\\nOthers again consist of a marly clay, and in dry seasons\\nare very hard. These afford pasture for graminivorous\\nanimals, though the milk and flesh of them imbibe a bad\\ntaste, and at some seasons cannot be eaten. The fresh\\nwater marshes are similar to those already described, ex-\\ncept that they are not impregnated with saline particles.\\nThe hard ones, with very little labor, may be rendered\\nfit for culture. The soft ones require much more labor,\\nbut they would be the most productive. They produce\\nplenty of wild oats Czizania aquat icaj of which the Indi-\\nans frequently make bread.\\nThe sixth is drnominrted galls and these are of two\\nkinds. Tile first are called bay galls, and are properly\\nwater courses, covered with a spungy earth, and mixed\\nand bound with vegetable fibres. They tremble like a jelly\\nfor a considerable distance about the spot impressed; like\\nquicksands they gradually absorb whatever be placed on\\nthen). Cattle, horses, and other animals, are often swal-\\nlowed, and it is frequently dangerous to attempt a passage\\nover them. They produce a stately t^ee, called the lob-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "OF THE FLORIDAS. 125\\nlolly bay, and a variety of vines, briars, thorny ^vjthes,\\nand on their margins a species of summer cane. When\\ndrained they produce rice, and are sometimes used for\\npasture grounds. The stcond are called cypress galls,\\nthe soil of which is mosdy composed of sand. They\\nproduce a kind of swamp cypress, as also plenty of wild\\ngrass. All these galls contain a species of very white\\nclay, which is manufactured into utensils of various kinds.\\nThey also contain great quantities of nitrous and bitumin-\\nous earths, fossils, marls, boles, magnetic and other iron\\nore as likewise lead, coal, chalk, freestone, chr^st-ils, and\\nwhite topazes. Ambergris, and natural pitch, or asphaltos^\\nare found among these galls.\\nThe seventh is composed of the more elevated grounds,\\ncommonly called uplands, which extend along the heads\\nof some of the water courses, near the line of demarca-\\ntion. Thev are generally covered with large trees of d\u00c2\u00bbf-\\nferent species, similiar to those in Georgia and the Mis-\\nsissippi territory.\\nPart of the natural growth of the country has al-\\nready been noticed. It produces no less than eight\\nkinds of oak, one of which is the live oak; plenty of\\nwhite and black walnut, hickory, chesnut three kinds\\nof mulberry four kinds of the magnolia orange and fig\\ntrees, peccon, persimmon, and sycamore as also a vast\\nvariety of plums, and odicr indigenous fruit, several\\nkinds of which are delicious.\\nNo part of the world can bnast of finer esculent plants.\\nFlora and Pomona are liberal ia their gifts. The pro-\\nducts of the torrid and temperate zones are cultivated\\nwith success, particularly in the peninsula.\\nWest Florida, as already hinted, exhibits the greatest\\nfertility. Wheat grows here, as also barley, oats, corn,\\npeas, buckwheat, rye, and rice these flourish best along\\nthe water courses. All the different soils are adapted to\\nsome kmds of grass. Apple trees are common but the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "126 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\npeach and pear trees yield the most abundautly. The\\ncountry produces plenty of indigo, flax and tobacco but\\ncotton is now the staple commodity. Oranges and olives\\nare cultivated with success. St. John s river, and some\\nof the lakes, art* festooned witji orange groves. The an-\\nnona, limi and mahoe, are indigenous, as also many me-\\ndi inal plants. Various articles, usually denominate d na-\\nval stores, are produced here such as hemp, pitch, tar,\\nturpentine, and shipping timber. The lumber trade has\\nflourished in this quarter for nearly a centurv. Vast\\nquantities of fish are cured on the coast, suitable for the\\nWest India markets such as the drum, carp, pampanos,\\nsoles, sea trout, the roes of the mullet and bl ick drum.\\nBees are plentious in the western and southern parts of\\nthe United States, the Floridas, and Louisiana, and they\\nusually precede the whites in their progress into the in-\\nterior.\\nThe water, as to taste and quality, is various. Salt,\\nbrackish, nitrous, and sulphureous springs, are scattered\\nabout the country as also salt and fresh lakes, lagoons,\\nand rivers. Springs of a fresh and pure quality abound\\nin the more elevated parts of the country, and contribute\\nto the convenience and health of the inhabitants.\\nThe climate in the Floridas is more changeable than\\nthat in the eastern and middle states, but much less on\\nthe extremes. The heavy winds, charged with moisture,\\nfrom the coast of Labrador and Nova Scotia, which rage\\nwith violence in New England, are rendered less trouble-\\nsome as they approach the borders of East Florida and\\nthe thick forests over which they pass in their way to\\nWest Florida, in a great measure deprive them of their\\nhumidity and cold.\\nIn the peninsula the climate is deemed remarkably\\npleasant it is more temperate on the west than on the\\neast side of it. On the east side the trade winds prevail,\\nand cool the air in summer but on the west side the air", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "OF THE FLORIDAS. 127\\n13 Vf frigerated by the breezes iVom the Apalachean moun-\\ntains, which are still more agreeably temperate. The\\nmost serene weather is to the south ot the twenty seventh\\ndegree, where frosts seldom make their appt-arance. Here\\nthe products of the more northern climates mix with those\\nof the tropics. During the summer, heavy gales of wind\\nbeat against the east side of the peninsula. The west\\nside is subject to dreadful squalls, and hardly, a day pas-\\nses without one or more of them, especially if the wind\\nbe from between the south east and south-south west but\\nthey are genen.lly of short duration. Thunder and lightning\\nare less frequent and vioknt here than in Georgia and the\\nCarolinas.\\nThe climate in AVest Florida, with one or two exceptions,\\nis similar to that just mentioned. Frostsare frequent, and of\\nsuch severity as to kill Iruit and vegetables. At the close\\nof winter in this quarter, the winds are mostly at west,\\nand north west. In the spring, and the early part of au-\\ntumn, they are usually nt east. Just before and after the\\nautumnal equinox, storms and hurricanes are conimon a-\\nlong the gulf they sometimes extend a considerable dis\\ntance up the Mississippi, though their violence abates as\\nthey recede from the coast. These tempests swell the ri-\\nvers, and cover the low hmds with water. Here the\\nsouth, and south west winds occasion damp weather, per-\\nhaps because they traverse the gulf. The south east and\\nnorth east winds are cool and dry, perhaps because they\\nsweep over extensive forests and sandy plains. The\\nwinds between north and west are still more salubrious.\\nThe mercury in Farenheit seldom falls below thirty de-\\ngrees, and seldom rises higher than ninety four degrees\\nin the shade.\\nThe extremes of the climate are somewhat greater in\\nthe Mississippi territory. It has been observed that, of\\nlate years in this quarter, the summers have been warm-\\ner, and the winters colder, than formerly. Orange trees.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "128 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nand other tender exotics were once cultivated here to\\nsome advantage but, for some years past, they have\\nsuffered from the frosts. In former years the mercury\\nnever fell below twenty six degrees; latterly it has sunk\\nto seventeen, and in December 1800, to twelve degrees.\\nIn winter the north west winds are cold and dry. East\\nwinds, for the most part, either produce riiin, or create\\nconsiderable humidity in the air. The north east and\\nsouth east winds are also charged with vapors. The north\\nwinds usually produce sleet and snow. The southerly\\nwinds begin to prevail in February, when the spring com-\\nmences. During the summer they are generally from the\\nsouth east and south west yet they are frequently known\\nto follow the course of the sun, blowing from the north\\neast in the morning, and dying away at south west in the\\nevening. About eight or nine o clock at night the cool\\nzephyrs from the west and north west begin to rise, and\\nbrace the human system, rather too much relaxed by the\\nheats of the day. These heats begin to be oppressive in\\nMa} and continue till about the last of August and du-\\nring this time the mercury vibrates between ninety and\\nninety six degrees in the shade. From about the middle\\nof September to about the twentieth of November, the\\nweather is excellent, the mercury varying between sixty\\nfive and seventy degrees, and the winds blowing from\\nevery point of the compass, attended with frequent show-\\ners of rain. The winter commences the last of Novem-\\nber, when the mornings and evenings begin to be cold,\\nand sometimes frosty. The frost first appears in the val-\\nleys along the rivers and streams, and a difference of ten\\ndegrees is frequently known to exist between the atmos-\\nphere of these and that on the high grounds, at the dis-\\ntance of three miles only. At this season of the year the\\nweaiher is changeable, and perhaps in no part of the world\\nis the human frame more susceptible of it. It is apt to\\nproduce pluretic and other inflammatory diseases. Bilious", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "OF THE ri,ORinAS. 120\\nfevers sometimes make their appearance, and intermit-\\ntents are endeniical. No great quantity of snow falls in\\nthis country, though seldom a winter passes without\\nsome.\\nHence we perceive that the climate in the Mississippi\\nterritory is materially different from that of West Flori-\\ntla, though about a degree only to the north of it and\\nthat some of the winds in the two places, blowing from\\nthe same points, produce opposite and contrary effects.\\nThis problem is well worthy of investigation.\\nThe prevalent v./inds in East Florida are nearly similar\\nto those in West Florida, though their effects are rather\\ndifferent. The gales from the east and north east are\\nmore severely felt, while those from the opposite points\\nmake much less impression. The air is clear and pure\\nheavy dews fall at night fogs arc seldom seen, except on\\nSt. John s river. The spring and autumn are dry, though\\nthe temperature of the latter is variable. The winter\\ncommences about the last of November, with wet and\\nwindy weather. From October to June the climate is ge-\\nnerally excellent. The months of July, August, and\\nSeptember, are extremely hot and uncomfortable but the\\ntemperature is less variable here than in Georgia, and\\nfrosts are much more rare. After storms, attended with\\nthunder and lightning, the wind generally veers to the\\nthe west, and is very welcome to all particularly to those\\nwhose bodies are exhausted by the heats.\\nFrom the first of July to the middle of October, fevers\\nare prevalent in both the Floridas. They are usually pre-\\nceded by heavy rains, and sultry weather. Those of\\nplethoric habits, and sanguine constitutions, are the most\\nliable to be attacked. Inflammatory fevers of domestic\\norigin are rarely experienced. The yellow fever occasi-\\nonally makes its appearance but it has always been tra-\\nced to the islands, particularly to the llavanna. Intermit-\\ns", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "130 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ntents are endemical, and often prove tedious but they\\ncomroonly yield to the prescriptions of skilful physicians.\\nIt has already been hinted, that the transitions in the\\ntemperature of the weather were much less on the ex-\\ntremes in the Floridas than in the eastern states. This\\ncircumstance is particularly favorable to health along the\\nthe gulf, where the heat is considerable, and where sud-\\nden transitions in the temperature of the atmosphere\\nwould generate dangerous diseases. If men in this quar-\\nter avoid intemperate excesses, fatigues, and the violence\\nof the heats, no great danger is to be apprehended^\\nBi^fore we conclude, it seems necessary to observe,\\nthat the English, when they took possession of the Flori-\\ndas, endeavoured to infuse an agricultural spirit into the\\nminds of the people. They were forward to set the ex-\\nample, and commenced improvements in the culture of\\nsuch articles as were of commercial importance, particu-\\nlarly rice and cotton. In a very few years the face of the\\nFloridas was changed and had they remained much lon-\\nger in the country, agriculture and population would have\\narrived at their maximum. They found the Spaniards\\nwithout agriculture, and without energy of character suf-\\nficient to stimulate them to it. They awakened them\\nfrom the slumliers of more than two centuries, and sur-\\nprised them with the advantag s of manual industry, pro-\\nperly directed yet these renovated beings, on the depar-\\nture of the English, resumed their ancient habits, and\\nsupk again into inaction in which they still remain in all\\nthe pride of pov^rrty, and overwhelmed in the pleasures\\nof a negative existence I", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER ni.\\nEXTENT AND BOUNDARIES OF LOUISIANA.*\\nTHE discovery of the Mississippi by Ferdinand de\\nSoto in 1541, was never considered by Spain as authoriz-\\ning a claim to any part of the country about it. The sub-\\nsequent discoveries and settlements of the French were\\nultimately acquiesced in by that power.\\nAmong civilized nations the right derived from disco-\\nvery is as conclusive and indisputable at that derived\\nfrom purchase, particularly if it be succeeded by posses-\\nsion. We shall soon discover the extent of the claims of\\nFrance in Louisiana, and distinguish those of a legitimate\\nfrom those of a doubtful nature.\\nA paper on this s\\\\ibject was pi Wisliccl by the nuthor m (he A.irora\\nin Octo!)er 1806, which is introduced in liiis chaplei though with\\nmany additions and alterations, made in 1809.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "132 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nBy the treaty of Su Idelfonso, dated the first of Octo-\\nber 1800, Spain promises and engages on h *r part, to\\nretroccde to the French republic, six months after the\\nfull and entire execution of the conditions and stipula-\\ntions therein contained relative to the duke of Parma,\\nthe colony or province of Louisiana, with the same\\nextent that it actually has in the hands of S/)ai?i, that it\\nhad when France possessed it^ and such as it should be\\nafter the treati(-:s subsequently entered into between\\nSpain and other states. This clause was confirmed\\nand enforced by a sabsequent treaty, between the same\\npowers, made at Madrid, March the twenty first IdOl;\\nit also makes a part of the treaty of cession of April the\\nthirtieth, 1803, between the French republic and the Uni-\\nted States, and is particularly referred tcTas descriptive of\\nthe boundaries of Louisiana. These boundaries under-\\nwent no alteration in the hands of Spain, except what re-\\nsultfd from the provisions of the treaty of 1795, between\\nthat power and the United States,\\nThe words that it actually has in the hands of Spain,\\nand that it had when France possessed it, seem to\\nbear on the face of them a considerable degree of diplo-\\nmatic uncertainty A cause of dispute appears to be the\\nobject of both parties and each was aware that the strong-\\nest would prevail. But the meaning undoubtedly was,\\nand this corresponds with* the known rules of constructi-\\non, that the French republic should possess Louisiana in\\nIts fullest extent. All the territory between the Missis-\\nsippi and the Perdido was included* in Louisiana at the\\ntime Spain acquired it by the treaty of 1762, and though\\nthe transfer extinguished the name, it did not obliterate\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0what France possessed ^r lOY to that period.\\nIf indeed the boundaries of Louisiana were limitted to\\nthe territory in the actual possession of France in 1702,\\nthe question about them would hardly admit of dispute,\\nBut the terms of the treaty of retrocession in 1800, which", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "EXTENT AND BOUNDARIES. 133\\nare incorporated in the treaty of cession of 1803, and\\nmake a part of it, place the dispute on a very different\\nground, and much more in favor of the United States.\\nThe real question now is, What xvas the extent of Louis-\\niana when France possessed it The import of the words\\nin the retrocession fairly includes, what she had a right\\nto possess, not simply what she actually did possess at\\nthat period.\\nThe boundaries of Louisiana may be partly ascertained\\nby a reference to the grant made of the commerce of that\\ncountry to Crozat in 1712. This document is the more\\nimportant, as it probably contains the first formal and\\nofficial recognition of some of these boundaries and\\nsuch parts of it as serve to illustrate them, will now be\\nquoted.\\nLOUIS (the fourteenth) by the grace of\\nGod, king of France and N.ivarre To all who shall\\nsee these presents, greeting. The care we have always\\nhud to procure the welfare and advantageof our subjects,\\nhaving induced us, notwithstanding the almost continual\\n-wars which we have been engaged to support from the\\nbeginning of our reign, to seek all possible opportuni-\\nties of enlarging and extending the trade of our Ame-\\nrican colonies, we did in the year 1683, give our orders\\nto undertake a discovery of the countries and lands,\\nwhich are situated in the northern parts of America be-\\ntween New France (Canada) and New Mexico. And\\nthe Sieur de la Salle, to whom we committed that\\nenterprise, having had success enough to confirm the\\nbelief, that a communication might be settled from\\nNew France to the gulf of Mexico by means of large\\nriv rs this obliged us immediately after the peace of\\nR\\\\svvic (in 1697) to give orders for the establishing a\\ncolony there, (under Ibberville in 1699) and maintaining\\na garrison, which has kept and preserved the pos.sessio}i", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "134 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nwe had taken in the year 16 33, of the lands^ coasts and\\nislands which are situated in the gulf ol Mexico, be-\\ntween Carolina on the east^ and old and netv Mexico\\non the west. But a new war breaking out in Europe\\nshortly after, there was no possibility till now of reap-\\ning from that new colony the advantages that might\\nhave been expected from thence, because the private men\\nwho are concerned in the sea trade, W(^re all under en-\\ngagements with th- other colonies, which they have\\nbeen obliged to follow And whereas upon the inforni-\\nation we have received concerning the disposition and\\nsituation of the said countries known, at present bij\\nthe name of the province of Louisiana, we are ot opinion,\\nthat there may be establishtid therein a considerable\\ncommerce, so much the more advantageous to our king-\\ndom in that there has been hitherto a necessity of fetch-\\ning from foreigners the greatest part of the commodi-\\nties which may be brought from thence, and because in\\nexchange thereof we need carry thither nothing but the\\ncommodities of the growth and manufacture of our\\nown kingdom we have resolved to grant the com-\\nmerce of the country of L luisiana, to the Sieur A itho-\\nny Crozat, our counsellor, secretary of the household,\\ncrown and revenue, to whom we entrust the execution\\nof this project. We are the more readily inclined there-\\nto, because his zeal, and the singular knowledge he has\\nacquired in maritime commerce, encourage us to hope\\nfor as good success as he has hitherto had in the divers\\nand sundry enterprises he has gone upon, and which\\nhas procured to our kingdom great quantities of gold\\nand silver in such conjunctures as have rendered them\\nvery welcome to us. For these reasons, being desir-\\nous to shew our favor to him, and to regulate the con-\\nditions upon which we mean to grant him the said cosn-\\nmerce, after having deliberated the affair in our coun-\\ncil, of our own certain knowledge, full power, and", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "EXTENT AND BOUNDARIES. I35\\nroyal authority, we by these presents, signed by our\\nhand, have appointed, and do appoint, the said Sieur\\nCrnzat to carry on a trade in all the lands possessed by\\nus, and bounded by Neiv Mexico, and by the English\\not Carolina, all the establishments, ports, havens, rivers,\\nand particularly the port and haven of Isle Dauphin,\\nheretofore called Massacre the river St. Louis, here-\\ntofore called Mississippi, from the edge of the sea as\\nfar as the Illinois; together with the river St. Philip,\\nheretofore call\u00c2\u00ab;d the Missouris, and St. Gerome, here-\\ntofore called Ovabathe, (the Ohio) with all the coun-\\ntries, territories, lakes within land, and the rivers which\\nfall directhj or indirectly into that part of the river St,\\nLouis. Our pleasure is, that all the aforesaid lands*\\ncountries, streams, rivers, and islands, be and remain\\ncomprized under the name of the government of Lou-\\nisiana.\\nNow this is the solemn declaration of Lewis the four-\\nteenth, as to the extent of some of his claims in Louisia-\\nna and we shall soon find how far they derive support\\nfrom discovety, possession, and settlement.\\nThe commerce of Crozut extended as far as the Il-\\nlinois. This expression had no reference to the river of\\nthat name, but to the country in general, on b(jth sides of\\nthe Alississippi, above the mouth of the Ohio; which,\\nunder tht French ard Spanish governments, was deno-\\nniinattcl the cowitry of the Illinois, and this denomination\\nappt..rcd 111 all UKir records ujd other official acts. Thus\\nletters, deeds, and other instruments, bore date at Kas-\\nkaski.; of the Illinois, St. Louis of the Illinois, St. Charles\\nol the Illinois; not simply to signify the villages where\\nsitch documents were respectively executed, but more\\np nicularl) to denote the country in which those villages\\nare situated. Ifence the commerce of Crozat, by the\\nterms of the patent, extended to the utmost limit of LdCi-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "136 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nisiana in that quarter which, by the treaty of Utretcht\\nin 1713, was fixed at the forty ninth degree. At this\\nperiod the French had no competitors on the upper\\nMississippi and therefore the Ilhnois river could not be\\nintended as the northern boundary of Louisiana.\\nNo doubt the commerce of Crozat was extended to the\\nlands of the English of Carolina in consequence of the\\nsettlements made by the French about St. Augustine in\\n1562 and this is the more likely, as they always watch-\\ned for an opportunity of reviving and prosecuting their\\nancient claims. These settlements, at the end of five\\nyears from their commencement, fell into the hands of\\nthe Spaniards, and no serious attempts were ever made\\nby the French to recover them.\\nOn the east side of the Mississippi, the Rio Perdido\\nformed the boundary line between the Fn^nch and Spani-\\nards and that the French had a legitimate claim to all\\nthe country between these two rivers, and actually pos-\\nsessed ity the following facts will aiford sufficient proof.\\nThey explored the country about the mouth of the\\nMississippi in 1683, at which time the Spaniards had no\\nsettlements nearer to that place than Si. Augustine. In\\n1699, Ibbervilie, ihe first ro) al governor of Louisiana,\\nplanted a colony at the mouth of the Rio Perdido,\\nwhere he built a fort, and mounted twelve pieces of\\ncannon. In the year 1702, part oi the colonists, together\\nwith the seat of government, were removed to Isle Dau-\\nphin, situated at the entrance of the Mobile. About\\nthe same period, settlements were farmed up that I i-\\nver, and along the gulf to the westward from none of\\nwhich were the French ever expelled. Isle D.mphin\\nwas the seat of goveniment f;r about twenty years; and\\nwhen it was removed to New Orleans, a garrisot) remain-\\ned to protect the settlers on the coast and rivers, who\\nwere governed by the French authorities till the treaty of\\n1763 was carried into effect.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "EXTENT AXD BOUNDATIIES. I37\\nThe first discoveries of the French about the mouth of\\nthe Mississippi, excited the fears of the Spaniards, and\\nthey conceived it good policy to erect some barriers a-\\ngninst those whom they considered as intruders. For this\\npurpose they founded Pensacola in 1696, three years be-\\nfore the arrival of Ibherville. The entrance of the har-\\nbor t this place, is about twelve miles to the eastward\\not the Pcrdido, and Pensacola is about sixty miles nearly\\nin the same direction from Mobile, An appearance of\\nharmony existed between the French and Spaniards for\\nsome years Yet their proximity gradually created mu-\\ntual jealousies and fears; and during the war of 1719,\\nPensacola changed masters three times, and was at last\\nreduced to a heap of ruins by the French. The truce of\\n1722, restored it to the Spaniards; and from this period\\nthe Perdido was considered by both of them as the boun-\\ndary line; it was acquiesced in by both; the laws of\\nSpain operated on one side, and those of France on the\\nother.\\nIt is a circumstance of no small weight, that the Spa-\\nniards were never in possession of any part of the terri-\\ntory between the Mississippi and Pcrdido till they con-\\nquered it from England during the time of the American\\nrevolution. The actual possession of this tract by the\\nFrench for about seventy years, seems to fix the national\\nboundary, just mentioned, on such a solid basis as not\\nnow to be called in question. These facts may be ad-\\nduced as unanswerable arguments against any modern\\npretensions of Spain to a more extended claim. Several\\ntreaties were made subsequent to Crozat s grant in 1712,\\nand the peace of 1722, and in none of them are the rights\\nof France impaired.\\nIt is therefore difficult to comprehend the ground of the\\nassertion, that no part of West Florida is included in the\\ncession. If the original discovery and settlement of it by\\nthe Frencli, the name of Louisiana given to it by them\\nT", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "138 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA.\\nthe recognition of it by the French monarchs, the estab-\\nlishment of a colonial government, and the admmistrati-\\non of laws, the possession of it for about seventy years,\\nand the acquiescence of Spain during the last half of that\\nperiod, are not sufficient to vest an indisputable title in\\nFrance, the territorial rights of nations are extremely-\\nprecarious. The claims of Spain to West Florida, are\\n\\\\yithout a precedent to sanction them and they bid defi-\\nance to all those principles, which usually govern the con-\\nduct of civilized nations. She refoceded the country\\nwith the same extent it had when France possessed it.\\nThis stipulation effttctually precludes every argument a-\\ngainst the rights of France, drawn from the conquest of\\nWest Florida during the American revolution; because\\nthtrse rights, though extinguished for a time, existed an-\\ntecedentiy to the conquest the conquest enabled Spain to\\nrestore them and she actually did restore them under\\nthe solemn sanction of a treaty.\\nIt will be proper in this place to notice, in a cursory\\nmanner, the several treaties, which apparently have a\\nbearing on the question of title, particularly on that now\\nunder consideration. Our claims in other quarters must\\nbe decided on different principles; no treaties appear to\\nconfirm or to oppose them.\\nEngland, France, and Spain, were parties to the treaty\\nof 1763, and all signed it. France by that treaty ceded\\nand guaranteed to England, in full right, the river and\\nport of Mobile, and every thing she possessed, or ought\\nto possc-ss, on the east side of the Mississippi, except the\\nisland of Orleans. And Spain by the same treaty, ceded\\nand guarautecd Florida, with St. Augustine and the bay\\nof Pt-nsacola, in full right to England. The island of\\nOrleans, -ind the remainder of Louiiiana, was ceded by\\nFrance to Spain the year before.\\nSpain therefore admitted the ris^hr of France to the\\nMobile, and to all the country between that river and the", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "EXTENT AND BOUNDARIES. I39\\nMississippi. And France admitted the right of Spain\\nto Pensacola, and to that part of Florida to the eastward\\nof it.\\nNo part of the country between ]M.)blle and Pensacola\\nappears to be included in this treaty. If those tw powers\\nat that period disagreed as to the boundary line betvveen\\ntheir respective possessions, it ought now to be adjusted\\non known and acknowledged principles. Who first dis-\\ncovered and settled it This question has been already\\nsufficiently discussed.\\nSpain seizes with avidity on the apparently doubtful\\nphraseology of the stipulation contained in the treaty of\\nSt. Idelfonso of 1800. She contends that the word re-\\ntrocede obliges her to restore no morv of Louisiana than\\nshe actually received from France under the secret treaty\\nof ir62 and she likewise maintains, that this was the\\ntrue intent and meaning of the parties. This construction\\nwould be admissible, were it not opp.^sed by other words\\nand expressions in the same treaty, and it is a good rule\\nto interpret an ambiguous instrument, by a strict compa-\\nrison of its several members or clauses, though in such\\na manner as to operate the most strongly against the party\\nmaking the grant. That treaty retrocedes Louisiana with\\nthe same extent it achialhj has in the hands of Spaing\\nand that it had when Fran e possessed it. What\\nwas the extent of it in 1800 Spain was at that time the\\nrightful proprietor of AVest Florida, which was anteced-\\nently part of Louisiana, and ceded to England by the\\ntreaty of 1763; and although this cession extinguished\\nthe name, there was no subduction of the territory it\\nstill remains identically and substantially the same, and is\\nat this time possessed by Spain. AVhat was the extent of\\nLou!- ana when bVance possessed it? This question as it\\nrespects West Florida has been already answered. If there\\nbe any ambiguity in the retrocession, it will doubtless be", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "140\\nSKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\namply Investigated by the constituted auihoiilies of thc-\\nunion.\\nThe boundaries of Louisiana to the westward of Red\\nriver are much less defined, and euvelopLd in more ob-\\nscurity yet ^^e are not wholly destitute of lijijhtb on the\\nsubject, and an attempt will be made to place them in a\\nproper point of view.\\nIt is a fundamental maxim of Spain, that the national\\ndomain lands are those, not only in the actual tiijoymi^ nt\\nof the nation, but also those on xvhich the tiatioii has a\\nright to re-enter or, in oth\u00c2\u00ab_r words, a nation is never\\nousted of its rights by lapse of time, and a claim one\u00c2\u00ae\\ngood is never extinguished, except by regular transfer, or\\nthe imperious results of war. Qn this principle the ques-\\ntion of title, between France and Spain, to the country\\non the west side of Red river, must be decided. To form\\na correct decision, priority of discovery and settlement\\nmust be stated and considered and to illustrate these\\nfacts, it will be necessary to recur to such traits in the\\nearly history of Louisiana, as appear to bear on the points\\nunder discussion.\\nThe right of discovery, to be perfect, must be fol-\\nlowed by acts of sovereignty and settlement is one of\\nthose acts. Perhaps, according to the latter part of this\\ndefinition, the rights of France and Spain to the coun-\\ntry on the west side of Red river, were imperfect for\\nmany years, and nearly of equal validity therefore the\\nimperfect right of discovery, must necessarily decide the\\nqj Stion,\\nThe French under M. de la Salle, landed, built a fort,\\nand formed a settlement in 1685, on the west side of the\\nbay of St. Bernard, and at the same time took possession\\nof the cpuntry with the usual formalities Tli.y explored\\nit to the westward, and more particularly to the north-\\nward, of that place r ^Vhat they did was sufficient to vest", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "li.VTENT AND IJOUNDAKIES. 141\\na complete title in France, unless Spain had acquired a\\nprior one.* The eventual destruction of the BVcnch by\\nthe Indians did not weaken the claim of Louis the four,\\nteenih and accordingly, we find that, in his patent to\\nCrozat, he exprtssly extends the boundaries of Louisiana\\nto old and iwxu Mexico on the west. The fact is, that\\nold and new Mexico never included any part of the coun-\\ntry to the eastward of the rio Bravo; and certain it is,\\nthat the Spaniards in the days of Crozat had not approach-\\ned that river; their nearest settlement to it was about\\none hundred and fifty miles to the westward of it. This\\nwas undoubtedly known to the French monarch: His ob-\\nject was to embrace the discoveries made by M. de la\\nSalle and the boundaries he prescribed were grounded\\non the rights usually admitted as valid among civilized\\nnations, particularly where there is no prior discover^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0.\\nThe first time the Spaniards appeared on the west bank\\nof the rio Bravo was in 1714, where they built a fortress\\ncalled St. John Baptist; and so anxious were they to ob-\\nliterate the title of the French, that they created a pro-\\nvince without inhabitants on the east side of that river\\nand called it Texas.\\nThe news of this proceeding soon reached the capital\\nat Isle Dauphin. M. de la Motte, the governor of Lou-\\nisiana, to prevent any encroachments of the Spaniards,\\ndirected M. de St. Dennis, with thirty in.n, to repair to\\nNachitoches on Red river. On his arrival nt that place,\\nnot til dmg or hearing of any Spaniards, he advanced over-\\nland with part of his detachment to the rio Bravo, on the\\nBaron Humboldt asserts, on what aiithoiUy is not known, that M.\\nde la S.tlk, on disembarking in tlie bay of St. Bernard, found Spani\\nards at that time amonijthe Indians, whom he endeavored to combat\\nButFatlier Anastasius, wno accompanied M. de la Salle from Prance\\nto the bay of St. Bernard, where he resided more than two years, makes\\nno menti6n of this fact in his journal and his silence on a subject of\\nthis naUire, may be adduced as almost conchisivc evidence of the er\\nir, into which the learned baron has been led.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "142 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nwest bank of which he found a mission of Franciscans,\\nand the Spanish presidio^ or out post already mentioned.\\nTo maintain possession of the country, and to secure\\nthe friendship of the Indians, the French immediately\\nerected a garrison on the Sabine, about one hundred and\\nfifty miles north west of Nachitoches, which was never\\ntroubled by the Spaniards. They likewise at the same\\ntime planted themselves among a nation of Indians, cal-\\nled the Assinais, situated about thirty miles to the west-\\nward of the present village of Nacogdoches, or about\\none hundred and forty miles to the westward of Ilcd river,\\nwhere they erected a fort. The perfidious deceit practi-\\nsed by the Spaniards in in?, to expel the French from\\nthis place, and to secure it for themselves, has been de-\\ntailed in the historical part of this work from which no\\njust title can be deduced by Spain. The French never ac-\\nquiesced in this wrong and their weakness at that and\\nsubsequent periods, alone prevented a successlul reclama-\\ntion of their rights. A fraudul-nt possession, obtained\\nin time of peace, and in violation ol mutual agreements,\\ncan never be converted into a just one, and be iegitimat\\ned among sovereign states.\\nIt is particularly worthy of remark, that the Spaniards\\nnever appeared on the east side of the rio Br.\u00c2\u00bbvo, till\\nthey were conducted to the Assinais by M. de St. Dennis,\\nas has been re /ated in another place. This event enabled\\nthem to disperse small missions (generally attended by\\ntwo or more soldiers) among the Indian tribes, situated\\nbetween that river and Nacogdoches. In the year 1720^\\nthey formed an establishment at the Adaize, about fifteen\\nmiles to the westward of Nachitoches, from which they\\nwere more than once driven by the French.\\nI he numerous difficulties experienced by the French,\\ndid not discourage them. In 171 M. de la Harp as-\\ncended llefl river with a bods of troops, and built a gar-\\nrison among the Caddo^ues, in aoout thirty three degrees", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "EXTENT AXI) HOUNDAHIES. 143\\nfifty five mimitts north latitude, and about four hundred\\nmilfs above Nachitoches. This t-stablibhment was main-\\ntnini d, tven without interruption, till Louisiana passed\\ninto the hands of the Spaniards. M. l^cranger at the\\nsame time attertipted to form a settlement in the bay of\\nSt. Bernard, where he erected a small garrison in twenty\\nseven degrees forty five minutes north latitude, and three-\\nhundred and ninety miles to the westward of the mouth\\nof th- Mississippi, which was eventually destroyed by the\\nIndians. M. de la Harp made a similar attempt in 1721,\\nand with no better success.\\nThese are some of the most material facts, on which\\nrests the question of title to the country on the west side\\nof Red river. It appears, that the French, more than\\nthirty years before the arrival of the Spaniards in this\\nquarter, formed a settlement, and built a garrison, on the\\nsea coast; that, antecedently to such arrival, they explor-\\ned the inland country, and took possession of it with the u-\\nsual formalities, and made three establishments in the very\\nheart of it one at Nachitoches, a second near the source\\nof the Sabine, a third at the Assanais and soon after-\\nwards, another high up on Red river. These facts\\nmust be admitted by the Spaniards and all they have to\\noppose to them is, the continued possession of the country\\n(acquired in the manner already stated) between the rio\\nBravo and Nachitoches, subticquently to the year 1717;\\nduring which time the French maintained their garrisons\\nand settlements on the Sabine and Red river. If priori-\\nty of discovery, followed by partial settlement, and other\\nacts of sovereignty, such as making treaties with the In-\\ndian tribes, furnish a legitimate claim, the title of the\\nFrench is not susceptible of much dispute They were\\nnot deprived of their rights by the results of war, but by\\npremeditated fraud and they can v/ith justice appeal to\\nthe Spanish maxim, that the iiational domain lands are those\\non zi)hkh the nation has a right to rc-cn(rr.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "144 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nIt will be necessary to notice two other points, though\\nof minor importance, because they have excited some\\ndispute. The Spaniards contend that the rio Hondo is\\nthe utmost western Umit of Louisiana and that the\\nBayou Pierre was never within the jurisdiction of the\\nFrench.\\nIt is highly probable that the Spanish and French com-\\nmandants at the Adaize and Nachitoches, agreed on the\\nrio Hondo as the temporary boundary between them, and\\nthat the troops of both were restrained from passing it.\\nThis was merely intended to prevent those accidents,\\nwhich often occur when the troops of different nations\\n(between whom no permanent friendship exists) are suf-\\nfered to visit the garrisons of each other. The rio Hon-\\ndo is nothing more than a deep gully or ravine, over\\nwhich passes the road leading to the S ibine, about five\\nmiles to the westward of Nachitoches. For some distance\\nboth above and below the road, it is generally dry, except\\nin wet seasons, w hen it receives the water from the cir-\\ncumjacent hills, and conveys it into a small lake, which\\ncommunicates with Red river, about two miles below\\nNachitoches. This gully or ravine heads in the hills near\\nthe road; and the whole distance from its source to where\\nit joins Hid river, -does not exceed eight miles. It would\\nbe preposterou to suppose, that this diminutive object\\nforms the boundary line between two extensive provin-\\nces or empires. B-sides, the temporary stipulation of\\ntwo subalterns v/as incap^ible of binding either nation\\nand even during the existence of this stipulation, the\\nFrench maintained their garrisons on Red river and the\\nSabine.\\nThe Spaniards are still more unfortunate in their claims\\nto Bayou Pit-n-e. The geo raphical position of this place\\nd( Sf-rves particular notice, because it is little understdd.\\nJust below the great ratt, a portion of the water of Rd\\nriver breaks over its right bank, forming a considerable", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "EXTENT AND BOUNDARIES. 145\\nbranch, which meanders through the country till it joins\\nthat river again about ten miles above Nachitoches.\\nThe Bayou Pierre flows into this branch about sixtv miles\\nabove the junction just mentioned. T he Yattassee Indi-\\nans formerly lived in this quarter, and they were visited\\nby Biainville in 1700. The French formed settlements\\nhere as early as the year 1730; and they owed their ori-\\ngin to M. Verge, who established a trading house on Yat-\\ntasee point, under an exclusive privilege granted him by\\nthe governor of Louisiana, and who for many years mo-\\nnopolized the trade of the neighbouring Indians. The\\ninhabitants are not numerous, but they are wholly of\\nFrench descent. All their land titles of a date prior to\\nthe accession of the Spanish authorities in 1769, were de-\\nrived from the successive governors of Louisiana.\\nIt is a fact now well known, that a warm dispute took\\nplace at New Orleans between the French and Spanish\\ncommissioners relative to the boundaries of Louisiana.\\nThe former contended that the rio Bravo was the western\\nlimit while the latter declared himself bound by his in-\\nstructions, which restricted him to the delivery of the\\ncountry on the east side of the Sabinjc. During this dis-\\npute it was ascertained that Louisiana was ceded to the\\nUnited States, when all arrangements between them ceas-\\ned of course. It is worthy of remark, that the Sabine\\nis known in geography by two other names, Mexicana,\\nand Adaize and that it is universally said to be a river\\nof Ijouisiana.\\nConsiderable light is thrown on the subject of bouncfa-\\nries by the Spanish and l^^rench maps.\\nIn the year 1799, the gulf of Mexico was accurately sur-\\nveyed, and a chart made of it, by the order of the king\\nof Spain. This chart embraces the whole sea coast be-\\ntween the eighteenth degree of north Lititude, and the ri-\\nver St. Mary s in Georgia, as also twelve degrees of lon-\\ngitude together with all the soundings and islands. It", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "J 46 SIvtlTClJKS OF LOUISIAXA.\\nis applicable to our present ]mrpose in one particular only;\\nit stems to represent the Subine as the western limit of\\nLouisiana.\\nDu Pratz resided in J^ouisiana from 1718 to 1734, da-\\nring which time he held an office under the crown. In\\n1758, he published a large work, embracing the civil and\\nnatural history of that country, and accompanied it with\\na map. An epitonie of it w;.s soon afterwards translated\\nfrom the French, and published in England. This map\\nincludes the whole of what we call West Florida, and\\nlikewise the whole of the gulf westward to the mouth of\\nthe rio Bravo, which is laid down by the Spaniards in\\ntwenty five degrees fifty three minutes north latitude, and\\nby the English in twenty six degrees eight minutes north\\nlatitude the line then extends up the easterly or left bank\\nof that river, to a remarkable bend in it, in about twenty\\nnine degrees twenty five minutes north latitude, near to\\nwhich IS the southern extremity of the Mexican moun-\\ntains; It here leaves the river, diverges a little to the\\nright, and runs along to the north west, on the summit of\\nthese mouniains, till it terminates in the forty sixth degree\\nof north latitude. It must not be forgotten that the Color-\\nado, Trinity, Red river, Arkansas, Kansas, Piatte, and some\\nother large rivers, have their sources in these mountains.\\nAll the French, and even some of the Sp:mish geogra-\\nphers, delineate the same boundaries to the west. In the\\natlas published in 17J3, by the Prussian royal academy\\nof sciences, the same boundaries are represented.\\nP. rt of the claim of the French, as mentioned in the\\npatent to Crozat, extended to all tlie countries, territo-\\nries, lakes within land, and the rivers, which fall direct-\\n/i/, or indirectly into the Mississippi. Little need be-\\nsaid on this pointi, as the Spaniards seem not much dis-\\nposed to extend their claims to the eastward of any part\\nof KlJ river, or the Mexican mountaiite; nor indeed do\\nthey appear very anxious to j ossess any part of the coun-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "F.VrnXT AND DOUXDAlllES. 14^\\ntry to the eastward of the Sabine. The French for more\\nthan eighty years almost exclusively possessed the navi-\\n^ation of all the western branches of the Mississippi and\\nMissouri, and ascended many of ih^cn to their sources;\\nmade permanent establishments and granted lands ou\\nsome, and exercised a civil and military jurisdiction on\\nall. The Spaniards never even alteinpted to molest them\\non any of these rivers, except in one instance in 1720,\\nwhen they perished by the hands of the savages. Hence\\nthe probality is strong, that they considered the Mexican\\nmountains, or the sources of the rivers in them, as the\\nwestern limit of Louisiana; and one fact, among a multi-\\ntude of others, may be adduced in support of this idea.\\nWhile Louisiana was in the hands of France, some of\\nthe French traders from the upper jMississippi, transport-*\\ned a quantity of merchandise, by way of the Arkansas,\\nto the Mexican mountains, where they erected a temno-\\nrary store, and opened a trade with the Indians, and like-\\nwise with the Spaniards of north Mexico. The Spanish\\ntraders at or near S.nta Fe, deeming this an infringement\\nof their privileged rights, procured the imprisonment of\\nthe Mississippi adventurers, and the seizure of their ef-\\nfects; and demanded putiishment and confiscation. The\\ncause was ultimately decided at the Ilavanna. The pri-\\nsoners were liberated, and their property restored, on the\\nground, that the store in question (situated on the east\\nside of the summit of the mountains, and below the\\nsource of the Arkansas) was within the boundaries of\\nLouisiana. One of tht persoris concerned in this trans-\\naction is now living, from whom were obtained the seve-\\nral circumstances attending it.\\nNo doubt there are other f. ets, known to some, expla^\\nnatory of the western limits of Louisiana. Those of the\\nmost importance, which the industry of the author has\\nenabled him to obtain, are now detailed,, and the deduc-\\ntion they afford will be left to the sagacity of thy reader.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "148 SlvV/rCIIKS OF LOUISIANA.\\nIt ma} be proper, however, to repeat here, what has been\\nbefore suggested, that the imperfect right of discovery,\\nis, in all cases, paramount to that of a fraudulent possessi-\\non. If such discovery be followed by settlement, or o-\\nther act of sovereignty, the right btcomes absolute, and\\ncannot be extinguished, except by conquest, a regular\\ntransfer, or voluntary aliandonment.\\nIf the claims of France are sufficiently supported, Lou-\\nisiana bounds thus South on tbe gulf of Mexico west,\\npartly on the rio Bravo, and partly on the Mexican moun-\\ntains; north and north west, partly on the shining moun-\\ntains, and partly on Canada east on the Mississippi from\\nits source to the thirty first degree; thence extending east\\non the line of demarcation to the i io Pcrdido; thence\\ndown that river to the gulf of Mexico.\\nThe boundaries of Louisiana to the north and north\\nwest, are not defined. To what point they will ultimate-\\nly be sustained from the source of ihe Mississippi, seems\\nto admit of doubt. If the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, or\\nthe more recent one of 1763, or even both, be assumed\\nas the basis of d.*cision, numerous difficulties will present\\nthemselves. The discoveries and settlements of a more\\nrecent date can have no bearing on the question. Till the\\nconclusion of the latter treaty, the French were in posses-\\nsion of both Canada and Louisiana and these provinces\\nwere wrested from them at the same time. As their dis-\\ncoveries and trade at that day were limited to the great\\nlakes, and to ihe source of the Mississippi, on the one\\nhand and on the other to the Mandans on the i^Iissouri,\\nthere seems to be an extensive territory calculated to ex-\\ncite conflicting claims. At any rate, it is presumed, that\\nno part of the country washed by either of those rivers,\\nor by their tributary streams, will ever be relinquished by\\nthe United States.\\nAs these boundaries are undefined, it will be difficult\\nto estimate the quantity of land in Louisiana with anv", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "EXTENT AND J50L NDAKIES. 149\\ndegree of accuracy. If however, we assume as a datum,\\na line drawn from the source of the Mississippi in forty\\nSfven degrees, forty two minutes and forty seconds, north\\nlatitude, to where the Missouri leaves the shining moun-\\ntains in nearly the same latitude, we may form some rea-\\nsonable conjectures on the subject. From this extreme\\npoint, to the mouth of the Mississippi, on a straight line\\nis two thousand and five miles. The breadth is less cer-\\ntain. The abbe Raynal calculates it at six hundred miles.\\nBut the distance from St. Louis on the Mississippi to the\\nsummit of the Mexican mountains, has been determined bj-\\npretty accurate observation, to be about six hundred and fif-\\nty two miles, and this is believed to be nearly the average\\nbreadth of Louisiana. If these data be correct, the bounda-\\nries we have described, embrace one million, three hundred\\nand seven thousand, two hundred and sixty square miles;\\nor eight hundred thirty six millions, six hundred forty\\nsix thousand, four hundred acres This estimate may\\nstagger the belief of some but if they will take the trou-\\nble to examine the geographical features of Louisiana, and\\nto reflect on the great length of its numerous rivers, their\\ndoubts on the subject will vanish.\\nBefore we conclude, it may be of use to remarlc, that\\nthe shining mountains, and Mexican mountains, tliough\\noften confounded, are in a great measure distinct. The\\nformer are the Andt- s of South America. The latter com-\\nmence some distance to the northward of the gulf, and\\nnear to the left bank of the rio Bravo, and extend in a\\nnorth westerly direction, a little to the eastward of Santa\\nFe, till they intersect the former. They are probably\\nbranches or spurs of the shining mountains; and indeed,\\nmost of the mountains in new Mexico appear to be con-\\nnected with that great chain or spine of the vrestern part\\nof our continent.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nNEW ORLEANS THE DELTA.\\nTHE French began to build New Orleans in 1720,\\nand two years afterwards it became the seat of govern-\\nment.\\nThis city, the great mart of all the wealth of the western\\nworld, is situated on the east bank of the Mississippi, a-\\nbout one hundred and nine miles (following the meanders\\nof the river) from the sea, and in twenty nine degrees,\\nfifty seven minutes, twenty seven seconds, north latitude,\\nand ninety degrees, seventeen minutes, thirty seven se-\\nconds, west longitude. At the time it fell into our hands,\\nit contained about one thousand houses, and eight thou-\\nsand inhabitants, including blacks and people of color.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "152 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nSix complete squares are embraced by the city. Tiit\\nfronts of these are three hundred and nineteen Eng-\\nlish feet in length, and extend north, thirty two degrees\\neast, and south, thirty two degrees west, and are intersect-\\ned by twelve streets at right angles. Each square is di-\\nvided into twelve lots. Five of them measure sixty bs^-\\none hundred and twenty feet. On the opposite side are two\\nkey lots, which measure sixty by one hundred and fifty\\nfeet. The streets are thirty seven feet and a half in width.\\nOn the back part of the city ai-e two narrow rows of build-\\nings, converging to a point.\\nThe ground plot of the city may be considered as a\\nplain, inclining north west two points west. It has a des-\\ncent of about six feet from the bank of the river to the\\npalisades in the rear of the buildings, and about three feet\\nmore to St. John s creek at its medium height. The lands\\nin all the low country, gradually descend from the river,\\nand soon terminate in lakes or swamps.\\nNearly the whole of the old houses are of wood, one\\nstory high, and make an ordinary appearance. The su-\\nburbs on the upper or north end of the city, have been\\nbuilt since the fire in 1794, and contain about two hundred\\nand fifteen houses, mostly composed of cypress wood,\\nand generally covered with shingles or clapboards. A-\\nmong them is one elegant brick house covered with tile.\\nSeveral of them are two stories high, and two in the\\nsame quarter three stories high. One of them cost eigh-\\nty thousand dollars, and the rest from fifteen to twenty\\nthousand dollars. They are plasttred on the outside with\\nwhite or colored mortar; this, as frosts are seldom se-\\nvere in the climate, lasts many years; it beautifies the\\nbuildings, and preserves the bricks, which, from the neg-\\nligence or parsimony of the manufacturers, are usually\\ntoo soft to resist the weather.\\nIn New Orleans, as in all other parts of the low coun-\\ntry, the houses have no cellars underground; water is", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "IK^AV OKLEAXS .THE DELTA. I33\\ngeneraHy found within two or three feet of the surAice,\\nespecially in wet seasons. The wells rarely exceed fifteen\\nfeet in depth. The water in them is clear, free from\\nsalt, but unpleasant to the taste.\\nThe fallowing are the public buildings the cathedral,\\nthe town house, the prison, the barracks, the hospital, the\\nconvent and church, the charity hospital and church, the\\ngovernment house and stores, and some others of inferior\\nnote, which will be cursorily mentioned.\\nThe cathedral stands at the head of a spacious open\\nsquare, about four hundred feet from the river. This\\nbuilding is of brick, extending aijout ninety feet on the\\nstreet, and one hundred and twenty back of it. The roof\\nis covered with flat and hollow tile, supported by ten large\\nbrick columns, which are plastered, and afford an agreea-\\ni)le appearance. Kach front corner has a tower consider-\\nably elevated, and the southerly one contains two small\\nbells. This church has likewise a small organ, but on\\nthe whole is much less decorated than other catholic pla-\\nces of worship. It was governed by a bishop, two ca-\\nnons, one grand vicar, one parish priest, and four subor-\\ndinate priests. Considerable funds in houses appertain to\\nit. The bishop received an annual salary of four thousand\\ndollars, charged on the revenues of some southern bishop-\\nric the canons about seven hundred and twenty dollars,\\nand the other priests al)OUt three hundred and sixty\\ndollars each, exclusive ot c-isual benefits arising from\\nmarriages, burials, and the like. Thtre were likewise a\\nfew capouchins, and friars of the order of carmclites,\\nwho were paid by the crown.\\nThe town house is rather an elegant building, two sto-\\nries high, ancL about ninety feet long, with an arched por-\\ntico, both above and below, along its whole front. The\\nupper arches are glazed, which adds much to the beauty\\nof the structure. The Spaniards occupied one part of\\nthe ground sSory as a guard house, and permitted a notary", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "154. SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nto occupy the the other as an office. The upper story\\nwas appropriated to the use of the cabildo.\\nIn the rear of the town house, and adjoining to it, is\\nthe prison. Under the Spanish government it was a\\nwretched receptacle of vice and misery; like the grave it\\nreceived many tenents, who were soon forgotten by the\\nworld Some of them perished with age and disease, and\\nothers by the hands of assassins. Criminals, under stn-\\ntence of death, were often kept immured within its walls\\nfor years owing either to the tardiness or lenity of the\\ntribunal at the Havanna, without whose approval no sen-\\ntence of death could be carried into execution.\\nThe public barracks are situated at the lower end of\\nthe front street. They are accommodated with a spaci-\\nous area, surrounded by a brick wall, as also an extensive\\nparade ground between thera and the river. The build-\\nings are of brick, and one story high, covered with shin-\\ngles, and calculated to receive about fifteen hundred men.\\nThey were built by the French, and have a spacious ar-\\ncade in front and rear.\\nThe building denominated the king s hospital, is on the\\nsame line, but higher up. It was originally intended as a\\nreceptacle for the sick and diseased belonging to the army\\nand navy. It will accommodate about one hundred and\\nfifty patients, and affords to the miserable a tolerable\\nasylum.\\nThe convent of the Ursuline nuns is situated on the up-\\nper side of the barracks, and beyond the hospital, which\\nstands nearer the line of the street. This was likewise built\\nby the French: It is of brick, and spacious; covered with\\nshingles, and two stories high. An extensive garden is at-\\ntached to it, extremely productive of fruit and vegetabiefi.\\nIt will accommodate about fifty nuns, tmd from sevtnty to\\neighty young females, who resort to it for their edsjcation.\\nAttached to the convent is a small house containing ihr :-e\\nrooms, divided longitudmaily from each ochtr by double", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "JJEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. I55\\ngratiiifts about six inches asunder, with apertures about two\\ninches square, where strangers may see and converse with\\nthe nuns and boarders on particular business. Near to the\\nmain building, and on the street, stands an old school house,\\nwhere the female children of the citizens appear at certain\\nfixed hours to be gratuitously instructed in writing, reading,\\nand arithmetic. This religious institution is possessed of\\nconsiderable funds. Each nun on taking the final vow, or\\nblack veil, deposits fifteen hundred dollars, if she be able,\\nwhich becomes part of the common stock, and cannot be\\nalienattd. The church belonging to the convent is small,\\nand was the gift of a gentleman who died a few years\\nago at New Orleans. He was in early life a notary, and\\nby various speculations amassed an immense property, and\\nfailed at last to leave an unspotted name behind him. He\\nlikewise built the cathedral church and charity hospital,\\nand endeavoured by acts of beneficence near the end of\\nhis days, to atone for the errors of his youth.\\nThe charity hospital stands on the westerly or back\\npart of the city. Poor Spanish subjects, and sometimes\\nstrangers, (provided they paid half a dollar per day) were\\nadmitted into this asylum. Those entirely destitute were\\nadmitted gratis. They had medicine, sustenance, and\\nother aid, afforded them.\\nThe government house stands on the front street, and\\non the fifth square, reckoning from the upper side, and\\none hundred feet from the river. It is an ancient build-\\ning, erected by the French, and two stories high, with\\ngalleries or arcades round the whole of it. The lower\\nfront was formerly occupied by the governmental secre-\\ntary, and the clerks of offices. This structure is indif-\\nferent, both as to architecture and convenience.\\nOn the southwesterly part of the same square were\\nthe lodges and stables of the regular dragooiis vvUich, with\\nthe garden belongmg to the government house, occupy\\nabout four fifths of the sqyare.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "156 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nOn the corners of the second and third squares, lower\\ndown, are the public stores, built ol brick, extending\\nabout thirty five leet on front street, and about two huPi-\\ndred feet ou a cross street They are one story high, and\\nwere built by the French.\\nOn the opposite, or southerly side of the stores, is the\\nartillery yard, or ordnance depot.\\nOpposite to this, on the very bank of the river, is the\\nmarket house, which is usually furnished with beef, pork,\\nsome iDuIlard and veal; fish of several sorts in abun-\\ndance, and cheap; wild ducks and other ganae in season;\\ntame turkies, fowls, ducks, and geese and vegetables of\\nall kinds during the whole year.\\nThe Spaniards had the advantage of a free school, in\\nwhich boys were instructed in the rudiments of their\\nlanguage. The two teachers attached to it were paid bv\\nthe crown.\\nThe grand powder magazine of the French and Spani-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ards, is situated over against the government house, on\\nthe opposite side of the river, where a guard %vas always\\nstationed, and generally relieved weekly.\\nDuring the administration of the baron Carondelet, be^\\ntween 1/91, and 1796, a ditch was extended round the\\ncity, of about eighteen feet in width, with ramparts of\\nearth, and palisades nearly six feet high along the interior\\nor inner side of them. Five large bastions were erected\\nat proper distances, and likewise five intervening re-\\ndoubts. The bastions were regularly constructed. Each\\nof them was furnished with a banquette, rampart, para-\\npet, ditch, covered way, and glacis. The curtains v/ere\\nwholly formed of palisades, planted at a small distance\\nfrom each other, and therefore not capable of much de-\\nfence even against musket balls; they had a banquette\\nwithin, and a ditch and glacis without. A small redoubt\\nor ravelin was placed in the center of each bastion and\\npll the latter were of sufficient size to admit of sixteen em-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "NEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. I57\\nbrasurcs, four in each face, three in each flank, and two\\nin thi* gorge facing the city.\\nThese works of defence were badly supplied with ord-\\nnance. Few of the bastions were furnished with more\\nthan four or five pieces of cannon. That on the east or\\nlower end of the city, had its full complement and the\\ncovered way was likewise prt-tty well supplied. This ar-\\nrangement or distribution of the ordnance was rather sin-\\ngular it seemed to be mounted on those places the most\\ninvulnerable, and the least liable to be attacked. An as-\\nsault by way of the sea was hardly to be expected, espe-\\ncially as the river was well defended eighteen miles be-\\nlow, and as a fleet wholly unobstructed by land batteries,\\nwould find it extremely difficult to ascend against the ra-\\npidity of the current. The south west bastion, with a\\ncounterguard and traverses, and a small redoubt on tht-\\nback of the river, constituted the whole defence on the up-\\nper side of the city. ^J h first was usually supplied with\\nten or twelve, and the second with five pieces of cannon.\\nNot more than ten pieces, however, could be brought to\\nbear on any body of men descending the river. As soon\\nas an enemy landed on the open banks, which was by no\\nmeans difficult, the bastions became totally useless. A\\nskilful officer at the head of disciplined troops, in any de-\\ngree acquainted with the country, would have experienc-\\ned no great trouble from these works, especially as they\\nwere mostly defended by raw militia, among whom re-\\ngular duty was irksome, and considered as a grievance.\\nThe inhabitants and others passed in and out of the ci-\\nty by means of four gates. The two next the river were\\nthe most considerable, and they were situated sixteen\\nhundred and twenty yards from each other. The two in\\nthe rear, or on the back part of the city, were of much\\nless note one of them was placed on the road leading to\\nlake l*ontchartraine They were defended by a breast\\nwork of no great strength or utility. All the gates were", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "158 SKETCHES OF toUISlANA.\\nof wood, formed of palisade* ten or twelve feet long.\\nThey were shut every night at nine o clock, and after that\\nhour no one was permitted to walk the streets without\\nleave from the governor; those who transgressed this re-\\ngulation were seized by the guards, and detained till mor-\\nning. House servants, by particular indulgence, were\\nsometimes allowed to pass the streets on business for their\\nmasters or mistresses till eleven o clock.\\nExclusive of the fire in 1794, already mentioned, New\\nOrleans suffered by a prior one in 1788, when about nine\\nhundred wooden buildings of all descriptions, mostly old,\\nwere reduced to ashes. Those built on their ruins have\\ncontributed to the beauty of the cit\\\\.\\nSuch in some degree were the features of New Orleans\\nat the time it fell into the hands oi the United States.\\nSince that period it has been greatly improved; populati-\\non has increased new springs are given to commerce,\\nproperty immensely augmented in value; the works re-\\npaired and strengthened, and much additional security af-\\nforded to the capital of Louisiana.\\nThe Delta comprehends all the low country between\\nthe sea and the elevated grounds. It extends on the east\\nside of the Mississippi, from the Balize to the neighbour-\\nhood of Baton Rouge, and on the west side of. that river\\nfrom the gulf to the Chafalia, which is an outlet ol the\\nMississippi just below the thirtv first degree, and suppos-\\ned to be the old bed of Red river.\\nNothing is more certain than that the Delta has gradu-\\nally risen out of the sea, or rather that it has been form-\\ned by alluvious substances, precipitated by the waters\\nfrom the upper regions. It is calculated that, from 1720,\\nto 1800, a period of eighty years, the land has advanced\\nfifteen miles into the sea and ihtnt are those who assert,\\nthat it has advanced three miles within the memory of\\nmiddle aged men. The eastern part of New Spain along\\nthe gulf, exhibits abundant proofs of similar advances", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "JEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. I59\\nowing, perhaps, to the constant acciimuluion of sand b)\\nihf trade winds, which is driven to the shore by the per-\\npetual motion of the waves in that direction.\\nIt is remarkable, that the banks of the river are much\\nmore elevated than the circumjacent country. This is oc-\\ncasioned by a more copious deposition along the margins,\\nthan at a distance from them. These are thickly covered\\nwith grass, and a vast variety of ligneous plants, which\\nserve to filtrate the waters in their progress to the low\\ngrounds and swamps, and to retain the greatest proportion\\nof the alluvious substances. Hence the lands along the\\nthe banks to a certain depth, generally from four hundred\\nto seven hundred yards are excellent for tillage while\\nthe whole surface in the rear of them, extending to the\\nsea, is alternately covered by lakes and impassable\\nswamps.\\nThe waters precipitated over the banks never return in-\\nto the same channel. I hose from the west bank of the\\nMississippi find innumerable passages to the gulf; while\\nthose from the opposite bank fall into the lakes, which\\nmay be considered as arms of the sea, and bid fair to be\\nreclaimed in time from the ocean.\\nThat the Dt-lta has been thus reclaimed may be infer-\\nred from a variety of circumstances, particularly from\\nth existence of a vast number of logs and trees at une-\\nqual depths under ground, multitudes of which are found\\nbelow the Itvel of the ocean. These are buried m a sub-\\nstratum of black earth, and already begin to be decompo-\\nsed, and convened into fossil fuel.\\nThe Mississippi, near its confluence with the sea, is di-\\nvided into five branches, and of course has its embouchure\\nin the gulf by means of five mouths. These arc deno-\\nminated the north east, the east, the south east, the south,\\nand south west passes. They are from three to nine\\nmiles in length, and furnish a suffi iint depth of water\\nlor the largest ships, except on their bars. The east pass", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "160 SKlVrcilES OF LOUISIANA.\\ncalled the Balize, has about seventeen feet of water on\\nthe bar, and is the one usually navigated. The south\\npass was formerly of equal depth, but is now gradually\\nfilling up. The south west pass has fi om eleven to twelve\\nfeet of water. The north east and south east passes are\\ntraversed only by small craft. On the south side of the\\neast pass, about three miles from the bar, is the pilot\\nhouse, and a framed look-out house, about sixty feet\\nhigh, where several men reside. They make use of row\\nboats, and seldom venture out to sea, except in good wea-\\nther. All vessels, of whatever tonnage or size, paid a\\npilotage under the Spanish government of twenty dollars.\\nAbout thirty miles above the Balize, bounded on each\\nside bv a strip of low marsh, covered with a species of\\nreed of considerable height and strength, is the fort of\\nPlaquemine, so called from a persimmon grove, which\\nformerly covered the ground where the fort now stands.\\nUnder the Spanish government it was furnished with\\neighteen cannon, some of them of a large calibre, and\\ngarrisoned by fifty men. A redoubt was erected on the\\nopposite side of the river, where ten men were stationed.\\nE;uh of these works had a galley attached to it.\\nFor some distance from the sea, the country is a low\\nmarsh, and without trees. These begin to make their\\nappearance some distance below the fort but no plan-\\ntations of any consequence exists, till within twenty\\nseven miles of New Orleans. Even at that distance be-\\nlow the capital, none of the land, except a strip of a-\\nbout four Imndrcd yards in breadth on the river, is fit\\nfor cultivation. The plantations are usually about one\\nmile and a half in length, and laid out at right angles\\nwith the course of the river so that at least five sixth\\nparts of c -ch plantation, extend into the cypress swamps.\\nThfse swamps ar about six miles in depth, and hound-\\ned in the rear by inundated s^lt marshes, extending to\\nthe lakes.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "NEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. 161\\nForty two miles above Plaqnemine, is the first saw\\nmill. Thirty six of these mills were formerly in opera-\\ntion between this place, and sixty miles above New Orle-\\nans. They were put and kept in motion by the waters oi\\nthe Mississippi, which served them from the first of Fe-\\nbruary till about the last of July. Thty were mostly en-\\ngaged in sawing boards for sugar cases, which were sent\\nto the liavanna. Twelve of these mills ceased to work\\nin 1798, when the manufacture of indigo in the Delta\\nwas almost wholly exchanged for that of sugar. The o-\\nther mills continued to saw boards for home consumption,\\nas likewise building timber of various dimensions. Ko\\nother wood than white and yellow c^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2press, was sawed^\\nand the last was deemed the best for most purposes.\\nAbout fifty one miles from Plaquemine begins the En\\nglish turn, or detour des Angloia. Here the course of the\\nriver varies from north to west, then to east, then to north\\nagain, and then to west by south, in a distance of little\\nmore than seven miles. This place is about eighteen miles\\nbelow IVew Orleans.\\nOn the east side of the Mississippi, and about twelve\\nmiles below New Orltanr,, a dry strip of land extends\\nfrom the river m a direction towards the lakes, where it\\nterminates at the distance of about twenty miles. This\\ntongue of land, called the Tcrrc au Ba uf, is about a mdd\\nin width, and divided in the center by a creek or bayru\\nand, like the Mississippi, is bounded on each side by cy-\\npress swamps. This tract is mostly settled by Spaniards\\nfrom the Canaries, who are poor, and generally cultivate\\nthe land themselves. They plant the sugar cane, which ih.^y\\nsell, or grind on shares at the sugar mills of their more\\nopuleijt neighbours; and at the same time raise a variety\\nof articles for the market at New Orleans. The soil of\\nthis tract is excellent it affords plenty of timber, and\\ncontained at the time of the cession about eight hundred\\nsouls.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "152 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nBetween this place and New Orleans, there are several\\nfine sugar estates. The Delta in 1803, contained eighty\\none of them. The houses of the planters are comforta-\\nble but not elegant. Their plantations front on the river,\\nand are from three fourths of a mile to a mile and an\\nhalf in depth. The lands situated on the projections\\nformed by the incurvations or inflections of the river, are\\ndeemed much the most valuable. Some of these planters\\nare afflaent, and possess from thirry to sixty slaves.\\nBut the most wealthy of this class are to be found a-\\nbove the city, some of whom before the cession, made\\ncrops valued from ten to sixteen thousand dollars. Since\\nthat period the number of slaves has increased sugar\\nestates are cultivated on a more extensive scale, and the\\nnumber of them greatly multiplied so that the annual\\ncrops of some are now worth from twenty five to thirty\\nthousand dollars. As population and industry advance,\\nthis article of luxury, wealth, and commerce, will be still\\nmore abundantly cultivated. The sugar cane is not raised\\nabove the island of Orleans, nor is it believed that the\\nclimate will admit of it. No sugar estates are found\\nmore than one hundred miles above the city; but cotton\\nis cultivated in all parts of the countrj^\\nSouth west of the city is another elevated dry strip of\\nland, which is deemed highly valuable.\\nThe road leading from the back part of the city, forks\\ntwo miles from the Mississippi. The one on the right\\nruns north east on a tongue of land, about half a mile in\\nwidth, generally known by the name of Chantilly, and\\nterminates in marshes and swamps at the distance of ab )Ut\\ntwenty miles. The one on the left extends about west,\\ncrosses St. John s creek over a drawbridge, and intersects\\nthe river road about fifteen miles above the city.\\nThis creek or bayou, heads in a cypress swamp south\\nwest of Ntw Orleans and, after meandering about six\\nmiles, in a north by east direction, falls into lake Pont-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "NEAV ORLEANS THE DELTA. 1(^3\\nchartraine. The depth of the water in it varies from three\\nto nine feet, as it happens to be affected by the winds, and\\nthe rise and fall of the lake. From the bar to the canal of\\nCarondelet, there is usually from nine to ten feet of water.\\nThis canal rises in a basin directly behind the charity\\nhospital, which is sufficiently capacious to accommodate\\nseveral small vessels. It extends in a direct line about\\ntwo miles to St. John s creek, and is about twenty feet\\nwide. This is of great advantage to the cit\\\\ particularly\\nas the products of the lake and back country, such as fish,\\nlime, tar, pitch, and various other articles, find an easy\\nwater access to the inhabitants whereby a difficult and\\nexpensive cartage of three miles from the bridge is avoid-\\ned. This canal was partly excavated by condemned cri-\\nminals, and partly by laborers hired for the purpose, and\\npaid out of a fund raised by subscription among the inha-\\nbitants.\\nThe lakes and fresh water streams supply the market\\nwith fine sea and other fish. 0\\\\sters and crabs are plen-\\nty. The 3Ilssis3ippi is not remarkable for good fish.\\nThis part of it, however, furnishes plenty of excellent\\neels, shrimps, and a species of small sturgeon, seldom\\nmore than three feet long, with a soft shell resembling the\\nsea turtle. It produces a kind of fresh water sheep-head,\\nand likewise the carp or buffaloe fish, both of which are\\nindifferent. The poisson armt^ a kind of gargraws, is an\\ninhabitant of this part of the river; it is usually eight or\\nnine feet long, and has tremendous teeth and scales the\\nlatter of which resist the sharpest haichet, and have the\\nappearance of a concretion of flinty substances. Cat fisha-\\nbound in all parts of the Mississippi. Some of them weigh\\none hundred and sevc nty pounds though their weight g^e-\\nnerally varies from sixty to one hundred and twenty pounds.\\nThe old wife, or hickory shad, as thty are called, appear m\\nthe river about the Delta. Alligai is of various sizes are nu-\\nmerous in all the waters of the low country, particularly in the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "164 S\u00c2\u00bb ETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nbavous anc! Ibices. They are amphibious, and considered\\nas harmless, except when attackt-d or wounded, though\\nthev sometimes destroy hogs and other ^mall animals,\\nfound along the water courses. These, according to Buf-\\nfon and other naturalists, are the crocodiles of Egypt, so\\nterrible to the ancients, which animated the pens of his-\\ntorians and poets. Some of those in the Mississippi are\\nfifteen feet long. Thc^y frequently ascend that river to\\nthe Arkansas, (jreat numbers of them are found on the\\nlower part of Red river.\\nThe people who live on the banks of the Mississippi,\\nprefer its water to any other. When filtrated, it is trans-\\nparent, light, soft, pleasant, and wholesome. Tnis great\\nriver not only fertilizes the countrj^, but contributes to\\nthe health of the inhabitants in the warm regions. The\\nsalubrious quality of its water is attributed in part to the\\nnitre and sulphur it contains, and in part to its deep and\\nrapid current; and, as it is precipitated from the cold re-\\ngions, it tempers the fervid atmosphere on the lower Mis-\\nsissippi, and renders it more healthful.\\nSuch indeed is the depth of that river, and so bold its\\nshores, that ships may discharge their cargoes on the\\nbanks at New Orleans, by means of a stage or bridge,\\nsupported by two forty feet spars. The depth of the wa-\\nter in the channel, at various places, is noticed in our ac-\\ncount of that river. The tides have little effect on the\\nwater at New Orleans they sometimes cause it to swell,\\nbut never to slacken its current. Heavy winds roll in the\\nwater from the gulf, and cause sudden rises of the river,\\nin some instances equal to a spring freshet. The differ-\\nence between the highest and lowest stages of water in\\nthe Balize, is about three teet at the city about twelve\\nfeet J and this difference increases rapidly above the is-\\nland of Orleans.\\nIn ascending from New Orleans, the country rises gra-\\ndually along the banks of the river, especially on the east", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "NEW ORLFAXS THE DELTA. 16*\\nside of it, though subject to inundation when not bank-\\ned out. What is called the Levee, is a broad bank of\\ncunh thrown up to confine the water of the Mississippi\\nwithin its bed, and ever) man is obliged by law to make and\\nkeep that part of it in repair, which crosses the front of his\\nlar.ds. These banks extend on both sides of the river\\nfrom the lowest settlements to point Coupee on one side,\\nand to the neighborhood of Baton Rouge on the other,\\nexcept where the country remains unoccupied. Along\\nthese banks in high freshes the surface of the river is e-\\nlevaed many feet above that of the adjacent lands,\\nand exhibits a curious spectacle to the eye of the travel-\\nler. The great road, extending from the Mississippi\\nterritory to New Orleans, usually runs on the top of the\\nLevee.\\nOn the east side of the Mississippi, about one hundred\\nan twenty miles above New Orleans, is the Ibberville,\\nwhich is one of the outlets of that river during the fresh-\\nes, and its waters flow into the lake Maurapas. In the\\nseason of low water its bed is always dry near the Mis-\\nsissippi; but at some distance from that river, it has con-\\nsiderable water at all times. The river Amit, which\\nheads in the Mississippi territory, joins the Ibberville,\\nand near its junction stands the village of Galvez, con-\\ntaining thirty or forty houses.\\nOn tht^ west side of the Mississippi, from the sea to\\nthe mouth of Red river, a distance of about three hun-\\ndred and fifty miles, the face of the country is similar to\\nthat just described on the opposite shore, though much\\nmore thinly inhabited. Not a gentle rise of ground, not\\neven a hilloc, is presented to the eye, except a small\\nriage or clift, about one mile long, just below the wealthy\\nsettlement of Point Coupee. All the land of a cultivable\\nnature is contained in a narrow strip along the margins of\\nthe ri e:, and its outlets; while the vast territory between\\nthis sn.p aiid the gulf to the south west, and west, about", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "166 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nninety miles in bren^th, abounds in lakes and marshes,\\nand is impassable by man, except along the water com-\\nmunications. That no more than one twenty seventh part\\nof the Delta is susceptible of cultivation, may be deduced\\nfrom pretty accurate data.\\nThis part of the Mississippi has three outlets from its\\nright or west bank, which afford passages for part of its\\nsuperabundant waters, and two of them present a good\\nboat navigation.\\nOn ascending the river the first is called the La Foxirche,\\nabout eighty one miles above New Orleans. The bed of\\nthis outlet is about ninety feet in widih, and usually dry-\\nin the summer season for a few miles, when the \\\\va-\\nt.r makes its appearance, probably collected from the\\nswamps, and gradually deepens as it rolls towards the\\ngulf.\\nThe second is the Plaquemines^ about thirty one miles still\\nhigher up the river. It so much resembles the La Fourche\\nas to render a particular description of it in this place un-\\nnecessary. Ii unites with the Chafalia at some distance\\nfrom the Mississippi, and contributes to improve the na-\\nvigation from that union to the sea.\\nThe third is the Chafalia^ about one hundred and twen-\\nty eight miles above the Pla(fiemines, and three miles be-\\nlow the mouth of Red river. The upper end of this out-\\nlet is m a bend or curve of the Mississippi, and m the sea-\\nson of freshes the water rushes into it with gr;;at force,\\nand is apt to carry boats and other craft along with it.\\nThis is supposed to be the old bed of Red river, particu-\\nlarly as the materials composing its banks exhibit the\\nsame color and features, which are entirely dilTerent from\\nthose exhibited by the banks of any other river in this\\nquarter. No doubt the Mississippi once flowed more to\\nthe eastward. The remains or trices of an old bed on\\nthe east side of thut river just below fort Adams, and the\\nsudden change in the direction of the current irom south", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "NEW ORLEANS THE DELTA. 167\\nto west, and even to north west, seem to favor the idea,\\nthat a junction was formed at some former period. The\\njMississippi is known to seek new channels; and there is\\ngood reason to believe, that it has from time to time va-\\nried its course from one extreme of its valley to the other.\\nThe channel of the Chafalta^ a few miles only from the\\nhead of it, is completely obstructed by logs and other ma-\\nterials. Were it not for these obstructions, the probabi-\\nlity is, that the Mississippi would soon find a much near-\\ner way to the gulf than at present; particularly as it ma-\\nnifests a constant inclination to vary its course.\\nThe distances of these outlets from each other, are es-\\ntimated by the course of the river, which is remarkably\\ncrooked. The Plaquemines and Chafalia gradually con-\\nverge to each other, and finally unite about one hundred\\nand fifty miles (following the course of the stream) from\\nthe upper end of the latter. This united stream finally\\nempties itself, by a narrow mouth, into the gulf, about\\nninety miles to the westward of the Balize, and about\\nthe same distance on a straight line, from the upper end\\nof the Chafalia^ but about one hundred and eighty miles,\\nfollowing the serpentine progress of this outlet. It must\\nbe remembered, that we have no correct map of the\\ncountry, and that the Spanish government was entirely\\nunacquainted with its geography.\\nAs the Chafalia is considered of some importance in se-\\nveral points of view, we propose to give some further\\naccount of it in the next chapter.\\nThe usual water communications between New Orleans,\\nand the Atacapas, and Apalousas^ are by means of the\\nLa Foiirche and Plaquemines The cultivable lands on\\neach side of all the outlets, at least for some distance be-\\nlow their heads, are similar to those on the Mississippi,\\nmuch limited by low grounds and cypress swamps. The\\nsettlements on the La Fourche extend downwards about\\nforty five miles, and comprehend upwards of two hun-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "168 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA,\\ndred families, mostly Spaniards, who are by no means in\\naffluent circumstances. They cultivate rice, corn, cotton,\\nand flax, and also afford to the New Orleans market\\nconsiderable quantities of provisions. The borders of all\\nthe oudets furnish good ranges for cattle, and swine, and\\nmultitudes of them are raised without much expense to\\nthe owners.\\nThe Delta produces various kinds of excellent fruit\\nsuch as sweet and sour oranges, figs in great plenty, some\\nlemons, limes, citi ons, and shaddock garden grapes o*\\nseveral kinds fox and wild black grapes peaches, quin-\\nces, plums, and some good pears; the apples are fit only\\nfor tarts pomegranates and strawberries excellent water\\nand musk mellons of all kinds in abundance wild cher-\\nries, mulberries, blackberries, and dewberries. The coun-\\ntry to the north of lake Pontchartraine furnishes plenty of\\nwhortleberries.\\nVegetables of most kinds are likewise common to the\\ncountry particularly sweet and Irish potatoes, though\\nthe latter are indifferent; and fresh seed is required every\\nyear from the northward every kind of peas and beans,\\ncarrots and parsnips the best of lettuce and various o-\\nther salads cabbage, spinage, artichokes, the egg fruit,\\nred peppers, tomatoes, pepper grass, cucumbers, pump-\\nkins of an excellent quality, asparagus, turnips, mush-\\nrooms, pastaches, and many other valuable articles.\\nIn the swamps are found plenty of cypress trees. They\\nare tall and m.ajestic, and some of them grow to a large\\nsize. These swamps produce olive trees, so called, be\u00c2\u00ab\\ncause they bear a fruit similar in appearance to the real\\nolive. The wood of them is white and beautiful, and\\nserves to adorn many articles of cabinet work. On the\\ndry or more elevated lands appo-ar the great magnolia\\nbut this tree does not answer the extravagant description\\ngiven of it by Bartram. On the same kind of ground ap-\\npear the ash, three kinds of live oak, the cotton wood.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "NEW ORLKANS TIIE DELTA.\\n169\\nwhich is a species of the poplar, the button wood, or syca-\\nmore, and a tree called utiknoum tvood^ because it has\\nno name, nor is it known to what tribe it belongs it is\\nof considerable size, and bears a small berry, with a\\nstone, something like the cherry grafts of ptaches and\\nplums take on it. Here likewise grow red and shrub\\noaks, hiccory, sassafras, and the peccon tree, the nut of\\nwhich is fine, and detmed by some superior to die shell\\nbark and walnut. The elm is found on many plantJitions,\\nbut it is not indigenous. The wet grounds are gim.- rally\\ncovered with willows. The persimmon trees are numer-\\nous. They grow to a great size, and their fruit is much\\nlarger, and deemed better, than that found in any part\\nof the Atlantic states. The cucumber tifee bears an\\nelongated green fruit, which much resemliles the garden\\ncucumber in appearance. The pawpaw is produced in\\ngreat perfection. Most of the low lands are covered\\nwith underwood, vines, supple jacks, and cane so that\\nit is extremt-ly difficult, and in most instances impossible,\\nto penetrate them. On some of the highest grounds, a-\\nk)ng the water courses, the cane frequently grows to the\\nheight of thirty five or forty feet. Bears formerly inha-\\nbited these impervious recesses but population and agri-\\nculture have rendered them less numerous.\\nThe climate on the lower Mississippi has never been\\nfairly represented. It may be said with truth to be uni-\\nformly the same along the banks cf that river from New\\nMadrid to the sea. The inhabitants, who live at and\\nnear the latter place, as well as below it, situated within\\nthe vicinity of the swamps, are as sickly as those in the\\nDelta, and the same diseases prevail amon them. It is\\ntrue, that the atmosphere at New Orleans, and below it,\\nis more abundandy charged with vapours nd miasmata,\\nthan that six degrees more to the north but it is equally\\ntrue, that the Delta is always more or less refrigerated\\nz", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "170 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nbv the sea breezes, which serve to correct the poisonous\\nexhalations, and thereby to produce an equality of climate,\\nas it respects hcahh, for nearly one thousand miles along\\nthe Mississippi. This equality is wholly confined to the\\nlow grounds and swamps it is by no means sustained on\\nthe long chains of elevated grounds in their rear, and be-\\nyond their influence.\\nThe Delta is much more sickly than the native inha-\\nbitants are disposed to allow, and by no means so insalu-\\nbrious as is believed in the Atlantic states. The consti-\\ntutions of those born and educated in that country, are\\nadapted to the climate and the Creoles can hardly con-\\nceive of a portion of the globe more healthful than their\\nown, or less pregnant with dangerous diseases. Several per-\\nsons more than seventv, and some over eighty years of age,\\nare now living in that quarter. Just before the cession,\\nthree died in New Orleans, neither of whom was less\\nthan one hundred years old.\\nDiseases of the intermittent kind, prevail in all parts\\nof the Delta and in New Orleans, a highly inflamma-\\ntory bilious fever, occasionally makes its appearance.\\nStrangers, much more than natives, are apt to fall vic-\\ntims to the endemics of the country, particularly the\\nboiitmen from the Ohio. Those unaccustomed to the cli-\\nmate, and of intemperate habits, exposing themselves to\\nthe beats and dews, are sure to experience dangerous\\nmaU.dics. But strangers of contrary habits, who avoid\\nfatigues and the excessive heats of summer, seldom com-\\nplain of any thing more than a troublesome lassitude and\\ndebility. It is well known that the best livers enjoy the\\nbest health and that those who subsist on unwholesome\\nor unsuitable provisions, and are not suflicieutly shelter-\\ned irom the extremes of the climate, are candidates for\\na sick bed, if not for the grave. It is a truth con6rm-\\ned by long experience, that more perish from the Avant", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "NEW ORLEANS TIIK DELTA. J\\nof medical aid, proper nourishment, and attendance, than\\nfrom the virulent nature of prevalent diseases.\\nStrangers who reside in New Orleans, and sometimes\\nthe native inhabitants of that city, are occasionally attack-\\ned with an inflammatory bilious fever, which has gradu-\\nally obtained the name of yellow ferer. There is no\\nproof of its contagious effects On the contrary it has\\nnever been communicated to nurses and attendants. Ma-\\nny have died in the highest state of inflammation, and be-\\nfore their deaths vomited a substance like coffee grounds;\\ntheir families and friends were in the same room with\\nthem, and no injury was experienced.\\nPerhaps the soldiery of the United States have suffered\\nmore from the climate on the lower Mississippi than any\\nother class, and several reasons may be assigned for this\\nexcess. The first is, that our garrisons in that quarter\\nare situated amid the vapors of the swamps. The se-\\ncond is, that their profession is unavoidably productive of\\nmany evils. They are obliged, in the performance of in-\\ndispensable duties, to experience the extremes of heat and\\ncold, and the other vicissitudes of the weather liable to\\nconstant privations of comfortable shelter, and often fur-\\nnished with provisions, either bad in quality, or not adap-\\nted to the climate. The third is, that our soldiery are\\nunfortunately too much addicted to intemperance, and the\\nsick among them not always furnished with the shelter,\\nand never with the nourishment and other comforts, which\\ntheir situations jn a wirm and humid climate require.\\nRecruits, particularly from the middle and east-ro states,\\non their arrival in that country, are usually seized v.ith\\nmoderate intermittents; which, from want of t.ie aids al-\\nready mentioned, graduallv absume h d;mgeroU3 type, and\\nin too many instances teruii.iate in dejth.\\nInhere is a vast ditn trenc^ between the atmosphere\\nalong the Mississippi, and that u few miles only from", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "J 72 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe swamps. The soldiery who have been stationed\\nin the Apalousas, and at Nachitoches, enjoyed excellent\\nhealth while those quartered at the Chickasaw bluffs,\\nfort Adams, and other places on the banks of the lower\\nMississippi, were severely afflicted with sickness. The\\nfatal diseases experic-nced by the troops on the elevated\\ngrounds at Columbian spring in the summer of 1807,\\nwere not contracted at that place. These troops were\\nquartered the preceeding rainy winter at New Orleans;\\nthey ascended the river in the early part of summer to\\nfort Adams, where they encamped on a low bottom\\nin the neighbourhood of the swamps, and necessarily re-\\nmained in tents for several werks. Hence their systems\\nwere gorged with a complication of animal, vegetable,\\nand other noxious effluvitt, which predisposed them to\\nthe attacks of violent disorders. This state of things was\\nunavoidabl but it is adduced here as a proof, that men\\nexposed for any considerable time to the pestilent regions\\nof the swamps, will be subsequently attacked by danger-\\nous diseases. Another proof is this; men detached from\\nhealthful positions in the summer season, and employed in\\nboats for two or three weeks on the Mississippi, are af-\\nterwards generally seized with the intermittents of the\\ncountry. In fine, the high grounds on the lower Missis-\\nsippi, if not within the influence of the swamps, are pro-\\nductive of nearly as much health among the soldiery and\\nothers, as is usually enjoyed, under iiKC circunistaaces, in\\nany of the Atlantic states.\\nIf the people in the Delta are annually exposed to fevers,\\nthey are mostly exempted from some other p \u00c2\u00bbinful mala-\\ndies, which prevail in more salubrious climates. Con-\\nsumptions, rheumatisms, and cuiaoeous complaints, are\\nahnost unknown among them the gravel and stone in the\\nbladder are equally rare. From 1 to 180.5, two cases\\nonly of the latter occurred in ISlw Orleans. The people", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "NEW ORLEANS THE DELTA I75\\nin this quarter retain their sight longer than those in more\\nnorthern regions and this is attributed to the scarcity of\\nsnow among them.\\nThe Creoles or natives of the country, are sprightly,\\nactive in a remarkable degree, and gentle in their man-\\nners. The femaUs of New Orleans are handsome both\\nin their shapes and features, and possess ease and grace\\nin their movements and conversation. The men are de-\\nficient in literature, but display a good share of genius\\nand penetration. In the early part of life they attend to\\ndancing, riding, and music.\\nAn alluvial soil cannot be supposed to abound in rock.\\nNeither on the island of Orleans, nor along the immense\\nflat country on the west side of the Mississippi, below\\nthe mouth of the Ohio, is even a single pebble to be\\nfound.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER V.\\nOF THE COUNTRY BETWEEN THE MOUTH\\nOF THE CHAFALIA AND THE ARKANSAS;\\nBETWEEN RED RIVER AND THE RIO\\nBRAVO.\\nTHE distance from the mouth of the Chafalia, on the\\ngulf to its outlet near Red river, following its meanders,\\nis about one hundred and eighty miles and the distance\\nfrom the latter river to the Arkansas is estimated at ra-\\nther more than four hundred miles, according to the\\ncourse of the Mississippi. In this chapter will be includ-\\ned some sketches of the country to the westward of Red\\nRiver and the Chafalia, and to the northward of the gulf.\\nIt must not be supposed that what is called the Dclt%\\nincludes all the lands formed by alluvion On the con-\\ntrary, these lands extend along almost all the great rivers\\nnearly to their sources and those occasionally deluged\\nby the freshes on the Mississippi, continue to some dis-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "178 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ntance above the mouth of the Ohio. Bat the high-\\ner the Mississippi is ascended from its mouth, the\\nmore elevated are the lands on its banks. Perhaps the\\nonly reason why the Dilta is usually limited to the Cha-\\nfalia-on the north and west, is, because the country be-\\nlow it is n ore generally flooded than that above it.\\nThe territory now to be noticed is of great extent, and\\nis as little known as any other part of Louisiana. A\\nsmall portion of it only has been explored. The Spani-\\nards have formed some settlements on its borders, and\\nthey exercise a jurisdiction over a considerable extent of\\ncountry, which we conceive to be embraced by the treaty\\nof cession. These circumstances, added to their extreme\\njealousy and caution, and a variety of other obstacles to\\ndiscoverv, serve to ktjep us in a great measure ignorant\\nof the south western part of the territory within our\\nclaims.\\nAs the Chafalia divides the Delta from what is called\\nthe elevated country, a more particular description of it,\\nthan we have hitherto given, will be necessary in this\\nplace.\\nThis outlet, on leaving the Mississippi about three\\nmiles below Rv.d river, is nearly two hundred yards wide\\nin low water it is about eighteen feet, and in high water\\nabout thirty three feet in depth. Thirty miles from the\\nMississippi, it is obstructed by a raft of wood, bound to-\\ngether by a heterogeneous mixture of ligneous and other\\nmatter. In the course of twenty miles the uuvigation is\\nchoaked by ten or tv/elve similar rafts; and it is calcula-\\nted that the aggregate obstruction occasioned by them is\\nnot less than nine miles. Some of them form good\\n^bridges, and are passable at all seasons. Many of them\\nare covered with willow trees, and a considerable pro-\\nportion of them are ten inches diameter. These rafts\\nrise and fJl with the water, and are therefore justly ter-\\nmed floating bridges.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "CIJArAI-IA TO ARKANSAS, c, 1?9\\nFJtlovv these rafts the Chafalia aflbrds a beautiful sheet\\nof water, at least as far down as Cow island, from seven-\\nt)^ five, to one hundred and fifty yards wide, and frona\\ntwenty five to thirty feet deep in the dry seasons. At\\nCow island the stream is divided; one part spreads into a\\nlarge lakej the other part continues its course, and scem3\\nto maintain its usual breadth and depth. The current of\\nthe Chafalia is gentle till it is JTjincd by the Plaquamines\\nabout one hundred and fifty miles from tiie outlet on the\\nMississippi, where its velocitv is considerably increased.\\nft communicates with lake Natcheji by means of several\\nbayous, the largest of which is bajou Long. This bayou\\nis connected with lake Flat, (irand river, and Grand lake,\\nby means of several bayous, most of which are navigable\\nin the season of high water, (jrnnd lake is about forty\\nmiles long, and from three to ten miles wide, into which\\nthe Chafalia is emptied by a channel of about two hun-\\ndred and fifty yards wide; and a depth of nearly forty\\nfeet. It then passes jthrough Berwick bay, which is from\\nhalf a mile to tM o miles wide, and from sixty to eighty\\nfeet deep; and after a course of about twelve miles, it\\nfalls into Vermillion bay, which is an arm of the gulf.\\nThe navigation of the Chafalia is obstructed by a bank of\\noysters, which stretches across it in Vermillion bay, over\\nAvnich there is seldom more than eight or nine feet of\\nwater. The bayou Ter. ih, which affords a navigable\\ncommunication with tlie settlements in the Atakapas, joins\\nthe Chafalia near Grand lake. In the season of low wa-\\nter the tide flows to Cow island.\\nThere is an island of about three miles in circumference,\\nfiltuatcd in the gulf, a few miles to the westward of the\\nmouth of the Chafalia, elevated more than two hundred feet\\nabove the level of the sea, and connected with the main land\\nby a low marsh. Most of the islands along the shores of the\\nMexican gulf, exhibit this proud pre-eminence, while the\\ncountry for a great depth is most of the time covered\\n2 A", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "180 SKKTCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nwith water. Some of them are impregnated v ith sul-\\nphur, and one of them has been known to be on fire for\\nat least three months.\\nThe Atakapas and Apalousas are situated on the right\\nbank of the Chafalia. The first bounds on the gulf, and\\nthe second joins it on the north, and spreads between it\\nand Red river. These include the oldest and most opu-\\nlent settlements in this quarter. Those in the Atakapas\\nare generally formed along the Bayou Tersh^ and some\\nother bayous of inferior note. The lands near the Cha-\\nfalia are low and swampy, though some of them abound\\nin excellent timber. Most of those along the sea coast\\nare also covered with swamps and marshes yet small\\ntracts are occasionally found sufficiently elevated for cul-\\ntivation, and extremely fertile. The interior of the dis-\\ntrict is diversified by prniries and buyous and along the\\nlatter, to the depth of tv/o or three hundred yards, plenty\\nof wood is to be found. The lands suitable for cultivation\\nextend in narrow borr ers along on each side of the bay-\\nous the rest is low and boggy, and fit only for the pastu-\\nrage of cattle. Such, however, is the number of bayous,\\nthat the elevated lands are nearly equal in quantity to\\nthose of a low and spungy nature. The soil is of a luxu-\\nriant quality, calculated for the growth of the sugar cane,\\ntobacco, cotton, indigo, coin, and rice. Perhaps the lands\\nalong these bayous are not exceeded in fertility by any\\ntracts of the same extent in Louisiana. The country is\\npleasant, and the inhabitants are furnished with plenty of\\nfish, oysters, crabs, and wild fowl as also v/ith the orange^\\nand all the other fruits, vegetables, and plants, incident to\\nthe Delta. The climate in this district is nearly similar\\nto that of the Delta with this advantage, however, that\\nit is refreshed by breezes from the sea. In fine, this dis-\\ntrict is intersected by small navigable streams, and the\\ninhabitants communicate with the sea and New Orleans\\nwith the greatest facility. Vtjssels of sixty or eighty tons", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, Lc 181\\nburthen may enter tht- Chafalia by way of the sea, and\\npass Sonne distance up the Tersh. But the most conve-\\nnient navigation to New Orleans is by mt-nns of tht lower\\npart of the Chafalia^ Plaqnamines, La Fourchc^ and the\\nMississippi.\\nThe Apalousas is situated to the north of the Atakapas,\\nand the best settlements in it are about fifty miles to the\\nsouthwest of the outlet of the Chafalia on the Mississippi.\\nThe intermediate lands are low and swampy, and covered\\nwith water during the wet seasons. The lands in this district\\nare njuch more elevated than those of the Atakapas but\\nthey are less fertile, and the orange tree, and sugar cane\\nappear in less perfection, though they are cultivated to\\nadvantage. The country is beautiful and pleasant, and\\ncovered with a variety of extensive prairies. It is inter-\\nsected by a number of navigable streams. These are\\nbordered with woods, which yield fuel and timber, and\\nafford a pleasing variety to the view. This district is le-\\nvel, but not fiat j and in the spring of the year, the face\\nof the country appears like a boundless meadow, covered\\nwith immense herds of cattle, flocks of sheep, and gangs\\nof horses. This scene is diversified by the houses and\\nplantations scattered along the edges of the woods. Cot-\\nton and cattle are at present the staple commodities of\\nthe district but the inhabitants are about to direct their\\nattention to the culture of the sugar-cane, which is much\\nmore profitable. TThis has hitherto been delayed from\\nthe want of capitals to carry it on. The profits arising\\nfrom crops of sugar, in successful years, are very consi-\\nderable each good slave will annually earn his master\\nfrom four hundred, to four hundred and fifty dollars.\\nBut the culture of this article is frequently attended by\\naccidents, against which no human prudence can provide.\\nSometimes the fields of sugar-cane are levelled by torna-\\ndoes, or sudden gusts of wind at others they are blight-\\ned by early frosts. These accidents are less frequent in", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "Jg2 bKETCIirS OF LOLISIANA.\\nthe Atakapas, where tlie country is much lower, and\\nwhere early iVosts arc not common. It has heen ol)ser-\\nved, that sugar-cane does not grow in Kgypt, and iu\\nsome other eastern countries, to the north ot the twenty-\\nninth degree. In L.^uisiana it flourishes pretty well one\\ndegree and a half lurther north. When this district was\\nfnst settled, indigo was the staple commodity but the\\nplanters gradually turned their attention to cotton. In\\nthe culture of this article, each slave will earn his master\\nfrom two hundred and fifty to three hundred dollars pn\\nannum it requires no other capital than land and labour-\\ners, and it is liable to no other accidents than what re-\\nsult from the common vicissitudes of the weather. In\\ncultivating sugar and cotton, large fortunes have been\\nmade. Soon alter the American revolution, a great\\nnumber of enterprising adventurers from the United\\nStates removed into the ^lississippi territory and lower\\nLouisiana. At that period most of them were poor; but\\ntheir mdustry soon made them opulent, and a considera-\\nble number of them can at this time boast of an annual\\nincome of from fifteen to twenty five thousand dollars.\\nThe lands to the westward of the Chalalia are so si-\\ntuated as to enable the planters to pursue several objects\\nto aiivantage. In addition to their cotton and sugar-cane,\\nthey raise vast numbers of catde. This is attended with\\nvery litde expense, as the prairies are covered with grass\\nduring the whole of the year. Some persons own several\\nthousand head of cattle. It is common for them to milk\\nfrom eighty to one hundred and twenty cows, and to\\nmark more than one thousand calves each year. This\\nmay seem incredible to some, but nothing is more true.\\nA advantageous market for beef, hides, butter, cheese,\\nand tallow, always exists in New-Orleans and these arti-\\ncles ..rt- transported to that city with facility, and without\\n{ni4ch expense. It is estimated among the planters, that", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "niAFALTA TO AKKANSAN, kc. 183\\ntlic stock of a vaccary doubles every four years, and that\\nof a cotton plantation every three years.\\nAt the proper season there are plenty of deer and wild\\nturkies in the two districts we have described. They are\\nfrequently run down by the hunters on horseback, and\\nnoosed by a cord, which is thrown with astonishing dex-\\nterity, even at full speed.\\nJ he natural growth in these districts is similar to what\\nwe find in the Delta, intermixed with several species of\\ntrees incident to the elevated country. Near the mouth\\n(A the C hafalia, numerous clusters of live oak are found.\\nThe population of these two districts may be estima-\\nted at about three thousand one hundred whites, and\\nthree thousand slaves. About one thousand two hundred\\nand fifty of the former are enrolled in the militia.\\nThe climate in this quarter is deemed much more\\nhealthful than in any other part of the low country. A-\\ngues and fevers sometimes prevail but they seldom as-\\nsume a dangerous type They are usually of short dura-\\nlion, and readily yield to medicine, if seasonably admi-\\nnistered. Few countries produce more old people in\\nproportion to the population, or larger families of chil-\\ndren. These two districts are constantly fanned by the\\nbreezes from the sea and to these must be attributed\\nthe prevalence of so much health. They temper the heat\\nof the sun, and deprive the vapors, and perhaps the mias-\\nmata, occasioned by the bayous and swamps, of their per-\\nnicious qualities. The air is remarkably soft, and pleasant\\no the feelings.\\nAll the country about the gulf is evidendy alluvial.\\nAt what time it was redeemed from the sea, no one can\\nconjecture but as some of the oldest inhabitants can re-\\nmember when the lands were less dry, much oftener\\nflooded, and to a much greater extent and height, than at\\npresent, perhaps its redemption is much nearer to our\\nlime than many are willing to allow. At the mouth of", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "184 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe Mississippi the land constantly advances into the\\ngulf; and there is every reason to believe, that its advan-\\nces are equally rapid at the mouth of the Chafalia, and\\nalong the shores of the gulf. No doubt the elevated is-\\nlands, scattered along the coast, and already in most in-\\nstances connected with the main land by marshes, vi^ere\\nnot long ago situated at some distance in the sea. These\\nprojections are caus-^d by the deposition of the sediment\\nfrom the rivers, particularly from the Mississippi. The\\ngulf of Mexico, though of great extent, is filled with\\nshoals and sand banks, especially near the land, which\\nrender the navigation dangerous and the materials of\\nwhich they are composed, have been rolled from the sour-\\nces of the great rivers.\\nRed liver joins the Mississippi just below the thirty-\\nfirst degree. It is about five hundred yards broad at its\\nmouth but it gradualij contracts to about three hundred\\nor two hundred and fifty yards as it is ascended. The\\nlower part of this river, for about fifty miles, rolls through\\nthe Mississippi swamps. A short distance below where\\nit receives Black river, about twenty seven miles\\nfrom its mouth, it approaches within three miles of the\\nMississippi, and then flows in nearly a parallel direction\\nto it, till they unite their waters. The country for thia\\ndistance exhibits a gloomy prospect it presents to the\\neye a world of waters. The author of these sketches as-\\ncended Red river in February 1809, at which time, ow-\\ning to the swell ot the Mississippi, the whole country\\nwas buried about ten feet under water and it was then\\nabout six feet below its usual rise. Only two or three\\nelevated spots of ground appeared, where boats were\\nable to land, and these were but a few yards in circum-\\nference. The first appearance of any lands not occasion-\\nally flooded is in the neighborhood of the Avoyelles and\\neven between this place and the rapids, at a distance of\\nmore than one hundred miles from the Mississippi, most", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "CIIAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, kc. 185\\nof the country adjacent to one side or the other of Red\\nriver, is dchiged in the wet seasons. All that vast tract\\nbelow the Avoyelles can never be of any use, except for\\nthe hickory, ash, and oak, it produces. It is intersected\\nby innumerable bayousi and checquered by a vast num-\\nber of lakes, which receive the surplus waters of Red ri-\\nver and the. Mississippi. Some of the former, after me-\\nandering through the swamps, unite with the main chan-\\nnel again Others fall into the Chafalia and Mississippi\\nso that in the season of high water usually from Febru-\\nary till June, boats may pass over a great extent of\\ncountry in every direction, except where obstructed by\\nthe trees.\\nThe first settlement in ascending Red river, is at the\\nAvoyelles, about sixty miles from the Mississippi. This\\nsettlement is formed about an extensive prairie, and the\\ninhabitants have a ready communication with Red river\\nby means of some navigable bayous, which penetrate its\\nright bank. The settlers are partly French, and partly\\nemigrants from the United States. They seldom culti-\\nvate wheat, because they have no mills to grind it. Corn\\nand cotton are almost the only articles cultivated by them,\\nexcept garden vegetables. They raise large stocks of\\ncattle and swine the first range the prairie, and the latter\\nthe woods, which are filled with oak, hickory, ash, and\\ngrape vines. They prepare considerable quantities of\\nbetf and pork for market, which are deemed of a good\\nquality. The population of this place may be estimated\\nat nbout four hundred and fifty whites, and one hundred\\nand fifty slaves. Above the Avoyelles the lands gradu-\\nally rise, and few of them, except near the river, are sub-\\nject to inundation. Some considerable tracts exhibii\\nlarge prairies, with very few trees, and even these few\\nare mostly pine. The lands less elevated furnish a vari-\\nety of excellent timber. Above the Avoyelles, and back", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "186 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nof the river, the country is of a rolling nature, and Hot\\ndestitute of good springs.\\nThe next settlement of consequence is at the rapids,\\nabout sixty miles still higher up the river. The village\\nof Alexandria is situated just below them, and on the\\nright bank of Red river, in north latitude, thirty one de-\\ngrees, twenty minutes. Most of the settlers have planted\\nthemselves some miles back j and the whole population\\nmay be computed at about six hundred and forty whites,\\nand two hundred slaves. The greatest proportion of this\\npart of the country is cultivated by emigrants from the\\nUnited States. The land is of a good quality, and pro-\\nduces abundantly. A saw mill has been erected on a\\nbayou or stream near the settlements, which has proved\\nof great utility to the inhabitants. The lands on the left\\nbank of the river are rather broken the soil mostly of a\\nstiff clav the timber is of large oak, and hickory, inter-\\nmixed with a few pine, thinly scattered over the country,\\nwhich is well watered. This kind of land extends along\\nto the north east to the Ocatahola, a distance of about for-\\nty miles. The plantations about the rapids exhibit the\\nappearance of wealth. The wood lands and prairies are\\nso happily intermixed as to be of the greatest utility to\\nthe planters, who raise many cattle and swine, and cul-\\ntivate such articles as are common to the country.\\nThe rapids in Red river are formed by two ledges of\\nhard indurated clay, or soft rock, which extend across\\nthe channel at about three-fourths of a mile from each\\nother. In low water each of them has a fall, and during\\nthis season it is dangerous for loaded boats to attempt the\\npassage of them. When the waters are high they are not\\nperceptible, and the Mississippi frequently flows back to\\nthem. A good boat channel may be cut over each at a\\nsmall expense. If the legislative authority were to grant a\\nsuitable toll, no doubt a safe navigation would be made.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "CHAFALIA TO AltKANSAS, fee 1\u00c2\u00a77\\nFrom the rapids to Nachitoches, a distance of about\\none hundred and ten miles, the settlements are thinly\\nscattered along the river, and mostly on the right bank\\nof it. Nearly the whole of this tract, especially along the\\n%vater courses, is composed of bottom land of the richest\\nkind, and well covertd with wood, though in some instan-\\nces for the space of fifteen or twenty miles no settlements\\nhave been made. These, however, begin to be nume-\\nrous and wealthy about thirty miles below Nachitoches,\\nand they multiply as that place is approached. One great\\ninconvenience is, that the bottom lands suitable for culti-\\nvation extend only in narrow borders along the river,\\ngenerally from three hundred to four hundred yards in\\ndepth, and are bounded in the rear by cypress swamps\\nand lakes. These swamps and lakes almost invariably\\nextend parallel to the river, and are seldom more thaa\\none or two miles wide. They are bounded on the op-\\nposite side by the high lands, which are of a rolling na-\\nture, interspersed with extensive rich prairies, and small\\nridges of pine and other timber and the lands of this\\nmixed quality extend westward to the Sabine. Many el-\\nevated situations occur along the river, and back of it,\\nwhich afford delightful views. From some of them the\\neye may glance over vast natural meadows, thickly stud-\\nded with copses of trees, and adorned with variegated her-\\nbage.\\nNachitoches, situated in north latitude, thirty one de-\\ngrees, forty six minutes, was settled by the French as\\nearly as 1714, and was once much more considerable than\\nat present. It now contains between forty and fifty fa-\\nmilcs, mostly French. The village was originally built\\non a hill or elevation at some distance from the river;\\nbut it was abandoned by the Spaniards after they came\\ninto possession of Louisiana, who caused another to be\\nerected on the bottom a short distance higher up on the\\nright bank of the river. The inhabitants formerly sub-\\n2 B", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "188 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nsisted almost wholly by the Iidian trade, and this indu-\\nced them to live contiguous to each other; but as this re-\\nsource became less profitable and more precarious, they\\ngradually turned their attention to agriculture, and resort-\\ned to their plantations. This place experiences some in-\\nconvenience from the want of good water. The river is\\nimpregnated with salt and alum, and the water taken\\nfrom the wells is equally unpleasant. The high grounds\\nabout a mile from the river afford some good springs\\nbut the inhabitants mostly use rain water collected and\\npreserved in cisterns. The bottom lands in this quarter\\nare composed of a rich sandy texture, and produce a thick\\ngrowth of wood. The soil on the high grounds is gene-\\nrally of a stiif clay and though it produces considerable\\npine, it yields good crops of cotton, corn, iind tobacco.\\nPerhaps cotton and tobacco are raised on Red river in\\ngreater perfection than in any other quarter of the union\\ncertain it is, that they command the highest prices in the\\nmarket. It must be confessed, however, that agriculture\\nis but little understood among the old si-ttlers of the coun-\\ntry, and it will probably be some time before they will be-\\ncome acquainted with the practical duties of agricultura-\\nlists.\\nThe village of Nachitoches will always preserve some\\nimportance, particularly as it is the usual thoroughfare\\no\\\\ er land from the settlements east of the Mississippi to\\nthe Mexican dommions. A garrison was always k-r-pt\\nhere by the French and Spaniards, and the United Slates\\nstill maintain one at the same place.\\nIn the neighbourhood oi Nachitoches are several consi-\\nderable lakes. The country, indeed, about the lowe: half\\np.vrt of Rtd river, is full of thi-m some of \u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u00a2.hich are\\nfrom thirty to fifty miles in circumference, ruey pro-\\ndu .e an abundance of several sorts o good fish. J\\\\i some\\nseasons of the year prodii^ious nninbers of wild fowl re-\\nsort to them, purtlcuiariy several kigas of ducks, geese,", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "ClIAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, 8;c. 189\\nbrant, and swan. They invariably communicate with the\\nriver, and in the season of high freshes rt ceive the surplus\\nwater precipitated from the upper countr\\\\ and by these\\nmeans prevent the inundation of vast tracts of low land.\\nThese lakes uniformly rise and fill with the river.\\nFrom Nachitoches in a north east direction to the Wa-\\nshita or Black river, the country swells into gentle hills\\nand ridges; it contains a mixture of prairie and wood\\nlands, and the natural growth of many considerable tracts\\nis pine. The soil is of a good quality, especially on the\\nbroad bottoms, which extend along the numerous streams.\\nThe upper settlement on Red river is at a place called\\nCompti, about thirty miles above Nachitoches. The\\nlands about this settlement are very irregular and bro-\\nhen, and much injured by numerous bayous and la-\\ngoons.\\nAbout eichty miles above this settlement, part of the\\nwaters of II; d river break through its right bank, and fi-\\nnally unite with the main stream again just above Nachi-\\ntoches. Nearly sixty miles above this union or junction,\\nthe outlet of Red river just mentioned receives the bayou\\nPierre, on which the French formed some settlements\\nabout the year 1730. The inhabitiints at this place make\\nconsiderable quantities of butter, cheese, and bacon hams,\\nwhich they usually sell to the people below them on R(td\\nriver. The lands about bayou Pierre are a mixture of\\nprairie and wood, and the soil in general is deemed of a\\ngood quality. The inhabitants cultivate wheat, corn, cot-\\nton, and tobacco. They are furnished with many ex-\\ncellent mil! seats, and plenty of good building stone, an ar-\\nticle seldom found in the country below them.\\nPerhaps the number of inhabitants between the rapids\\nand the bayou Pierre may amount to about twelve hun-\\ndred whites, and to nearly as many slaves.\\nAt the distance of about one hundred and thirty miles\\nabove Nachitoches commences what is called the great", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "J 90 SKEICIIES OF LOUISIANA.\\nraft. The distance from the lower to the upper end of\\nit is estimated at forty-five or fifty miles. This obstruc-\\ntion is similar to the one in the Chafalia and is broken\\nand unconnected in many places so that in a variety of\\ninstances, for several miles in extent, a good navigation\\nexists Yet, as the channel is frequently and wholly ob-\\nstructed by vast collections of logs, and the branches of\\ntrees, firmly bound together by the alluvious substances\\nprecipitated from above by the current, no boat can possi-\\nbly ascend the river. A passage, however, is found round\\nthis raft by means of a chain of lakes and bayous, connec-\\nted with each othor; though in some places it is difficult\\nto navigate, and the distance is upwards of ninety miles.\\nIt is said, that there is no better land on Red river than\\n\u00c2\u00a9long this raft.\\nRed river has never been explored more than about\\ntwo hundred miles above this raft, except by Indian tra-\\nders and hunters. Some of these have explored it to its\\nsource in the Mexican mountains at no great distance\\nfrom Santa F6. This source appears from the best ac-\\ncounts to be about one thousand four hundred and fifty\\nmiles north west of its confluence with the Mississippi.\\nIt is a remarkable fact, that the nearer the Mexican moun-\\ntains are approached, from whatever point, the less wood\\nis to be found. Tnis is verified on Red river for no\\ntrees are to be seen, except along the water courses, a-\\nbove Boggy creek, which is estimated at six hundred\\nmiles above Nachitoches, All that immense tract be-\\nyond this creek, of about six hundred and fifty miles on\\nthe river, and extending in an opposite direction from\\nnear the Spanish settlements about St. Antonio to some\\nof the head waters of the jMissouri, is one immense prai-\\nrie or natural meadow, except on the bottoms along the\\nnumerous rivers and streams, which are generally cov^^r-\\ncd with a thick growth of timber. The Mexican moun-\\ntains, in which nearly all of the great westerly branches", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "CHAFALTA TO ARKANSAS, tc. 191\\nof the lower Mississippi and Missouri have their sour-\\nces, are also mostly destitute of wood but they produce\\na short grass, which attracts to them in summer vast\\nherds of wild horses, buffaloe, bears, wolves, elk, deer,\\nfoxes, wild hogs, antelopes, and a variety of other ani-\\nmals. In winter these are driven by the cold, and the\\nwant of food, to the plains or prairi ;s below and the\\nnumber of these animals, as described by hunters, al-\\nmost exceed the bounds of credibility. The soil in these\\nmountains is represented as sandy and steril, and the\\nface of the country as extremely broken, covered by ab-\\nrupt hills and rocky clifts, and by deep gullies or ra-\\nvines formed by the rains. Here rock or mineral salt\\nis found, as also mines of silver but of what value is\\nunknown.\\nBetween the mountains and the great raft, the lands\\nare of various qualities. On Red river, and on some of\\nits branches, many of the bottoms are from ten to fifteen\\nmiles broad, and generally covered with the growth pe-\\nculiar to such lands in other parts of Louisiana. The\\nsoil is considered as luxuriant and the grass, particular-\\nly in the prairies, is of an uncommon height. The high-\\ner the river is ascended, the more it is confined within\\nits banks; and above the great raft, instances of inunda-\\ntion are not common, though the soil on all the bottoms\\nis evidently alluvial. The high grounds produce good\\nwheat and this was fully ascertained by the French,\\nwho formerly settled themselves among the Caddoques.\\nThe climate on Red river, though not refrigerated b\\\\\\nthe sea breezes, is deemed as healthful as that along the\\ngulf. This is the more remakable, as the surface of near-\\nly six tenths of the country about the settlements is con-\\nstantly covered with water, and the atmosphere loaded\\nwith vapors, which in other places produce troublesome\\nand fatal endemics. Perhaps this general exemption\\nfrom diseases may be traced in part to the dry and san-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "192 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ndy soil of the high grounds, many of which are covered\\nwith pine, and in part, more especially to the numerous\\nsalines about the country to the brackish nature of the\\nwater, both in the rivers and lakes, and in the wells and\\nsprings, and to the saline qualities of the ground. What-\\never the cause may be, certain it is, that the inhabitants\\non Red river enjoy as much health as is usual in any part\\nof the United States and the climate, though warm and\\nhumid in summer, is not productive of diseases even a-\\nmong strangers unaccustomed to it.\\nLittle is known of the vast countrv, situated between\\nRed river on the east, the rio Bravo on the west; and the\\ngulf of Mexico on the south, except along the road ex-\\ntending from Nachitoches to St. Antonio. The whole of\\nthis tract fronts, or has a regular and gradual descent to\\nthe south, and its rivers and other streams flow through\\nit in an oblique south e ist direction, and fall into the\\ngulf. The road from Nai.hitoches to Nacogdoches runs\\nnearly west, and from the latter place to St. Antonio it\\nextends about west south west. The north shore of the\\ngulf from the mouth of the Mississippi to the head of\\nthe bay of St. Bernard extends in a west north west di-\\nrection so that the tract between the road and the sea is\\nof uiiequal breidths; much wider at the Sabine than at\\nSt. Antonio. The road at the former place is about one\\nhundred and fifty miles from the gulf, while at the latter\\nit is not more than eighty or ninety miles. The average\\nwidth of this tract, situated between the sources of the\\nrivers and the gulf, mav be estimated at about four hun-\\ndred miles; though some of the rivers from their oblique\\ndirection as just mentioaed, flow more than seven hun-\\ndred miles before they fall into the sea, and afi ord a boat\\nnavigation for about three fourths of that dist^uice.\\nThe Sabine (called in some m;ips the M xicano, and\\nin others the Adaizi.-) is about fifty miles to the westward\\nof Nachitoches. Most of the lands between these two", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, c. I93\\nploces, particularly along the road, are considerably bro-\\nken, and of an inferior quality. This tract is rather de-\\nficient in good water, and contains more pine than any\\nother wood. This river has its source in the extensive\\nplains to the north west of Nachitoches.\\nFrom the Sabine to Nacogdoches, a Spanish village, is\\nabout sixty miles. The lands are thir timbered, except\\nalong the water courses, covered with vast bodies of flint\\nstones, and atlbrd many symptoms of rich iron ore.\\nThis village is situated in an elevated country, in about\\nthirty one degrees twenty five minutes north latitude, and\\ncontinually washed on three sides by a beautiful stream\\nof pure water It is badly built, and contains no more\\nthan thirty or forty indifferent houses, with a chapel; and\\nas it is at a distance from any navigable water, it never\\ncan arrive to much importance.\\nThe river Trinity, or Trinidad, is about ninety six\\nmiles to the westward of Nacogdoches, and between them\\narc two or three considerable streams, probably branches\\nonly of some of the rivers. Perhaps the country about\\nthe Trinity is better calculated for settlements than any\\nother in this quarter. It is pretty well wooded, and a-\\nbounds in excellent water. The soil is fertile and the\\nclimate healthful. This river estimated at three hundred\\nand fifty ndlts in length, is navigable for large boats\\nin fhe season of high water, and vessels of considerable\\nsize can enter the moath of it. litre commence the high\\ngrounds on the gulf, which continue to bound the shore\\nto the head of the bay of St. Bernard. On the contrary,\\nbetween the mouih of the Trinity and that of the Missis-\\nsippi, the country along the gulf for a considerable depth\\nis covered with marshes, in which some of the rivers are\\nin a manner lost, and their channels obstructed. The\\nSpaniards begin to estimate the importance of the Trini-\\nt)- for they have piaoned a town on its banks near the\\nroad, and called it Salscdo, in honor of the governor-ge-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "194 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\nneral of the Internal provinces, whose capital is the city\\nof Chihuahua, laid down in north latitude, twenty eight\\ndegrees fifty minutes, and longitude, one hundred and\\nsix degrees, fifty minutes, west from Paris. To encou-\\nrage the growth of this place, which now (1809) contains\\ntwenty five or thirty miserable mud cabins only, liberal\\ngrants of lands arer-made to settlers, in some instances two\\nand three leagues square. It may be safely doubted,\\nhowever, whether the town of Salsedo will even arrive to\\nmuch importance under the Spanish government, and the\\nreason is obvious. Agriculture, commerce, and manufac-\\ntures, are hardly known in the province of Texas and\\nwithout them no country can expect to flourish.\\nFrom the Trinity to the river Brassos is about eighty\\nmiles. Between these two rivers are several small creeks,\\nprobably branches of larger streams, on the borders of\\nwhich are some extensive tracts of valuable land, well\\nWooded and watered, and furnished with a pure and\\nwholesome air. The bottoms along the Brassos are also\\nextensive and fertile, though portions of them are usually\\ndeluged in the spring. This river is about seven hundred\\nmiles long, and affords a good navigation for some dis-\\ntance above its mouth.\\nThe next river of any consequence is the Colorado,\\nabout eighty five miles to the westward of the Brassos.\\nThe land between these two rivers is of a good quality\\nbut the want of wood and water will probably obstruct\\nthe settlement of it. The Colorado is a beautiful river,\\nnavigable nearly to its source in the season of high water,\\na distance of about four hundred and fifty miles, On\\nits borders are large bodies of excellent well timbered\\nland and perhaps the period is not far distant when po-\\npulous settlements will be formed on them, especially if\\nindustry ;.nd enterprise be suffix ientH encouraged. This\\nriver falls into the head of the bay of St. Bernard-\\nlis", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, c. 10,^\\nFrom the Colorado to the river St. Marks, (one of the\\nbranches of the Ciuadaloupe) is about fifty miles. This\\nriver is about one hundred yards wide where the road cros-\\nses it, and the lands on its borders are extremely rich and\\nproductive, but they are mostly destitute of wood.\\nAbout twenty five miles to the westward of the St.\\nMiirks, is the river Guadaloupe, which is about the size\\nof the former. The lands on this river are good, well\\nwatered, and contain a fuie growth of timber. This ri-\\nver is about two hundred miles long, and falls into the\\nbay of St. Bernard, at the mouth of which was planted\\nthe colony under M. de la Salle in 1685.\\nFrom the Guadaloupe to St. Antonio, the capital of\\nTexas, is about sixty miles. This capital is situated in\\nabout north latitude, twenty nine degrees, on one of the\\nhead branches of the Guadaloupe, and is said to contain\\nabout two thousand five hundred irjiabitants but these\\nare probably overrated. The country about it is elevated,\\nand fanned by a pure air. It has been remarked by tra-\\nvellers, that more old people are found in this quarter\\nthan are known to exist in any other territory of the same\\nextent. The houses in St. Antonio are very indifferent\\ngenerally one story high, with flat roofs, supported by up-\\nrights sunk in the ground, and built of combustible mate-\\nrials. There are, however, one or two public squares,\\nround which the houses make a better appearance. The\\nchapel or church is an ordinary structure, though it is\\nconsidered by the inhabitants as a splendid edifice. At\\nno great distance from the town, a spring of an uncom-\\nmon size, yielding pure lime stone water, breaks out of\\nthe side of a hill, and soon becomes a river. A dam is\\nerected across it in such a position as to precipitate the\\nwater in almost every direction among ttie houses by\\nmeans of canals or sluices, which are so constructed zs\\nto convey it over the cultivated fields o^low. This\\nirrigation is the more necessary, as it seldom rains\\n2 e", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "196 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nin the neighborhood of St. Antonio during the summer\\nseason.\\nIf the preceding calculations are correct, St. Antonio is\\nabout five hundred and five miles to the west-south-west\\nof Nachitoches. The several distances we have men-\\ntioned were computed in 1806 by a gentleman of intelli-\\ngence and observation, who traversed the country in that\\nyear between Red river and the capital of Texas. From\\nhim also were derived in part the few descriptive hints\\nvve have given of that country.\\nIn addition to what has been said of the country to the\\nwestWiird of Red river, it may be observed, that it pos-\\nsesses mcny advantages denied to other portions of Loui-\\nsiana under the same latitudes. It is elevated and the\\nair is untainted by noxious exhalations, which in other\\nplaces are more or less prejudicial to health. The springs\\nafford excellent water and even the water in most of the\\nrivers is free from impurities, and impregnated with the\\nqualities of the lime stone. It is believed also, that this\\npart of the country contains plenty of salt, as the hunters\\nhave discovered several salt springs. Another great ad-\\nvantage attached to it is, that it has a variety of easy and\\nshort communications with the sea, by means of the ri-\\nvers already named, and no doubt some good ports.\\nHence the facilities to the exportation of cotton, tobacco,\\nand provisions, (perhaps even sugar) which these exten-\\nsive regions are calculated to yield, and which will be con-\\nsidered as the st :ple commodities of them.\\nThe coun:ry in general is of a rolling nature, destitute\\nof any considerable mountains, and may be considered as\\nan inclined plane trom the great Mexicnn ridge it is al-\\nmost wholly free from swamps and marshy grounds, t%-\\ncept along the gulf between the mouths of the Sabine and\\nthe Trinity. The greatest obstacle to the setdement\\nof some parts of it, is the scarcity of wood yet the prai-\\nries, which are always covered with luxuriant grass, will", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, Sec. Jcjj-\\nafibrd fine ranges for cattle, and therefore cannot be deem-\\ned useless in an agricultural point of view. The portion\\nof the country covered with wood, were it even limited\\nto the borders of the rivers, is sufficient for a considerable\\npopulation and it is said that, in the neighborhood of the\\ngulf, especially to the westward of the Trinity, a good\\ngrowth of timber is to be found. We may therefore safe-\\nly pronounce, that these regions are destined to yield, at\\nno distant period, great quantities of surplus produce, and\\nto open new and important sources of wealth to the agri-\\ncultural and commercial world.\\nThe road we have traced out is the great thorough-\\nfare between Red river and the city of Mexico, as well\\nas the internal provinces. The Spaniards at all the vil-\\nlages, and at nearly all the rivers on this route, have esta-\\nblished small military posts, composed of eight or ten\\nmen each not merely as guards of security, but to faci-\\nlitate the passage of public letters and despatches, which\\nare carried with as much expedition between the Sabine\\nand the most distant provinces, as in any part of the Uni-\\nted States. All these posts are provided with mules. As\\nsoon as the mail arrives at one post, it is hastened by a\\nfresh mule and rider to the next, and so on it travels\\nnight and day, and is seldom obstructed, or even retard-\\ned, by the weather. Carriages have passed the road from\\nNachitoches to Mexico a distance of little more than one\\nthousand miles; some say twelve hundred miles.\\nOf the country about the sources of the rivers we have\\nnamed, very little is known. These rivers, at least most\\nof them, head in the extensive plains to the north west of\\nthe gulf. The Trinity and Brassos flow from near the\\nupper part of lied river a small ridge, indeed, onl} di-\\nvides them.\\nThe no Bravo is about one hundred and fifty miles to\\nthe westward of St. Antonio, following the coarse of the\\nroad. The lands are generally the same as those already", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "198 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nnoticed, though the produce of them is probably more va-\\nluable. They yield several rare and useful kinds of wood,\\nas also considerable quantities of cochineal.\\nIt is taken for granted, that the Spaniards will never se-\\nriously contend for any part of the country to the east-\\nward of the Sabine and it is also presumed, that the United\\nStates will extend and maintain their claims to the rio\\nBravo. This tract, then, may be computed at about six\\nhundred and five miles in length, and four hundred miles\\nin breadth containing two hundred and forty two thou-\\nsand square miles, or one hundred and fifty four million,\\neight hundred and eighty thousand acres.\\nThere is is some confusion in the maps relative to the\\nlatitudes of the rivers, and other remarkable objects, a-\\nlong the gulf of Mexico. The Spanish maps, in particu-\\nlar, lay down nineteen rivers, or large water courses, be-\\ntween the Sabine and the rio Bravo. The mouth of the\\nSabine is placed in north latitude, thirty degrees, nearly\\nthat of the Trinity in twenty nine degrees that of the\\nBrassos in twenty nine degrees twenty minutes the en-\\ntrance into the bay of St. Bernard in twenty eight de-\\ngrees thirty minutes the mouths of the Colorado and\\nGuadaloupe, in the vicinity of each other, in about twenty\\neight degrees fifty minutes; and the mouth of the rio\\nBravo in twenty six degrees eight minutes. These calcu-\\nlations of the latitudes, though probably incorrect, will af-\\nford the reader a general idea of the relative positions of\\nthe several objects, to which they refer. The bay of St.\\nBernard is said to exhibit one of the most beautiful sheets\\nof water in the world it contains many islands, and is\\n%vell stored with various kinds of fish nearly twelve feet\\nof water is found on the bar at its entrance its shores are\\npregnant with delightful scenery.\\nThe paucity of materials forbid a more copious account\\nof this part of Louisiana. The attention, therefore, is ne-\\nicssarily diverted to another quarter.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, Stc I99\\nlilack river penetrates the left bank of Red river about\\nliiirty miles from the Mississippi, and it has been explo-\\nred to the hot springs in north latitude, thirty four de-\\ngrees twenty seven minutes, a distance of five hundred\\nand nine miles. Black river, however, loses its name at\\nthe junction of the Ocatahola, Washita, and Tenza, about\\nsixty nine miles from Red river. The Washita is the prin-\\ncipal branch, and near it are the hot springs already men-\\ntioned. This river, as it is ascended, inclines for some\\ndistance to the north west so that fort INIiro, built by the\\nSpaniards, as likewise the settlements in that quarter, si-\\ntuated two hundred and seventy miles from the mouth of\\nRed river, are at no great distance from the Walnut Jlills\\non the Mississippi.\\nThe lands on Black river, below the junction just mention-\\ned, are of an alluvial nature. J he banks in general are pret-\\nty elt-vated, and some portions of them seldom buried un-\\nder water but the lands gradually slope from the river, and\\nare bounded in the rear by cypress swamps, which are an-\\nnually inundated. These elevations along the banks are\\ngenerally one plantation deep, and the soil is composed of\\nblack marie, mixed with sand, which have been rolled\\nfrom the upper country. The trees are not so high and\\nlarge as those on the Mississippi they are red and black\\noaks, ash, peccon, hickory, some elms, cotton wood, and\\nwillow But they gradually increase in height and size\\nas the river is ascended.\\nAn opinion prevails, that these and other alluvial lands\\nin the low country are at this time much more elevated\\nthan formerly and that they are gradually rising above\\nthe freshes by the. annual depositions made on their sur-\\nface. This opinion is fully supported by three known\\nfacts the advances of the land into the sea the exist\\nonce of trees and other woody substances at a considerable\\ndepth under ground, apparently deposited there by the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "200 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nwaters and the annual formation of an alluvions stratum\\nby mv;ans of the expansion of the jMississipps ana ocher\\nrivers.\\nThe same kind of land continues to fort Miro on the\\nWashita, though sornev/hat more elevated, and studded\\nwith a few primitive ridgco. On the left hank of that ri-\\nver are extensive prairies, the soil ot which is luxuriant\\nand productive, bearing a high coarse (\u00e2\u0080\u009erass.. Ojii ihc op-\\nposite side, between the Washita and Red river, tht lands\\nhave frequently an elevation of three hundred feet part\\nof which is prairie, and the remauider mostly covered\\nwith pine, and extremely poor and barren.\\nThe fort and settlement on the Washita are situated in\\nnorth latitude, thirty two degrees thirty mmutes, nearly.\\nThe first settlement made here was by the French, which\\nwas destroyed by the Natchez Indians in 1729, and never\\nrevived till the country passed into the hands of Spain it\\nnow extends about thirty miles above fort Miro, and com-\\nprehends between five and six hundred souls. Many\\nfine creeks and bayous intersect this part of the country,\\nbounded by rich and extensive bottoms. Just above the\\nfort commences the grant of baron B strop, which embra-\\nces a square of thirty six miles on each side of the river.\\nHere the banks are ekvated about thirty feet the bot-\\ntoms are at least half a mile wide, and the high grounds\\nin the rear of them covered with pine.\\nThe uplands, properly so called, make their first ap-\\npearance about one hundred and thirty miles ;ibove the\\nfort, covered with cane breaks, birch, maple, holiy, per-\\nsimmon, and black grape vines. The m.irgins of th ri-\\nver are fringed with a variety of vines and plants, among\\nwhich is several species of convolvulus. The banks at\\nthis place and above it, in some instances suffer from the\\nebrasion of ihr waters, though mostlv skirted with rocky\\nclifts from eighty to an hundred feet in height, and cover-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "CHAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, c. 201\\ned with pine. Plills of freestone are common in this quar-\\nter. The lands, among other trees, produce the elm, sy-\\ncamore, dog and iron wood.\\nAliout three hundred and forty five miles above the\\nfort, tht: country suddenly assumes a more rugged aspect.\\nIftlls frequently rise out of the level plains, and exhibit\\nan abundance of rocks, free stone, and blue slate,\\namong whose fissures are found plenty of sparry and\\nchrystaline matter.\\nThis kind of land continues to the hot springs; its sur-\\nface is covered with a stri tum of vegetable earth, from\\nsix to twelve inches in thickness, of a dark brown colour,\\nmixed wirh loam and sand, and well calculated for til-\\nlage. The navigation is good in the season of high wa-\\nter, and ihr climate one of the finest in the world. The\\ndit ianL from ihe hot springs to the source of che river, is\\nunknown. It is probablt, that the country about it is bro-\\nken, aTid much less inviting than that lower down.\\nThese springs ?re numerous., and sitaat^d intije neigh-\\nborhood of the river. Four of them only, are worthy of\\nmuch notice. Tiu first raises the mercury in Fahrenheit\\nto one hundred and fifty degrees the second to one hun-\\ndred and forty five degrees the third to one hundred and\\nthirty six degrees; and the fourth to ou hundred and\\nthirty two dtgrets. The temperature of the water in-\\ncreases or diminishes in proportion to the size of the\\nspring. The water in none of them, when suffered to\\ncool, is unpleasant to the taste. It is supposed to contain\\nsome m dicinal virtues, and on this account the springs\\nbegin to be visited by valetudinaries.\\nThe sketches new given of the country about the Wa-\\nshita are dtnved from several sources, particularly from\\nthe observations of Mr. Dunbar and Dr. Hunter. It is\\nunfortunate, that all the other great rivers of Louisiana\\nhave not been equally well explored and surveyed.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "202 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nIt has been recently found, that the bayou Tenza is of\\nmuch more consequence than was apprehended. It is an\\noutlet or branch of the Mississippi, which leaves that ri-\\nver near the Arkansas, and meanders along the swamps\\ntill it joins Black river. In some places it makes near\\napproaches to the Mississippi in others it diverges from\\nfifteen to twenty five miles from it, and in its progress\\npasses through several long and narrow lakes, probably\\nformed by occasional dilatations of the stream. This ba-\\nyou, with very little labor and expense, would afford a\\ngood boat navigation for about four hundred miles and\\nas the current is comparatively weak, it is calculated to\\nfacilitate the ascent of boats to the upper country. The\\nlands along the Tenza are as elevated, and as well covered\\nwith cane, as those on the JMississippi, and of equal\\nbreadth. Many people, under an expectation of acqui-\\nring pre-emtive titles, have surveyed and taken possession\\nof large tracts of these lands, admirably adapted to the\\nculture of cotton, and such other articles as are common\\nto the country.\\nThe west bank of the Mississippi, from the mouth of\\nRed river to that of the Arkansas, presents an almost per-\\nfect level, and the land is much more elevated on the river\\nthan in the rear of it. This vast tract affords a thick\\ngrowth of large and tall trees, mostly cotton wood and\\ncypress, with extensive cane breaks. This kind of cane\\nnear the Arkansas is from fifteen to twenty feet in height;\\nopposite to Natchez and fort Adams, from thirty five to\\nforty feet. All these lands are of an alluvial nature, and\\nextremely fertile. Most of those within half a mile of the\\nMississippi are sufficiently redeemed from the floods.\\nThe swamps extend westward to the high grounds, gene-\\nrally from twenty to thirty five miles breadth, and in the\\nspring season are buried from twelve to twenty five feet\\nunder water. During the latter part of summer, the", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "ChAFALIA TO ARKANSAS, c. 203\\nVvhole of autumn, and the beginning of winter^ they are\\nusually dry, and afford excellent pasturage for cattle and\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0wild animals. The water they receive in time of freshes,\\nJs mostly precipitated from the Mississippi by means of\\nthe creeks and bayous and as the floods subside^ part of\\nit returns to the river by the same channels or drains but\\nmuch the greatest part is left to be exhausted by evapor-\\nation and absorption.\\nIt must not be supposed, however, that these cxtensivei\\nswamps, situated between the mouth of Rtd river and\\nthat of the Aikansas and embracing near eight thousand\\nsquare miles, will always remain entirely useless; They\\nafford plenty of large and excellent cypress, and some o-\\nther valuable trees, especially along the banks of the water\\ncourses. As soon as settlements are formed On the high\\ngrounds in the rear of them^ or on the borders of the Ten-\\nEa, they will be occupied as ranges for cattle^ Besides^\\nthe water communications afforded by them at certain sea-\\nsons, will be of great use to the opuletit planter*\\nOf the immense country between these low grounds and\\nthe rivers to the westward of them, and between the Wa-\\nshita and the Arkansas, no correct information was ever\\nobtained. It was partly explored by the French in the\\nearly part of the last centut but no refcord of their disco-\\nveries, at least of any merits has been handed down to us*\\nSome hunters, however, have occasionally penetrated it*\\nThey represent it as mostl) destitute of wood, except a-\\nlong the water courses, and somewhat mountainous^\\nFew settlements are formed on the West bank of the\\nMississippi, within the tract just noticed* They are thin-\\nly scattered along from Red river to the mouth of the Ya-\\n20US. Planters^ however, begin to turn their attention td\\nthis quarter, whichj at this time receives nearly its propor-\\ntion of new settlers from the States* T he knds cultiva-\\nted by them are of the first quality for cotton, and yield\\nnn abundance of corn and other provisions^\\n2 n", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "v;04 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\nEvery part of the country we have noticed produces se\\nveral sorts of wild fruit, particularly pawpaws, grapes of\\ndifferent kinds, mulberries, figs, persimmons, and a variety\\nof nuts and plums. Perhaps no part of the world yields\\nfiner peaches and mellons. Apple and pear trees flourish\\nextremely well on the high grounds but their fruit is in-\\ndifferent.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nUPPER LOUISIANA.\\nUNDER the Spanish government the south bounda-\\nry of Upper Louisiana was a place called Hope Encamp-\\nment., nearly opposite to the Chickasaw Bluffs. In this\\nchapter a general description will be given of all the known\\nparts of Louisiana, situated above the Arkansas the\\nmouth of which is in about north latitude, thirty three de-\\ngrees forty minutes: Some attention will be paid to the\\nnatural divisions of the country, as well as to the division-\\nal lines of districts.\\nThe country about the mouth of the Arkansas is rather\\nlow, and most of it overflowed in seasons of high water.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "go\u00c2\u00a9 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA,\\nThe village on that river is situated about forty five mile^\\nfrom the Mississippi, The French visited this place asi\\nearly as 1685, where they opened a trade with the natives,\\nbuilt a fort, and formed some settlements about it. At\\nthat period the Arkansas nation of Indians v/as deemed\\none of the most powerful in the country, and the French\\nto preserve peace with them, and to secure th^ir trade, in-\\ntermarried with them. Most of the inhabitants of that\\nvillage, j^re of mixed blood, and the same mixture is ob-\\nservable among the Indians, who are now reduced to a\\nvery few in number, and live in two small villages above\\nthat of the whites. They formerly contended v/ith the\\nChickasaws for superiority and their wars with that peo-\\nple, and the use of ardent spirits, have nearly extinguish-\\ned them as a nation. The village of the whites at present\\ncontains thirty or forty houses only, and a garrison, in\\nwhich a few troops are quartered. In the neighborhood\\nof it are a few plantations, and the country about it is well\\nadapted to tillage. But the Indian trade, at present very\\ninconsiderable, occupies the attention of the inhabi-\\ntants, who are altogether of French extraction, and in\\na gre^t nieasure unacquainted with agricultural pur-\\nsuits.\\nIt is certain, that the French nearly a century ago pe^\\nnetrated the Arkansas to its source: But they have left\\nus no accounts of the country in that quarter and for\\nthe fe\\\\y traits we have of it, and of the regions between the\\nArkansas and the Missouri, we are indebted to the enter-\\nprise of English Americans, A few prominent features,\\ntherefore, must suffice.\\nFrona the Arkansas village to Verdigris river, a dis-\\ntance of at least five hundred miles, the shores are gene-\\nraUy lined with reeds or cane, and furnish many rich and\\nextensive bottoms. The country below the upper extent\\npf the Osage hunting grounds, is well supplied with wood,\\nCraggy clifts frequently make their appearance along the", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIANA. 207\\nArkansas, at least as far up as a branch of that river call-\\ned Negrocka. All that vast country, which lies between\\nVerdigris river and the Mexican mountains, and between\\nthe Arkansas and the Kansas and Platte rivers, n^ay be\\nconsidered as one immense prairie, with very little else to\\nattract attention. Between the Osage villages and the\\nhead waters of those rivers, the country is sandy, and al-\\nmost destitute of herbage the surface of it is irregular\\nand broken, interspersed with a variety of small streams,\\nsome fresh and some salt, with barren sand hills, and some\\nlevel tracts covered with grass, and others with flint and\\nlime-stones. The nearer the Arkansas is approached from\\nthis quarter, the more regular and the less stony is the\\nsurface of the country though even here it has the ap-\\npearance of a barren waste, and exhibits to the eye an arid\\nand steril soil. Few trees are to be discovered, except\\nalong the water courses, and these are generally the cotton\\nwood, a species of the poplar. Many of the small branch-\\nes of the Arkankas are strongly impregnated with salt, and\\nthe shores of that river, in many places, are frosted with\\nnitre. The water of many of the springs or salines are\\ntoo salt for soups, and it even renders corn, when boiled\\nin it, unfit for use. Immense herds of buffaloe, elk, deer,\\nand a species of the goat, range about this open country,\\nwhich produces a short grass, of which they are fond\\nand a gentleman of veracity has asserted, that he has\\nseen a drove of them, containing at least niue thou-\\nsand.\\nThese regions, however, although they are at the dis-\\ntance of several hundred miles from our present settle-\\nments, are not wholly useless. They produce vast quan-\\ntities ol peltry, and the lands along the numerous rivers\\nand streams are suitable for cultivation. A scries of years\\nmust elapse before the country between them and the\\nMissibsippi is settled and at whatever time our settlers\\napproach the vast prairies already noticed, they will ex-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "208 SIvETCIIES OF LOUISIANA.\\nperience one advantage not common in other new and\\ninterior countries, a fruitful supply of salt.\\nThe fiat country on the Mississippi extends from the\\nmouth of the Arkansas to the head of what is called Ti-\\nwappaty bottom, a distance of nearly four hundred and fif-\\nty miles. The river St. Francis runs nearly parallel to\\nthe Mississippi, and from thirty to forty miles, (in some\\nplaces less) to the westward of it, for the distance of abovit\\nfour hundred and sixty milfs, and mostly through the* flat\\ncountry already mentioned. Nearly half of the lands be-\\ntween these two rivers are covered with swamps and\\nponds, and periodically inundated. These swamps, filled\\nwith cypress, are mostly dry in summer though, unless\\nthey be drained at great expense, or banks constructed to\\nkeep the water from them, they will never be of any ser-\\nvice to agriculturalists, other than as ranges for cattle.\\nMany creeks or bayous take their rise in them, and they\\nflow into both rivers and it is calculated, that there are as\\nmany of them as one to every fifteen miles. These swamps\\nare generally in a central position between the two rivers\\nthey mostly communicate with both by forming creeks or\\nbayous, which are navigable in the time of freshes. The\\nlands along the banks of the rivers and other streams a\\nmuch more elevated than the intermediate tracts they\\nare seldom overflowed, and present a thrifty growth\\nof large trees. Prairies abound in the interior, as also\\nsome tracts of upland, calculated for rich and extensive\\nplantations.\\nThis tract contains no varieties of soil. The lands are\\nmostly what are called bottoms or intervals, and are compo-\\nsed of a deep rich mould, calculated for most kinds of grain,\\ncotton, tobacco, flax, and hemp. The more elevated grounds\\nyield thirty bushels of wheat, and eighty bushels of corn,\\nby the acre. Tiwappaty bottom, which is situated above\\nthe mouth of the Ohio, is equal in fertility to any part of\\nthe western country. It produces a thick growth of tim-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIANA. 209\\nber, and many of the trees are of an extraordinary size.\\nPart of this bottom, which is about twenty miles long,\\nand horn three to six miles broad, produces an immense\\nquantity of rushes. These grow to the height of about\\neight feet they are large, and stand so thick, that it is diffi-\\ncult for a man to make his way among them. Ij.rge droves\\nof cattle resort to them in winter, and fatten on them.\\nMost of the settlements are formed along the Mississip-\\npi, not only because the lands near the banks are less ex-\\nposed to inundation, but because that navigable stream af-\\nfords the desired facilities to commerce. The settlement\\nat Little Praine, thirty miles below New Madrid, was\\nformed by Canadian traders about the year 1795; and\\nin 1803 it contained about one hundred and fifty souls.\\nNew Madrid also situated in north latitude, thirty\\nsix degrees thirty minutes, (seventy miles by the\\ncourse of the Mississippi below the mouth of the\\nOhio, and forty-five miles over land) was first settled\\nby hunters and traders. In 1787 it assumed the form of\\na regular built tov/n under the direction of general 31or-\\ngan, then of New Jersey, but now of Pennsylvania. In\\nconsequence of some obstacles to his designs, created by\\nthe Spanish government, he finally abandoned his pursuits,\\nand retired from the country. The town is situated on\\nthe west bank of the Mississippi, bounded on the north\\nby the bayou St. John, which always affords plenty of\\nwater, and on the south by a crei k, which heads in a cy-\\npress swamp in the rear of the town, and is generally des-\\ntitute of water in the dry seasons. The river never rises\\nso high as to inundate the town But the banks of it are\\nvery unstable portions of them annually cave in the hou-\\nses were originally erected over the present channel, and\\nthe inhabitants are annually obliged to remove some of\\nthem, otherwise they would be destroyed and the proba\\nbilit) is, that the encroachments of the river will evcr.tu-\\nally scatter the population of this place.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "210 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\nThis town was originally so laid out as to extend as the\\nFrench express it, forty acres in length along the river\\nthe back part was contracted to twenty acres on account\\nof some swamps, and the depth was sixteen acres. It\\ncontained ten streets running parallel with the river, and\\neighteen others crossing them at right angles. The for-\\nmer were sixty feet, and the latter forty five feet in breadth.\\nSix squares were also laid out, and reserved for the use\\nof the town, each of which contained two acres. A street\\nof one hundred and twenty feet in breadth was likewise re-\\nserved on the bank of the river.\\nThe tract of country already mentioned, between the\\nArkansas and Tiwappaty bottom, is more insalubrious\\nthan any other part of Upper Louisiana 5 and from the situ-\\nation of it a stranger would be inclined to believe, that it\\nwas more subject to dangerous diseases than it really is.\\nComplaints of an epidemic nature, are unknown. Deaths\\nare more frequent among children than adults and this is\\nimputed to the green fruit, which the former indulge\\nthemselves in eating during the most sickly season of the\\nyear. The mephitic exhalations from the swamps and\\nlow grounds must necessarily poison the air they pro-\\nduce intermittents, and some bilious fevers, though they\\nhave never been considered as very malignant. Indeed, the\\nsick have suffered more from the want of medicine than\\nfrom the obstinate nature of the endemics and more mor-\\ntality has occurred from old age and accidents than from\\nprevalent diseases.\\nA considerable number of Delawares, Shawanese, and\\nCherokees, have built some villages on the waters of the\\nSt. Francis and AVhite rivers. Their removal into these\\nquarters was authorised by the Spanish government, and\\nthey have generally conducted themselves to the satisfac-\\ntion of the whites. Some stragglers from the Creeks,\\nChocktaws, and Chickasaws, who are considered as out-\\nlaws hv their respective nations, have also established", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIAXA. 211\\nthemselves on the same waters and their disorders and\\ndejjredations among the white settlers are not unlre-\\nquent.\\nThe population of this tract in 1804 was estimated at\\none thousand three hundred and fifty, including one hun-\\ndred and fifty slaves of which ahnut four hundred, ac-\\ncording to the best accounts, were capable of bearing\\narms. One company of militia at Arkansas, another at\\nLittle Prairie, and three in New INladrid and its vicinity,\\nwere regularly organised. The more distant and scatter-\\ned setders were not included in the organised militia j\\nthey were excused from the ordinary duties of this corps\\non account of the inconvenience of attending to them.\\nAbout two thirds of the population is composed of Eng-\\nlish Americans the other third of French. It is believ-\\ned, that the population of this tract has not much increas-\\ned in several years. For three years, commencing iri\\n1 .SOO, the increase was only siic persons. About Nev/ Ma-\\ndrid, and below it, the population evidently diminishes\\nwhile it increases more to the north, particularly above\\nthe mouth of the Ohio.\\nJ he natural growth of this portion of the country is some-\\nV. hat different from thatamongthe upper settlements audit\\npartly consists of uiulberry, locust, Sassafras, walnut, pec-\\ncon, cotton wood, cypres^, willows, and dogwood. On\\nthe highest grounds some persimmons, hickory, oak, and\\nash, are to be found. This enumeration is riot complete j\\nbut it is sufficient to afford a general idea of the natural\\ngrowdi of this tract.\\nIt has been the misfortune of most of the first settlers\\nin Louisiana, particularly the French, to negi^ot agricul-\\nture, and to turn their attention almost wholly to the In-\\ndian trade, which at best only afforded a precarious sub-\\nsistence and none but a few of the principal traders ever\\nderived any profits from it. Th- first settlers at New Ma-\\ndrid, and those of most of the other places already na-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "J12 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nmed, were of this description. Not till about the year\\n1794, when the game was nearly exhausted, did they be-\\ngin to cultivate the lands, except for gardens and the rai-\\nsing of scanty supplies of corn and since that period the\\npeople have gradually turned their attention to agricul-\\nture. In 1803 the several settlements, exclusive of that\\nat Arkansas, produced thirty three thousand eight hun-\\ndred and eighty bushels of corn, three hundred and ten\\nbushels of wheat, fourteen thousand eight hundred pounds\\nof flax, four thousand five hundred and sixty pounds of\\ntobacco, and one hundred and sixty two thousand nine\\nhundred pounds of cotton. They also during the same\\ntime manufactured seven hundred and forty gallons of\\nwhiskey, tanned four hundred hides, and procured of the\\nIndians six hundred and sixty five packs of different kinds\\nof peltries. Agriculture and the manufacture of various\\narticles, are at this time in a progressive state and the\\nprospects of success in these branches will eventually su-\\npercede the desire of an Indian traffic.\\nAt the head of Tiwappaty bottom, and about twelve\\nmiles below cape Gerardeau, the high grounds commence\\non the Mississippi. At this place is a high rocky blufF,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2which stretches at about right angles with the river across\\nthe country to the St. Francis. This may be said to di-\\nvide the low from the high country. The settlements to\\nthe north of it are the most populous and, in whatever\\nlight we consider them, they are of much the most conse-\\nquence.\\nIn the territory now to be noticed are several districts\\nor counties, and the face of them exhibits a happy me-\\ndium between a mountainous and level country. No part\\nof this extensive tract is subject to inundation, except\\nnow and then, and small portions of it only are unfit for til-\\nlage. It is much less mountainous and broken than the\\neastern and middle states, and not so low and fiat as the\\nsouthern states on the Atlantic side of the mountains.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIANA. 213\\nAll the bottoms, and many of the prairies, are level but\\nthe lands back of the first, and generally those in the\\nneighborhood of the latter, are formed into gentle swells\\nand vales, and exhibit to the eye what is commonly called\\na rolling country. It must not, however, be understood,\\nthat there are no high mountains, or any abrupt high\\ngrounds on the contrary, there are many of both but\\nthey are too few in number, and too limited in extent, to\\ninjure the character of the country, or to lessen the value\\ngenerally conceived of it.\\nBoth the bottoms and the high grounds sre alternately\\ndivided into wood lands and prairies. Some of the bot-\\ntoms are covered with trees of a large size. Those on\\nthe high grounds are more scattered, and generally of a\\ndifferent species. The prairies are covered with grass.\\nThese were probably occasioned by the ravages of fire j\\nbecause, wherever copses of trees, are found on them,\\nthe ground about them is low, and too moist to admit the\\nfire to pass over it and because it is a common practice\\namong the Indians and other hunters to set the woods and\\nprairies on fire, by which means they are able to kill an\\nabundance of game. They take secure stations to the\\nleeward, and the fire drives the game to them. These\\nprairies are numerous but very few of them within our\\nsettlements, or in the neighborhood of them, are of any\\nconsiderable extent. Some of them, indeed, are many\\nmiles long but they are narrow, and are so situated as to\\nbe of great utility to agriculturists. When practicable,\\nprairie lands have been included in plantation surveys.\\nThey afford an early grass for cattle, and produce an\\nabundance of hay of no very inferior quality. The soil\\nof them is generally stronger than that of the circumja-\\ncent grounds and almost the only labor required to con-\\nvert them into tillage fields, is makinc^ the necessary fences\\nromid them.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "gl4, SKKTCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nThe district of cape Gcrardeau extends from Tiwappa-.\\nty bottom to Apple creek, a distance on the Mississippi of\\nabout thirty miles, and without any definite boundarief^\\nto the westward. The first house built in this district\\nwas in 1794 at the cape, and by a Frenchman. Since\\nthat period settlements have been rapidly formed by emi-\\ngrants from the United States and it is generally believ-\\ned, that the lands in this quarter are inferior to none in\\nTJpner Louisiana Certain it is, that the richest aiid most\\nindustiious farmers in this part of the world are the pro-\\nprietors of them. In 1803 the popuLition of this district\\nwas one thousand two hundred and six. During the\\nthree preceding years its increase was four hundred and\\nsixty six so that in 1804 it contained about one thousand\\nfour hundred and seventy whites, as also a few slaves\\nand the increase has been equally rapid since the country\\npassed under our jurisdiction. Not more than three or\\nfour Frenchmen live in this district; the rest are English\\nAmericans, who were organized into three large compa-\\nnies of militia soon after we assumed the government.\\nThe people, among many other articles, raise wheat,\\ncorn, tobacco, flax, hemp, and cotton, and nnanufacture\\nlarge quantities of maple sugar. They annually export\\nconsiderable quantities of beef, pork, lard, smoaked hams,\\nand some peltry. They also cultivate various kinds of\\nfruit, small grains, and garden vegetables. The lands in\\nthis district are elevated, and well supplied with springs\\nfree from stagnated waters and low marshy grounds, and\\nthe climate is deemed healthful. It contains only one\\nswamp, which is just below the cape, and extends across\\nthe country to the St, Francis this swamp is filled with\\ncypress trees of no great value.\\nNot many of the settlers in this district have planted\\nthetnselves on the Mississippi they preferred the country\\nf^bout twelve miles back of that river. Several considerable", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISI AN A. 215\\ni;ettlements are formed on the waters of the St. Francis,\\nabout sixty milts in the rear of the cape, where the lands\\nare of the first quality. All the lands in this district are\\nof a rolling nature they possess a luxuriant soil, are well\\ncovered with timber, and are intersected with a variety of\\nexcellent streams and springs.\\nApple creek enters the Mississippi from the west about\\neighteen miles above the cape, and affords an inland navi-\\ngation at some seasons of the year. About twenty miles\\nup this creek, and near to it, are three villages of Indians,\\none of Delawares, and two of Shawnees, which were\\nerected about the year 1794. The settlement of the In-\\ndians in this quarter was favored by the Spanish govern-\\nment, to whom a considerable tract of land was promised.\\nThey had several hundred warriors among them who\\nwere considered as a safe-guard to the whites, and at the\\ndevotion of the Spanish authorities. One of these villages\\ncontains about eighty houses. The houses of all the vil-\\nlages are built of logs, some of them squared, and well\\ninterlocked at the ends, and covered with shingles. Many\\nof them are two stories high and attached to them are\\nsmall houses for the preservation of corn, and barns for\\nthe shelter of cattle and horses, with which they are ^^ell\\nsupplied.. Their houses are well furnished with decent\\nand useful furniture. These Indians are said to be the\\nmost wealthy of any in the country but they are greatlx-\\ndebauched and debilitated by the use of ardent spirits.\\nThe country about them is too much settled to afford plen-\\nty of game. They mostly hunt on the waters of the St.\\nFrancis, and White river and sometimes they penetrate\\ninto the territories of the Osages, between whom a preda-\\ntory war has been maintained for many years.\\nThe district of St. Genevieve is bounded on the south\\nby Apple creek, and bv tht- Merimak on the north and\\nthe breadth of it on the Mississippi is upwards of an hun-\\ndred mile?. The boundaries to the west have never been", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "216 sk?:tches of Louisiana.\\ndesignated. This district, perhaps, is more hillv and un-\\neven jhan any other settled p \\\\rt of the same extent in\\nUpper Louisiana. It contains two regularly built villages,\\nSt. Genevieve and New Bourbon, which were founded\\nsoon after the peace of 1763; and these were the first\\nsettlements made in the district, except some scattering\\nones, occasioned by the appearance of mineral rich :s.\\nThe former contains about one huadred and eighty, and\\nthe latter thirty five houses, exclusive of some other buil-\\ndings. On the I^Iississippi are some extensive bottoms,\\nthe soil of which is prolific. Some of them are nt-arly\\nthree miles in breadth. The extensive one between the\\nMississippi, and St. Genevieve and New Bourbon, and\\nclaimed as the property of these villages, which are erect-\\ned on the margin of the high grounds, is under good cul-\\ntivation it is, however, flooded once in about ten or\\ntwelve years. The high grounds for fifty miles back, are\\nmore or less cultivated; but they are in some instances\\nbroken, steril, and less productive than the lands of the\\nother districts. These defects, however, are more than\\ncounterbalanced by the great quantities of lead, which are\\nfound in various quarters, and by the salines, which yield\\na sufficient quantity of salt for the consumption of the in-\\nhabitants, and some for exportation. The settlements are\\nextended to some of the waters of the St. Francis, which\\ntake their rise among them. Stiveral streams, navigable\\nfor fifteen or twenty miles, intersect this district. On the\\nMerimak, navigable for a hundred miles, is a silver mine,\\nwhich was formeily worked by the French and on its\\nbanks considerable quantities of lead and salt are manu-\\nfactured. The settlements extend about fifty miles up\\nthis river.\\nBetween St. Genevieve and the j\\\\Terimak, the banks of\\nthe Mississippi are in many places extremely high and\\nrocky some of them have an elevation of at least thr^e\\nhundred and sixty feet, and are so disposed as, on a dis-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIANA. oj-\\ntiint view, to exhibit the appearance of artificial towers.\\nThey are solid masses of lime stone, deposited in hori-\\nzontal strata.\\nThe agricultural productions of this district are similar\\nto those of the district of cape Gcrardeau. Hemp is in-\\ndigenous; it grows to the height of eleven feet, and is\\nsaid to be equal in goodness and texture to that of the\\nnorth of Europe it covers the fields of the farmers in\\nspite of their efforts to destroy it. About fifteen hun-\\ndred weight may be obtained from the acre. Rope\\nand duck manufactories are much wanted in this coun-\\ntry and the avails of them might always be dispos-\\ned of to advantage at New Orleans and the Havanna.\\nSuch manufactures would probably enrich the proprie-\\ntors, and at the same time prove useful to our numerous\\nriver navigators, who are now obliged to supply their\\nwants from Kentucky. Perhaps, however, a business of\\nthis nature might be carried on with more profit higher\\nup the Mississippi, where the hemp is undoubtedly better.\\nThis district produces some articles of natural growth\\nnot common among the other settlements in Upper Loui-\\nsiana. These art^ several kinds of pine, which are mostly\\nfound at some distance up the Merimak, and from which\\nthe inhabitants manufacture considerable quantities of\\npitch and tar, nearly sufficient for the consumption of the\\ncountry. The banks of the jVlt-rimak also produce some\\nexcellent cypress iind this species of wood is not com-\\nmon to the country to the northward of the district of New\\nMadrid. From this and the pine, boards of a good qua-\\nlity are manufacture\u00c2\u00abj but the price of them are so ex-\\norbitant, that few only can afford to purchase them. Ce-\\ndar is also found in plenty on the banks of the ^Mississip-\\npi, and some other rivers, above the mouth of the Illi-\\nnois and this is converted to a variety of useful purposes.\\nThe population of this district in 1804, cannot be pre-\\ncisely ascertained but from the census of 1 800, and the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "218 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nprobable increase in four years, it must have amounted to\\nabout two thousand three hundred and fifty whites, and\\nfive hundred and twenty slaves. Since we have been in\\npossession of the country, the population has been much\\nmoi e rapid than bffore. Only three companies of mili-\\ntia existed in this district under the Spanish government,\\nbut on the change six of them were organized.\\nIn addition to the several articles usually sent out of\\nthe country to market, those of lead and salt form a con-\\nsiderable branch of commerce in this district. They are\\nexported to the states of Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, to\\npart of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and to New Orleans.\\nLead, indeed, is frequently sent from this quarter to the\\nAtlantic markets sometimes by way of the sea, and some-\\ntimes by way of the Ohio.\\nThe district of St. Louis has the Mississippi on the\\neast, the Missouri on the west, and the Merimak on the\\nsouth. It contains several good settlements, as also three\\ncompact villages, St. Louis, Carondelet, and St. Ferdi-\\nnand.\\nSt. Louis, the capital of Upper Louisiana, is situated\\non the west bank of the Mississippi, eighteen miles below\\nthe mouth of the ]Missouri, and fourteen miles above that\\nof the Merimak, and, according to Hutchins, in latitude\\nthirty eight degrees twenty four minutes north. It was\\nfounded in 1764 by Pierre Laclade, Maxan, and com-\\npany, who associated for the purposes of trade. They\\nconceived it a position where the trade of the Missouri,\\nMississippi, and the other rivers, was most likely to cen-\\nter and since that period, St. Louis has been the empo-\\nrium of trade in Upper Louisiana. In 1766 this village\\nreceived a large accession of inhabitants from the oppo-\\nsite side of the river, who preferred the government of\\nSpain to that of England. The situation of the town is\\nelevated the shore is rocky, which effectually prevents\\nthe encroachments of the river. It has two long streets", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIANA. 219\\nrunning parallel with the Mississippi, with a variety of o-\\nthers intt-rsecting them at right angles. It contains about\\none hundred and eight) houses, and the best of thenn are\\nbuilt of stone. Some of them, including the large gar-\\ndens, and even squares, attached to them, are enclosed with\\nhigh stone walls and these, together with the rock scat-\\ntered along the shore and about the streets, render the air\\nuncomfortably warm in summer. A small sloping hill\\nextends along in the rear of the tovin, on the summit of\\nwhich is a garrison, and behind it an extensive prairie,\\nwhich affords plenty of h;iy, as also pasture for the cattle\\nand horses of the inhabitants.\\nAfter the attack made on St. Louis in 1780 by the go-\\nvernor of Michillimakinak, the Spanish government found\\nit necessary to fortify the town. It was immediately\\nstockaded, and the stone bastion and the demilune at the\\nupper end of it, were constructed. The succeeding peace\\nof 1783 lessened the danger, and the works were suspend-\\ned. In 1794 the gaj-rison on the hill in the rear of the\\ntown and government house, was completed. In 1797,\\nwhen an unfriendly visit was expected from Canada, four\\nstone towers were erected at nearly equal distances in a\\ncircular direction round the town, as also a wooden block-\\nhouse near the lower end of it. It was contemplated to\\nenclose the town by a regular chain of works, and the\\ntowers were intended to answer the purposes of bastions\\nBut as the times grew more auspicious, the design was\\nabandoned, and the works left in an unfinished state.\\nThe village of Carondelet is situated on the Mississip-\\npi about five miles below St. Louis. It contains forty\\nor fifty houses, inhabited by Creoles and Canadians.\\nAbout fourteen miles to the north west of St. Louis, is\\nthe small village of St. Ferdinand. It contains about six-\\nty houses most of them are situated on a rising ground,\\nat the foot of which is a considerable stream of pure wa-\\nter, and on the opposite jside is one of the most fertile and\\n9. r", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "220 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nvaluable prairies in the country. The inhabitants of this\\nvillage are also Creoles and Canadians. The inhabitants\\nof all the compact villages are of this description But\\nthe extensive settlements about the country have been\\nmade by English Americans these form about three\\nfifths of the population, and perhaps more.\\nThe lands in this district are more fertile, and much\\nless broken, than those in the district of St. Genevieve.\\nBetween the Merimak and .St. Louis, the banks of the ri-\\nver are mostly high and rocky. Just above St. Louis a\\nbottom commences, and continues to the mouth of the\\nMissouri. On this river the bottoms are extensive, ge-\\nnerally from one to one and a half miles in width, mostly\\ncovered with a thick growth of large timber. Settlements\\nare formed as high up as the Du Bois^ about sixty miles\\nfrom the Mississippi. Back of St. Louis is an extensive\\nelevated prairie, the soil of which is good, but which from\\nthe want of timber to fence it, will probably remain unculti-\\nvated. The people of St. Louis, however, derive from it\\na plentiful supply of hay and pasturage. The prairie in\\nthe vicinity of St. Ferdinand is about twelve miles long,\\nand two miles broad, and is so situated as to be of great\\nutility to the inhabitants. It extends nearly parallel to\\nthe Missouri, and from one to two miles from it. The\\nplantations on each side of this prairie are so laid out as\\nto embrace suitable portions 6f it, as also the necessary\\nwoodlands. Considerable settlements are formed along\\nthe borders of it. Those extensive ones on the long point,\\nformed by the junction of the Mississippi and Missouri,\\nare near the lower end of it, and those at Maries des Li\\nai ds^ are at the opposite extremity. These settlements\\nare wealthy the people industrious and the lands culti-\\nvated by them of the first quality. On the right bank of\\nthe Missouri, and not many miles above its mouth, is a\\nbluff or mountain of pit-coal but this article is so much\\nintermixed with sulphur, that it is too apt to consume", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIANA. 221\\niron, and therefore the smiths pretty generally decline the\\nuse of it.\\nThe largest and best settlement in this district is that\\ncalled St. Andrews, situated on a small river, which joins\\nthe Missouri a few miles above St. Charles. This settle-\\nment is about twenty four miles to the south west of St.\\nLouis, and is composed of excellent farmers, who have\\nintroduced a more correct agriculture than is commonly\\npractised, and who have cultivated with success some of\\nthe most useful grasses in the Atlantic States. The lands\\nin this quarter contain a happy mixture of prairie and\\nwood, of bottom and high grounds, and the soils of all of\\nthem are productive.\\nConsiderable settlements are also formed along the Me-\\nrimak. From the large bodies of good land along the\\nborders of this river, the salt works on it, the lead and\\niron mines in the vicinity of it, and the facilities it affords\\nto navigation, we have a right to conclude, that the settle-\\nments in this quarter will soon acquire more importance\\nthan other interior ones.\\nThe population of this district, like most of the others,\\ncan only be conjectured by reference to the census of 1800,\\nadding to it the probable increase between that penod\\n.jjaiid 1804, when the United States took possession of Up-\\nper Louisiana. This district then contained about two\\nthousand two hundred and eighty whites, and five hun-\\ndred blacks. Its productions are similar to those of the\\ndistrict of St. Genevieve, except the article of lead and\\nexcept cypress and pine, the natural growth is also the\\nsame. The exports princip.iUy consist of various kinds\\nof furs and peltries, salted pork, beef, and lead. The lat-\\nter article is obtained from the other districts. The mili-\\ntia of this district was only partially organised under the\\nSpanish government; but it soon assumed a more regular\\nform under our own.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "322 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nThe district of St. Charles is situated between the left\\nbank of the Missouri and the right bank of the Mississip\\npi, and contains immense bodies of valuable land Its\\nboundaries up these rivers are undefined. Perhaps the\\nclimate, the lands, and the navigable streams in this dis-\\ntrict, combined with other natural advantages, point it out\\nas the most eligible part of the country for farmers. Ex-\\nclusive of the two great rivers already mentioned, it is\\nintersected by a variety of smaller ones some of them\\nafford among the present settlements an inland navigation\\nof fifteen or twenty miles, and most of them are calculat-\\ned for mills and other water works But when our set-\\ntlements in this district have a little more than doubled\\ntheir present extent, they will embrace a variety of others,\\nsome of which furnish an inland navigation of several\\nhundred miles. The country is rolling, but not moun-\\ntainous j the soil is deep and strong there is no want of\\ntimber, or sweet and wholesome water, except on some\\nof the extensive prairie bottoms, particularly those along\\nthe Mississippi.\\nExtensive bottoms are to be found along all the great\\nrivers. Those on the Missouri are generally covered\\nwith wood, and are seldom inundated, except when the\\nwater is unusually high. A prairie bottom stretches from\\nthe mouth of the Missouri along the west bank of the\\nIMississippi to sandy creek or bay, about sixty five miles,\\nwhere our settlements in that quarter terminate and the\\nwidth of it is from four to six miles, and in some places\\nit exceeds ten miles. The soil is of a luxuriant nature,\\nand yields in abundance but the want of wood and\\nspring water, of which this prairie bottom is almost des-\\ntitute, obliges the settlers to plant themselves on the marr\\ngin of the high grounds. J he small village of Portag e\\ndes Sc ioiix stands on this bottom. Few other settlements\\nhave been formed on it, though some part of it is culti", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "UPPRR LOUISIANA. 223\\nvatcd by the farmers, who have established themselves a-\\nlong the interior borders of it.\\nThis district presents us with only two compact villa-\\nges, St. Charles, and Portage c/cs Scioux; and these are\\nalmost wholly peopled with Creoles and Canadians. V\\\\\\\\c\\nother setdements have been formed by emigrants from the\\nUnited States, who compose nearly four fifths of the po-\\npulation.\\nSt. Charles was founded in 1780, and is situated on the\\nleft bank of the Missouri, about twenty four miles above\\nits mouth. It contains only one street, which extends\\nupwards of a mile on the river, and is lined by about one\\nhundred houses. The banks of the river along the town\\nare not of a firm texture, and encroachments are appre-\\nhended. Owing to a hill, which extends along in the rear\\nof the town, and nearly the whole length of it, the streets\\ncannot be multiplied, nor any buildings erected, except on\\nthe borders of the present street. This village is remark-\\nable for the health enjoyed by the inhabitants of it.\\nHealth, indeed, is more generally experienced on the\\nMissouri than on any other of the rivers and perhaps\\nthis results from the rapidity of its current, and from the\\ncold and lively nature of its water, added to the nitrous\\nand sulphureous qualities it contains.\\nThe village of Portage dcs Scioux is situated on the\\nright bank of the Mississippi, about six miles aljove the\\nmouth of the Missouri, and on the extensive prairie bot-\\ntom already noticed. The origin of this village is of re-\\ncent date, and contains only about twenty or twenty fivr\\nhouses but the fertility of the lands about it will probably\\ncause an increase of population, and eventually render it\\nof some importance.\\nSmall rivers and creeks arc numerous in this district.\\nand many settlements are formed on their borders. One\\nof the principal of these is on the river Ftinme Osage, some\\ndistance above St. Charles on the Missouri. Perhaps", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "224 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe only mills of any consequence in Upper Louisiana,\\nexcept one at St. Louis, are to be fouucl in this dis-\\ntrict and a spirit of industry prevails among the set-\\ntlers.\\nIn 1804 the population of this district was estimated,\\npartly by official documents, at about one thou ^and four\\nhundred whites, and one hundred and fifty blacks and\\nperhaps its increase is greater than that of anv other dis-\\ntrict, except cape Gerardeau. Only two organised com-\\npanies of militia existed under the Spanish government\\nbut five large ones were formed soon after the country\\nfell under our jurisdiction. The agricultural productions\\nin this quarter are similar to those of the adjoining dis-\\ntricts, though some articles yield more abundantly, parti-\\ncularly wheat, hemp, and most kinds of esculent roots and\\nvegetables. Salt is manufactured on or near the Missou-\\nri, and on one or two small rivers at some distance up the\\nMississippi these manufactories may be rendered produc-\\ntive. Here are also plenty of iron ore, and some of the\\nrichest lead mines in the country as likewise various\\nkinds of clay and stone of peculiar qualities, out of which\\nhousehold and other utensils may probably be manufac-\\ntured.\\nThe population of Upper Louisiana, if we take into\\nview the commencenient of it, may be considered as ra-\\npidly formed. The first settlers from Canada planted\\nthemselves on the east side of the Mississippi. Before\\nthe treaty of 1763, few grants of lands only were made\\non the opposite side of that river. These were mostly-\\ndesigned to embrace mineral riches; and as the surface\\nof the country about the mines appeared steriland broken,\\nthe old inhabitants were not disposed to change their si-\\ntuations. We have already seen, that St. Louis wns\\nfounded in 1764, and that in 1766, in consequence of the\\ninability of France to maintain her possessions in North\\nAmerica, much of the population was transferred to the", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIANA. 22a\\nwest side of the Mississippi and from this circumstance\\nthe settlements in Upper Louisiana derived their origin.\\nTwo subsequent causes served to increase this popuhition,\\nnnd to diminish it on the opposite side of the Mississippi.\\nThe first was the ordinance of 1787, which prohibited\\nslavery and involuntary servitude in what was then denomi-\\nnated the north western territory. The slave holders were\\ndisposed to preserve this species of property and to do\\nit effectually they abandoned their ancient habitations, and\\njoined their friends in the new dominions of Spain. The\\nsecond was the rupture in 1797, when an attack from Ca-\\nnada was projected on the Spanish possessions along the\\nMississippi. Ai this period, Spain was bound to evacu-\\nate all her military posls on the east side of that river to\\nthe north of the thirty first degree and Upper Louisiana\\nwas the only barrier she had to oppose the descent of the\\nEnglish. The distance of this province from the capital,\\nadded to a wilderness of nearlv a thousand miles in ex-\\ntent between them, seemed to point out the necessity of\\nstrengthening it and she conceived it good policy to po-\\npulate it by the citizens of the United States, especially as\\nthey appeared disposed \\\\o act with vigor agairst the En-\\nglish. Additional prospects, therefore, were held out to\\nsettlers, and pains were taken to disseminate them in eve-\\nry direction. Large quantities of land were granted them,\\nattended with no other expenses than those of office fees,\\nand surveys, which were not exorbitant and they were\\ntotally exempted from taxation. This sufficiently ac-\\ncounts for the rapid popui.ition of Upper Louisiana\\nwhich, in 1804, consisted oi more than three fifths of En-\\nglish Americans.\\nIt was customary under the Spanish government for\\neach district to furnish an annual census of the inhabitants,\\nwith the number of births and deaths, the number of\\nswine, cattle, and horses on hand, the various articles pro-\\nduced by agriculture, and industry, as also those export-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "226 SKETCFIES OF LOUISIANA.\\ned. The persons employed to furnish the census never\\ntook the pains to be accurate and in consequence of this\\ninattention the population was probably underrated, par-\\nticularly as its annual increase in many of the districts ex-\\nceeded what mere superficial observers had reason to ap-\\nprehend. This is not the only difficulty in the way of ac-\\ncurately estimating the population. No census was taken\\nof some of the districts subsequent to 1800; others fur-\\nnished them as late as 1803 so that we have no precise\\ndata for the population in 1804. It was, however, the\\ngeneral opinion at the latter period, that it exceeded elev-\\nen thousand. This calculation is probably too high, as\\nthose who made it did not allow for deaths, and for the\\noccasional removals out of the country. If therefore we\\nestimate the population of Upper Louisiana at the time\\nwe took possession of it at nine thousand and twenty\\nwhites, and one thousand three hundred and twenty blacks,\\nwe shall not be very wide from the Ijuth. The same de-\\nfects exist in the census of New Orleans, and in those of\\nthe several districts in Lower Louisiana. They enable\\nus, however, to calculate with some degree of certainty\\nthe annual increase of population from 1799 to 1804-,\\nwhen, by the best accounts, it consisted of about forty one\\nthousand seven hundred whites, and thirty eight thousand\\neight hundred blacks, besides several hundred people of\\nmixed color. Hence the province of Louisiana, at the\\ntime we acquired it, contained about fifty thousand seven\\nhundred and twenty whites, and forty thousand one hun-\\ndred and twenty slaves total ninety thousand, eight hun-\\ndred and forty, exclusive \u00c2\u00abof the free people of mixed co-\\nlor, who mostly resided in New Orleans, and were estimat-\\ned at about two thousand five hundred.\\nIn a country so young and so lately settled as that of\\nUpper Louisiana, it cannot be expected, that agricultural\\nexperiments have been numerous or extensive. The\\nfirst care of a settler is to raise the necessaries of life", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "UI l KU LOUISlAis A. 227\\nand beyond this his views do not extend for some years,\\nbecause he is either destitute of slaves, or the markets are\\ntoo distant to authorise the hopes of success. Until great-\\ner industry ?ind enterprise be excited, we shall hardly\\nknow what the soil Is calculated to produce. We have\\nreason to believe, that cotton, tobacco, hemp, and rice,\\nexclusive of the various kinds of grains, may be cultivat-\\ned to advantage in the district of New Madrid. Indeed,\\nhemp and tobacco flourish extremely, well in the more\\nnorthern districts. Cotton produces very well in the\\nneighborhood of St. Louis, where some of the farmers\\nraise a sufficient quantity of that article to clothe their fa-\\nmilies. One of them, who emigrated from the state of\\nGeorgia, is of opinion, that the cotton raised in that state\\nis longer, but not so fine as that cultivated on the high\\ngrounds by himself. He declines the cultivation of it on\\na large scale, as he is apprirhensive that the summers are\\ntoo short to authorise the hope oi good crops, though, du-\\nring the three years he had raised this article, it ne-\\nver experienced any injury from the frosts. JMay not\\ncotton by repeated cultivation, like many other articles,\\nbecome in some measure naturalized to the climate To-\\nbacco is an indigenous plant on the lower part of the Mis-\\nsissippi and in no part of the United States does it grow\\nlarger than in Upper Louisiana, where it is cured and\\nmade into carrots for the Indian trade, and in this way\\nit becomes an article of commerce. The people, howev-\\ner, seldom use it when they can obtain any other per-\\nhaps because iheyare unacquainted with the manufacture\\nof it.\\nExclusive of the articles just mentioned, those more\\ncommon to all the districts, and more generally cultivat-\\ned, are the following Indian corn, wheat, rye, oats, bar-\\nley, buckwheat, and flax. The soil also product?s all\\nkinds of esculent roots, and culinary vegetables; a nmlti-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ide of different berries and plums of a delicious flavor,\\n2 r.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "^28 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nall of which are indigenous cucumbers and all sorts of\\nmellons grow in the greatest perfection. Sweet and Irish\\npotatoes are common to the country. Apple, pear, and\\npeach trees have a rapid growth, and the latter are gene-\\nrally so loaded with fruit as to break down. The peach-\\nes are manufactured into brandy, and some of the farmers\\nannually distil four hundred gallons of this spirit an ex-\\ncellent substitute for foreign distilled spirits, the expense\\nof which in a great measure prevents the use of them.\\nWhiskey is also distilled from rye and Indian corn,\\nwhich is mostly disposed of to the Indians, like the to-\\nbacco, in exchange for furs and peltries. The country is\\nfilled with wild grape vines of a large size some of them\\nare seven inches in diameter, six feet above the ground,\\nand they run to tl^ tops of the tallest trees. They bear\\ngrapes of a tolerable flavor, especially when fully exposed\\nto the sun and it is said that, in 1769, the settlers in the\\nIllinois country made a hundred hogsheads of good wine\\nfrom them. The grape vines imported from France and\\nthe south of Germany, and cultivated at St. Louis, flou-\\nrish extremely well.\\nIt has been found on experiment, that the bottoms are\\ntoo rich for the culture of wheat, oats, and some other\\ngrains. These articles grow to an extraordinary height\\nand size but they contract a rust about the time they are\\nin blossom, which prevents the formation of the edible\\nsubstance. They are raised on the high grounds and the\\nfarmer is able to obtain thirty five and sometimes forty\\nbushels of v/heat from the acre, each of which will weigh\\nfrom sixty five to seventy pounds. The bottoms are sui-\\ntable for roots and vegetables of all kinds, grass, corn,\\nhemp, flax, fruit trees, and many other articles. When\\nproperly cultivated, an acre will yiei|d a hundred bushels\\nof corn, and this is common. But from some cause or\\nother, probably the heats and the want of slaves, tillage is\\nmuch neglected most of the farmers only pass the plough", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIANA. 229\\noccasionally between the rows of corn, and seldom make\\nuse of the hoe and in this way they obtain from fifty to\\nsixty bushels from the acre. All these bottoms are form-\\ned by the alluvious substances rolled down by the rivers,\\nand will never require the aid of manure. Some of them\\non the east side of the Mississippi about Cahokia and\\nKaskaskia, have been under cultivation for more than\\none hundred and twenty years, and are at this time as\\nfertile and productive as those of recent culture.\\nThe country produces all the substantial provisions of\\nlife in abundance particularly mutton, fowls, beef, pork,\\nbutter, and cheese. It is common for a farmer to own\\nfrom a hundred to a hundred and fifty head of cattle, and\\nas many swine nor ought this to be deemed extraordi-\\nnary, when it is considered, that the rearing of them is\\nproductive of very little expense and trouble. The for-\\nmer in summer subsist on the grass, with which the coun-\\ntry is covered and in the winter they retire to the bot-\\ntoms, where they find plenty of cane and rushes. The\\nlatter subsist on the mast found in the woods and hence\\nboth the cattle and swine keep fat most of the year. No\\nhay is necessary, except for such cows and horses as are\\nbtabled, and plenty of this is always to be obtained in the\\nproper season from the prairies. The high grounds are\\nseldom so thickly covered with wood as to prevent thft\\ngrowth of grass. They exhibit more the appearance of\\nextensive meadows than of rude and gloomy forests. In\\n1803 large quantities of beef were sold for three dollars\\nper hundred, and some for fifty cents less but since that\\nperiod the price has gradually risen. AVhen a farmer has\\nan inclination to export a quantity of beef and pork, he\\ncarries his barrels and salt into the woods, and with his\\nrifle he kills his cattle and swine, and packs away the\\nmeat ready for market. The same practice is followed\\nin most other parts of the western countr)-. Considera-\\nble quantities of butter and cheese are also made for ex-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "230 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nportation, though the latter is of an inferior quality. In\\na country so fertile, and so well adapted to the raising of\\ncattle and swine, the inhabitants have if in their power to\\nlive as they please, and to become opulent with little la-\\nbor. The greatest inconvenience they suffer is from the\\nwant of ready markets in their neighborhood. The cus-\\ntom of exporting the surplus produce to New Orleans is\\nnot general. The raw materials and surplus produce of\\nan interior country most usually pass into the hands of\\ntraders and merchants, and are by rhem exported. This\\npractice has not obtained in Upper Louisiana, where men\\nof this description mostly receive peltries, lead, and salt, in\\nexchange for their goods. Hence the beef and pork, and\\nother surplus items of provisions, as well as raw mate-\\nrials, are mostly conveyed to New Orleans by the origi-\\nnal owners.\\nPart of the natural growth of the country has been\\ncursorily mentioned but it is necessary to be more par-\\nticular. Some species of trees are common both to the\\nhigh and low grounds, and we shall endeavor to distin-\\nguish them.\\nThe low grounds produce the cotton wood, swamp\\nmaple, peccon, sycamore, aspin, pawpaw, armancij and\\nwillow. On the high grounds are found the persimmon,\\nmulberry, chesnut, seven or eight kinds of oak, iron wood,\\nand the crab apple. Common to both the high and low\\ngrounds are sugar trees in abundance, several kinds of\\nwalnut, several kinds of hickory, cherry, buck-eye,\\nblack and honey locust, three kinds of elm, gumtree, lyn,\\nsassafras, nine bark, spice and leather v/ood, two kinds\\nof ash, several kinds of poplar, beech, two kinds of\\nbirch, dogwood, and the coffee tree. Near a hundred\\ndifferent kinds of trees are enumerated by some but the\\nselection we have made will sufficiently explain the nature\\nof the country, and the qualities of its soil. The country\\n^Igo produces the seyeral species of wild nuts and berrie^", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "UPPKR LOUISIANA. 231\\n:ommonly found in the United States likewise some of\\nan indigenous nature, and a variety of medicinal plants,\\nwhich are of importance to the people of those regions,\\nand some farinaceous vegetables in use among the natives.\\nThe forests are filled with about fifty species of indige-\\nnous animals among which are the buffaloe, two kinds\\nof elk, two kinds of deer, the roe, the bear, the beaver,\\nthe otter, two species of the fox, a species of the goat,\\nthe mink, the raccoon, the opossom, the rabbit, and seven\\nkinds of squirrels. These forests also, according to the\\nbest accounts, contain about a hundred and thirty species\\nof birds. The most useful of them are several kinds of\\nducks, three kinds of teal, the wood-cock, the plover, the\\npheasant, the partridge, the quail, the pigeon, the prairie\\nhen, or grouse, the wild goose and turkey. Here the\\nlovers of sport may be gratified at all seasons of the\\nyear; and epicures can be at no loss for variety and deli\\ncacy of food.\\nThe rivers and lakes produce but few fish, and some of\\nthem are of an indifferent quality. The carp and catfish\\nare found in the large streams, and some of them are of 3\\nvery large size. The perch, trout, and sunfish, inhabit\\nsome of the small streams and lakes but they are too\\nscarce to be of any material use to the settlers. These\\nare considered as a great delicacy and the price of thcni\\nwhen purchased, is exorbitant.\\nFrom the mouth of the Arkansas to the head of Tiwappa-\\nty bottom, a distance of about four hundred and fifty miles\\nvery few, if any stones, are to be found. This immense\\ntract of country is wholly composed of alluvion, and this\\naccounts for the scarcity of rock. The rocks make their\\nappearance just below cape Gerardeau and in all the dis\\ntricts to the northward of that place more or less of them\\nare to be found sometimes on the margins of the rivers\\nwhere they rise to a prodigious height, and sometimes on\\nthe more elevated grounds about the country. The vil", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "232 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nlage of St. Louis is almost wholly built on a rock, and the\\nother villages generally have a supply of it in their neigh-\\nborhood. As the country becomes settled, the want of\\nthis material will be felt, particularly as it is not scattered\\nabout in equal portions, but is rather confined to ridges,\\nand to the banks of some of the rivers and streams. The\\nrocks in this country are almost universally of the calca-\\nreous kind, and as universally deposited in horizontal stra-\\nta. Petrified testaceous shells, and coralline substances\\nare found in various places on the Mississippi, particular-\\nly in the neighborhoods of Kaskaskia and St. Genevieve.\\nThese animal exuviae are always connected by a calcare-\\nous cement. Petrified nuts and vegetables of various\\nkinds, as also the excrement of the buffiUoe and other ani-\\nmals are scattered about Upper Louisiana, and on some\\nparts of the Ohio.\\nPerhaps it may not be deemed impertinent to give a\\nsketch of the settlements on the east bank of the Mississip-\\npi, especially as these once belonged to the French, and\\nwere within the boundaries of Louisiana. The first set-\\ntlements made by them in the country were at Cahokia,\\nSt. Philips, La Prairie du Rucher, and Kaskaskia. The\\nfirst is situated nearly opposite to St. Louis, and contains\\nabout one hundred and twenty houses the second has\\nbecome extinct; the third is about twelve miles above\\nKaskaskia, and contains thirty two houses. Kaskaskia is\\nsituated about seven miles up a river of the same name,\\nthough not more than three miles from the jMississip-\\npi, nearly opposite to St. Genevieve, and about fifty five\\nmiles below Cahokia. This village was once considered\\nas the capital of the country, and was rich and popu-\\nlous even so late as 1772 it contained five hundred\\nwhites, and as many blacks: but it is now reduced to a-\\nbout forty five families. The causes of this declension\\nhave already l)een detailed. In the time of father Char-\\nlevoix, 1721, this village contained a Jesuit s college. The", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIANA. 233\\njuins only of this fabric now remain. All these villages\\nwere founded about the year 1683 by the unfortunate M.\\nde la Salle, or by his followers.\\nThese villages, as also the intermediate settlements, are\\nsituated on a fertile bottom, which commences at the\\nmouth of Kaskaskia river, and extends nearly to the\\nIllinois, a distance of about eighty miles, and is from four\\nto six miles in depth. That part of it along the jMissis-\\nsippi, about a mile in breadth, is covered with a thick\\ngiowth of heavy timber the rest is mostly prairie. It is\\nbounded in the rear by a lofty ridge of lime rocks, the\\nfront of which is in many places perpendicular, and el-\\nevated to the height of one hundred and fifty to two hun-\\ndred feet. This ridge commences below Baton Rouge,\\nand approaches the east bank of the Mississippi in a va-\\nriety of places it crosses the Ohio at what is called the\\ngrand chain, about twelve miles above the mouth of that\\nriver, and extends along back of Kaskaskia to some dis-\\ntance up the Illinois. This extensive bottom furnishes ex-\\ncellent land, and a considerable portion of it is under good\\ncukivation. The Fiench mostly inhabit the villages, and\\nthe rest of the countr\\\\ is settled bj English Americans.\\nThe lands back of the ridge are by no means indifferent\\nmany good settlements are formed on them and, in ad-\\ndition to the other articles usual to the country they pro-\\nduce cotton ol a good quality.\\nWhile the French were in possession of the country,\\nthe\\\\ built several forts. The one at Kaskaskia is almost\\ntvhoily destrojed. They also had one on the Ohio, about\\nthirt} six miles from the Mississippi the Indians laid a\\ncurious stratagein to tjike it, and it answered their pur-\\npose. A number of them appeared in the day time on\\nthe opposite side of the river, each of whom was cover-\\ned wi,h a bear skin, and walked on all fours. The French\\nsupposi d them to be bears, and a party crossed the river\\nin pursuit of them. The remainder of the troops left.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "234 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA\\ntheir quarters, and resorted to the bank of the river in\\nfront ot the garrison to observe the sport. In the mean\\ntirne a large body of warriors, who were concealed in the\\nwoods near bj^ came silently up behind the fort, and en-\\ntered it without opposition, and very few of the French\\nescaped the carnage. They afterwards built another fort\\non the same ground, and called it 3Iassac in memory of\\nthis disastrous event and it retains this name to the pre-\\nsent time.\\nFort Chartres was built in the year 1720, and much re-\\npaired in 1750. It is situated in the neighborhood of La\\nPrairie du lloeher, and was originally about one mile and\\na half from the Mississippi. Its figure is quadrilateral,\\nwith four bastions, the whole of which is composed of lime\\nstone vvell cemented. Each side measures about 340 feet.\\nThe walls are fifteen feet high, about three feet thick, and\\nstill entire. The stone walls of a spacious square of bar-\\nracks, are also in good preservation, as likewise a capaci-\\nous magazine, and two deep wells very little injured by\\ntime. Each port or loop hole is formed by four solid\\nclefts or blocks of what is here called free stone, worked\\nsmooth, and into proper shapes. All the cornices and\\ncasements about the gates and building are of the same\\nmaterial, and appear to great advantage. The area of\\nthis fort is now covered with trees, which are from seven\\nto twelve inches in diameter. In fine, this work exhibits\\na splendid ruin. It was originally intended as a place of\\nrefuge for the inhabitants of the adjacent country in time\\nof war. Some years after it was built, the Mississippi\\nbroke over its banks, and formed a channel so near the\\nfort, that one side of it, and two of its bastions were thrown\\ndown. This circumstance induced the English to aban-\\ndon it in 1772 and since that period the inhabitants Iraw:\\nt;\u00c2\u00bbken away great quantities of materials from it to J u\\ntheir own buildings.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "UPrilR LOUISIANA. 035\\nIn summer the winds in Upper Ijouisiana are varioble,\\nthough those from the south and south west are the most\\nprevalent. Those from the north east and east an: pro-\\nductive of considerable huniiditj- in the air j and if they\\nblow with violence they are usually attended with rain,\\nprobably because they pass over the great reservoirs of\\nfresh water on the borders of Canada. Westerly winds\\nare common they cool the air, and render it less humid,\\nand more easy of respiration they are sometimes attend-\\ned with thunder, and heavy sh(;wers of rain. These\\nbrace the system while those from the southern and o-\\nther quarters create lassitude and sluggishness.\\nIt is observed in the notes on A irginia, that, as we pro-\\nceed westward from the Atlantic, the heats gradually abate\\ntill we arrive at the summit of the Allegheny mountains\\nand that from thence to the iMississippi they gradually in-\\ncrease. As these mountains are much nearer to the Adantic\\nocean than to the Mississippi, it seems to follow that the\\nheats are greater at the latter than at the former place in the\\nsame latitude and this indeed is the fact. It is estima-\\nted, that these mountains are on an average, about two\\nhundred miles from the Atlantic Ocean. They stretch\\nalong through the back part of Georgia, and terminate in\\na cluster of sand hills near the line of demarcation But\\nmore to the northward they gradually diverge from the\\nMississippi, so that in latitude forty degrees north, they\\nare about seven hundred and fifty miles from it. The\\nMexican mountains in the same l.ttitude are rather more\\nthan six hundred miles to the westward of it and from\\nthe known declivity of the country each way to it, deter-\\nmined partly by observation, and partly by the rapidity of\\nall the currents, we may readily presume that the Missis-\\nsippi rolls its waters through an immense valley, and\\nnearly at cqu dl distances from two lofty and distant moun-\\ntains on each side of it. It must be remarked also, that\\n2h", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "2,36 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe atmosphere in Upper Louisana is never refrigerated\\nby the breezes from the ocean.\\nThe settlements in that country are between the thirty\\nthird and fortieth degrees of north latitude. The win-\\nters among them are much more severe than in the cor-\\nresponding latitudes on the sea coast. They generally set\\nin about the twentieth of November, and continue till\\nnear the last of February though hard frosts, and even\\nsnow, are common in October and March. For three\\nsuccessive winters, commencing in 1802, the Mississippi\\nat St. Louis was passable on the ice before the twentieth\\nof December each year and it was clear of all obstruc-\\ntion, with only one exception, by the last of F .-bruary.\\nIn January 18C5, the ice ia that river rather exceeded\\ntwenty two inches in thickness. There is seldom more\\nthan six inches of snow on the ground at the same time\\nbut the severity of the weather at St. Louis, in latitude\\nthirty eight degrees twenty four minutes north, is generally\\nabout the same as in the back parts of the state of New-\\nJersey. The mercury frequently falls below and the\\ncold keeps it depressed as low as ten or fifteen degrees\\nfor several weeks during each wint^jr.\\nIf the cold in these regions in winter is greater than\\nthat in the same parallels of latitude on the sea coast, the\\nheat in summer bears a proportionate increase. We can-\\nnot estimate the degrees of heat by any regular thermo-\\nmetrical observations, for any number of years But ia\\nthe summer of 1805 a thermometer was suspended in a\\nlarge drawing room at St. Louis against a stone partition\\nwall, and constantly in a current of air and from about\\nthe last of June to sometime in August, the mercury fre-\\nquently rose to ninety six degrees, and remained at that\\npoint for several houi-s in the day. The heats in this\\nquarter v/hile they continue are supposed to be more op-\\npressive than those in the Mississippi territory Owing,", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "UPPEH LOUISIANA. 037\\nperhaps, to tbe greater concentration of the ravs of the\\nsun in the deep and spacious valley of the Mississippi.\\nThey continue, however, only about two months in each\\nyear in Upper liDuisiana whereas they rage with vio-\\nlence for at least four moiiths at Xatchcz.\\nilence a stranger mi^ht be apt to conclude, that the cli-\\nmate among the upper settlements on the JMississippi is\\nunfavourable to health. Experience, however, enables us\\nto draw a different conclusion. For reasons mentioned in\\nanother place, the country between the Arkansas and the\\nneighborhood of cape Gcrardeau is deemed kss sa-\\nlubrious than the more northern districts. But even here\\nthe native inhabitants, particularly the French, enjoy as\\nmuch health as the people of any other country, and many\\ninstances of longevity occur among them. The endemics\\nin Upper Louisiana are almost exclusively confined to\\nKnglish Americans, who were born and educated in more\\nnorthern climates and even these after a residence of one\\nor two }ears in the country, generally enjoy a good de-\\nj^ree of health. The heats produce lassitude and languor,\\n;md -cercise becomes irksome. In this state of the bo-\\nuilv system, people who live on the borders of great wa-\\nter courses are seized with diseases, generally of the in-\\ntermittent kind. Those from the eastern and middle\\nstates are subject to these diseases, especially the first\\nsummer after their arrival. Those from the southern\\nttates generally enjoy good health. The settlers of all\\ndescriptions, who plant themselves in the interior at a dis-\\ntance from any lurge body of fri.sh water, are seldom at-\\ntacked by endemics. It is evident, therefore, that the\\ndiseases already mentioned are usually superinduced by\\nthe pestilential vapors, v.hich arise from the rivers, and\\nfrom the decayed vegetable, substances, produced in great\\nabundance on the bottoms along the borders of them,\\nj-hese diseases, however, are e.;sily conqu jrcd by a lew\\nsimpler,, ar.d the patients soon restored to health. I he", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "238 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ngeneral salubrity of the climate is ascertained from this\\ncircumstance, that fewer people die in it according to\\ntheir number than in most other countries. Pleuritic dis-\\norders are prevalent in the spring in all parts of Louisia-\\nna, and these sometimes prove fatal, especially among the\\nold people. Flannel worn next the skin, both summer and\\nwinter, has been fonnd to be an almost certain antidote to\\nthe endemics of the climate.\\nWhen we consider the intense heats in Upper Louisia-\\nna, the vast bodies of fresh water in it, the flat and inun-\\ndated grounds in some parts of it, and the extensive dif-\\nfusion of vegetable putrefaction, so fruitful of fatal dis-\\neases in other parts of the world, we are naturally led to\\nenquire, what is the cause of the uncommon salubrity of\\nthe climate A number of causes may probably unite to\\nproduce the prevalent health but perhaps the most pro-\\nminent one may be traced to the vast ledges and preci-\\npices of calcareous rock found in various places on both\\nsides of the Mississippi above the lower line of cape Ge-\\nrardeau. St. Louis and several other villages are either\\nbuilt on, or contiguous to, vast strata of this rock, which\\nfortunately appear in those places where vegetable putre-\\nfaction and the noxious vapors are the most common. No\\nother rock, indeed, abounds in the country. Where this\\nappears in plenty the people are not often troubled with\\ndangerous diseases; and it is well known to physicians\\nand chemists, that the properties it contains are either\\ncalculated to neutralize and to destroy the deleterious qua-\\nlities of putrid exhalations, or to prevent the existence of\\nthem. The city of Lisbon, situated in about thirty-eight\\ndegrees, north latitude, nearly in the same parallel with\\nSt. Genevieve, is deemed one of the most healthy spots\\non the globe, and it is resorted to in summer by valetudi-\\nnarians from almost all the nations of Europe. AVhat\\ncan be the cause of such a great degree of health in the\\nritv of Lisbon? It is the calcareous rock on which it", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "UPPER LOUISIANA. 239\\nstands, and of which its houses are built. The very\\nstreets of that city are excavated from this rock, and the\\nclouds of dust raised in ihem by the winds are of a calca-\\nreous nature. The villages at a small distance from this\\ncity, are furnished with silicious stones and though\\nmore elevated, and more fully ventilated by th air, are\\nsometimes almost desolated by endemics while the capi-\\ntal, populated by at least one hundred and twenty thou-\\nsand souls, has invariably escaped them. The country in\\nmost places about the gulf of Mexico is extremely low,\\nand the air is so much impregnated by a deadly cfHuvia\\nas either to obstruct settlements, or to thin them of their\\ninhabitants yet there are some very populous villages,\\neven in the latitude of La vera Cruz^ founded on beds of\\nlime stone, and are surrounded by lofty mountains of\\ncalcareous rock, in which very little sickness is known,\\nand the physicians cannot live by their professions. Cal-\\ncareous earths not only act on the air, but they neutralize\\nthe water, and render it wholesome.\\nAll circumstances considered, the climate in Upper\\nLouisiana is favorable to health. If the heats debilitate\\nthe system, the extreme luxuriancy of the soil admits of\\na partial exemption from labor and during the heat of\\nthe day the laborers usually retire to the shade, and in-\\ndulge a temporary indolence.\\nPerhaps it may be proper in this place to notice a re-\\nmark found in the American travels of JMr. Yolney. lie\\nis of opinion, that the country to the eastward of the\\nmountains arose in former times from the bed of the\\nocean, because all the vast masses of rock, with which it\\nabounds, are jumbled together, and bear evident marks\\nof disruption. lie is also of opinion, that the country to\\nthe westward of the mountains has never been shaken by-\\nearthquakes, because all the masses of rock are deposited\\nin horizontal strata.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "240 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA.\\nThe confused disposition of the rorks in the low coun-\\ntry in the neighborhood of the- sea coast, p ^rticularH^ those\\nin Nov England, may perhaps with mnv propriety be\\niTiputed to eanhqviakts thm to a recession of the ocean\\nfor in the history of that part of the union is enumerated\\nforty five earthquakes betwern 162 and ir- 2, a p r;od\\nof one hundred and fifty four years; and sonic of th rm\\nnot only created alarm, but their progre^js was o?. irked\\nwith considtrable ruin and disruption. Thc-st- flr^i.idful\\nvisitations of nature might have occasionally shiikcn the\\nborders of the Adantic for ages before they wers discover-\\ned by civilized man, and no doubt some of them disfigur-\\ned the face of the country. It the shells and oiht^r ma-\\nrine substances, found in various places be sufficient to\\nprove, that the low country contiguous to the sea ar.se\\nfrom the bed of the ocean, they will also prove, that the\\nAndes and other high mountains on our continent emerg-\\ned from the same abyss, and perhaps too the whole of this\\nquarter of the globe. Mr. Volney is correct with respect\\nto the horizontal strata of rocks in the western country.\\nThe first apptarancc of .them is near the top of the Alleg-\\nheny mountains, and they uniiormly abound on the Ohio\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0and Mississippi.\\nBut how shall we account for Mr. Volney s ignorance\\nof the earthquakes, which have been so frequently expe-\\nfienccd in Upper Louisiana He spent sf me time at A in-\\ncennes, where he might have obtained correct information\\non the subject. The fact is, that earthquake s are common\\nin that country, and may be traced to the first settlement\\nof it. A E vere sh ck was experienced in 1795; and\\nthe author of these sketches witnessed two others at Kas-\\nkaskia in the nights of the twtntii ih and twenty first of\\nFebruary 1 804. Their oscillations were nearly from west\\nto east they produced an undulating motion in the earth\\nlike the swell of a sea the buildings were considerably", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "Uf PEIl LOUISIANA. 241\\nraised, ard much sh:iken and disjointed; the soldiery\\nwtre awr.ktmd from their sleep, and so much alarmed as\\nhastily to ybandon their quarters. Not a breath of air\\nset UK d to move the sky was serene and clear, and the\\nmoon shone with unclouded lustre. Another shock was\\nexpi rienced on the nineteenth of the succeeding April;\\nbut it was not very perceptible.\\nPumice stone of tonsidtrable size have repeatedly been\\nfound floating down tl)e Missouri; and the existence of a\\nvolcano on some of its waters is now fully ascertained by\\nsome late discoveries.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER VII,\\nOF LxiND TITLES.\\nTHE settlers in Louisiana held their lands, both un-\\nder the French and Spanish governments, by allodial tenu-\\nres. This country was originally discovered ar.d settled\\nfrom Canada, wh^ro. feudal temireszndi a. noblesse GXisud\\nand the liberality of Louis XIV., in \\\\vhose reign Louisia-\\nna was first settled, must be ascribed to the peculiar situa-\\ntion of his aff.iirs the wars in which he was engaged left\\nhim no resources to assist the colonists, and he therefore\\nresorted to favorable conditions as the best mean of pre-\\nserving his acquisitions in the new world. Ir ih two\\nsuccessive grants he made of the colony, first to Crozat\\n2 I", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "244 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nin 1712, and then to the west India company in 1717, the\\nprinciples of allodium are plainly recognized, reserving no-\\nthing to himself but liege homage and fidelity^ which every\\nsubject owes to his sovereign. The same principles were\\nrecognized by the Spanish government in all its conces-\\nsions, though in many other respects it invaded the privi-\\nleges of the people as derived from their former sove-\\nreigns.\\nThe first settlements formed by the French on the Mis-\\nsissippi were at Kahokia and Kiiskaskia in 1683. These\\nvillages are on the east side of that river. Daring the\\nearly part of the last century they conceded some scatter-\\ning tracts of land in the neighborhood of St. Genevieve,\\nwhich were supposed to be impregnated with valuable mi-\\nnerals but the most ancient archieves of the French au-\\nthorities in this quarter are either lost or were removed to\\nNew Orleans, and therefore no satisfactory information\\ncan be obtained of these old concessions.\\nThe oldest French gr.mt on the records at St. Louis\\nbears date April the twenty seventh, 1766 and the French\\nauthorities continued to concede lands till May 1770, when\\nSpain took possession of Upper Louisiana under the trea-\\nty of 1762. These concessions were made by St. Ange,\\nthe commandant, and by Lafebvre, succeeded by La Bus-\\nsiere, both of whom are styled judges. It is probable\\nthat some of their concessions were never registered and\\nit is also as probable, that others were forfeited or disannull-\\ned, and the lands comprehended in them reconceded. In\\nthe years 1770, 1771, and 1772, sixty four concessions,\\nmostly French, comprising four thousand eight hundred\\narpents, were surveyed by order of the first Spanish com-\\nmandant. Even so late as 1788 no more than six thou-\\nsand four hundred arpents had been surveyed in the dis-\\ntrict of St. Louis.\\nParticular care was taken in 1804, soon after the Unit-\\ned States took possession of Upper Louisiana, to have all", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "OF LAND TITLES. 245\\nthe land titles properly registered. Probably some few\\nwere omitted but it is presumed, that these omissions\\nwill have no sensible effect on the general result. The\\nquantity of land actually surveyed was accurately ascer-\\ntained from the office of the surveyor general, where all\\nsurveys are recorded, and it amounted to eight hundred\\nand sixty eight thousand seven hundred and seventy one\\narpents. The conceded lands not surveyed, though duly\\nregistered, amounted to eight hundred and fifty two thou-\\nsand seven hundred and twenty two arpents so that the\\nquantity of land claimed in Upper Louisiana under French\\nand Spanish titles was one million seven hundred and\\ntwenty one thousand four hundred and ninety three ar-\\npents a quantity by no means exorbitant when compar-\\ned with the population of that country.\\nThe lands claimed at the Arkansas are not included in\\nthis estimate, as an accurate account of them could not be\\nobtained.\\nTitles derived immediately from the crown, or those\\nsanctioned by the superior authority at New Orleans,\\nwere deemed complete. But these formed a very small\\nproportion of the whole. Incomplete titles were those de-\\nrived from the naked concessions of the lieutenant gover-\\nnor, or of the commandants, and unsanctioned by the\\nhighest representative of the crown at the capital of the\\nprovince. These formed more than nineteen twentieths\\nof the whole the people felt secure under their conces-\\nsions, and most of them were too poor to defray the ex-\\npenses of their ratification.\\nNo lands were conceded, except on applications by way\\nof petition, in which the quantity solicited was designat-\\ned and these concessions were either general or special.\\nThey were general when they authorised concessionaries\\nto levy them where they pleased on the vacant lands of\\nthe public domain and hence the name of floating or\\nrunning titles. They were special when they designated", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "246 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nctrtn.in metes an uounds. The former mode was the\\nmost common, as it put it in the power of the propri-\\netors to select such tracts as suited their convenience, and\\nin many instances to secure valuable mines. A proviso\\nwas usually inserted in the concessions, prohibiting their\\nextent on lawful and anterior claims. If this was done\\nthrough mistake, as somefmes happened, they v/ere ex-\\ntended on other lands. In many instances after the con-\\ncessions were extended, and the surveys made and record-\\ned, the lands included in them were annexed to the do-\\nmain, and others conceded more beneficial to the settlers\\non their application j and this exchange became a matter\\nof record.\\nThe terms of petitions and concessions were drawn with\\ngreat exactness and those of the latter corresponded with\\nthose of the former if the first were general, so were the\\nsecond, and so on. The same exactness was observed in\\nthe transfers of lands from one individual to another. In\\nboth cases they were drawn b) notaries or other public\\nofficers, and attested by them; and they were bound to\\ninsert no conditions in them contrary to law, to religion,\\nto mor^ility, or to the interest of the crown.\\nAll grants and concessions of lands included a number\\nof conditions, either expressed or implied. In Upper Lou-\\nisiana the proprietor was obliged to clear some land, and\\nto build a house within a year and a day, or his claim was\\nforfeited, and liable to revert to the domain or if he at\\nany time abandoned the country without permission to dis-\\npose of his property, the same consequence ensued. In\\naddition to these conditions, the grants and concessions in\\nLower Louisiana made it necessary for each proprietor,\\nwhose land bounded on water courses, to construct dykes\\nor levees to secure the country along his own possessions\\nfrom inundation, to open a public road on the top of them,\\nto build the necessary bridges, and to keep the whole in\\nswitable repair at his own expense. Lands, however.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "OF LAND TITLES. 247\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2were seldom annexed to the domain for the non-fulfilment\\nof the latter conditions. The roads, levees, and bridges,\\nwere usually made and repaired by the public when the\\nproprietors proved delinquent and they were compelled\\nto defray the expense.\\nThe same formnlity and solemnity were observed in the\\nannexation of lands to the domain as when they were\\ngranted or conceded. All annexations were declared by\\nan ordinance of Louis XV. in 1743 to be null and void,\\nand of no effect, unless they wtrt judicially decreed. The\\nsame principle obtained under the Spanish authorities, and\\nthev deemed it obligatory.\\nIt will be perceived by the preceding statement, that\\nnearly one half of the lands claimed in Upper Louisiana,\\nwere unsurveved at the time the United States took pos\\nsession of that country. IMany of the inhabitants, hov.-cv\\ner, had made a selection of their lands agreeably to th(\\nterms of their concessions, and were cultivating them, and\\ntheir negligence in securing titles arose in most instance.\\nfrom their poverty. Others again had designated tliei:\\nlands in an informal manner, but had not taken actual pos\\nsession of them. The holders of naked concessions, whr.\\nhad taken no subsequent steps to secure their titles, form-\\ned the most numerous class j and they were able to as-\\nsign reasons for the non-extention c f their claims. Some\\nwished to secure valuable mineral lands; but could find\\nnone to please them. Others were solicitous to extend them\\nabout the heads of some of the rivers but these were ei-\\nther too distant from the settlements, or danger was appre-\\nhended from the Indians. Others again resolved to fix\\nthemselves among the settlements it required some time\\nto explore the country, and to become acquainted witli\\nthe various tracts of vacant lands dispersed over it. Ma\\nny of these floating concessions were of an old date, and\\nliad regularly passed from one to another by permission ol\\ntlie Spanish authorities.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "248 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nBefore the year 1795 very few surveys were made.\\nThose made under the French government were not ac-\\ncompanied with plots, and it does not appear, that they\\nwere sanctioned by public authority. Indeed, this busi-\\nness for more than twenty years was not sufficiently at-\\ntended to by the Spaniards. Surveys were onlv occa-\\nsionally ordered, and frequently not till man years after\\nthe concessions were made, and the claimants in posses-\\nsion of their lands. Hence it was that the surveys order-\\ned by the lieutenant governors were generally of those\\nlands conceded by their predecessors. But in 1.95, a\\nsurveyor general for Upper Louisiana was appointed.\\nThis was the first appointment of the kind in that coun-\\ntry. Under him the business soon assumed a systema-\\ntic form. He appointed one or more deputies in each of\\nthe districts the fees of survey were established an of-\\nfice was opened for the registration of land titles and as\\nthe country then begun to be populated, their attention\\nwas gradually drawn to the duties of their profession.\\nThe right to concede lands in Upper Louisiana was\\nvested in the lieutenant governor. It was usual for the\\ncommandants and syndecs to recommend settlers, and to\\ncertify, that the lands solicited by them were vacant.\\nConcessionary titles were incomplete till confirmed by the\\nsupreme authority at New Orleans. The right of con-\\nfirmation was formerly vested in the governor general\\nBut on the seventeenth of July 1799, it was transferred\\nto the tribunal of finance, as appears by a letter of office\\nof that date, and received in St, Louis sometime in Oc-\\ntober of that year. Soon after this period, however, the\\nassessor of his tribunal died, and co ifirmations were sus-\\npended. The crown neglected to fill the vacancy, pro-\\nbably in consequence of the retrocession of the colony;\\nand to relieve the setders from the embarrassment and ex-\\npense of sending their claims to New Orleans, the intend-\\nant general wrote to the lieutenant governor under date of", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "OP LAND TITLES. 249\\nDecember first 1P02, not to permit any more concessioiis\\nto he forwarded till his majestj^ was pleased to organize\\nthe tribunal ot finance by the appointment of a new as-\\nsessor. The settlers, indeed, were too poor at first to pay\\nthe fees of confirmation, and the subsequent derangement\\nof the tribunal of finance put it out of their power lo com-\\nplete their titles.\\nAbout the year 1796, Spain found it necessary to popu-\\nlate Upper Louisiana as a barrier to the English in Cana-\\nda, and she gave great encouragmeut to settlers she pre-\\nferred those from the United Suites, as their prejudices\\nagainst the English were a sure guarantee of their attach-\\nment io tiie Spanish interest. Lands were gratuitously\\ngiven tht m, and they were exempted from taxes. The\\nfees of office, and the survey of eight hundred acres, cost\\nforty one dollars only exclusive of the hire of chainmen.\\nTo these expenses must be added the fees of confirma-\\ntion at New Orleans. These liberal encouragements, the\\nfertility of the lauds, and the prospect of mineral riches,\\nin Upper Louisiana, extended the stream of population\\n(hitherto limited to regions on the Ohio) to that country.\\nIt is by no means difficult to ascertain the precise ex-\\ntent of the powers of the lieutenant governor in the con-\\ncession of lands. True it is, that the land laws of the first\\nSpanish governor, general O Reilly, bearing date Febru-\\narv the seventeenth 17 0, and those subsequently made by\\nMorales, the intendant general, d. t d July the seventeenth\\n1799, impose restrictions on the subordinate authorities,\\nand allow only eight hu idred arpents to he conceded to\\neach head of a family. But these laws were never consi-\\ndered in any other light th-^n as general rules liable to ex-\\nceptions when cases occurred to justify them. The set-\\ntlers wep: usually poor, and eight hundred arpents to each\\nwere deemed sufficient. Some of the commandants were\\nstationed from three hundred to one thousand miles from\\nthe capital, and could not speedily communicate with the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "250 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ngreat officers of the crown nor could all of them be in-\\ntrusted with discretionarv powers. These land laws\\nwere partly intended to prevent improper speculations a-\\nmong the subordinate authorities, and partly to allure set-\\ntlers to the country.\\nBesides, O Reilly frequently departed from the tenor\\nof his own laws, and his successors followed the example\\nNor will it be pretended, that they were absolutely bound\\nby them. The governor general was authorised by the\\ncrown to regulate the grants and concessions of lands, and\\nhe had an unquestionable right to abrogate them wholly,\\nor to alter or modify them as he pleased. The laws of\\nO Reilly did not bind his successors any more than the\\nlaws of one legislature bind a succeeding one Each ne-\\ncessarily possessed a discretionary power over the general\\nregulations of his predecessors, and was at liberty to in-\\ncrease or to diminish the privileges bestowed on settlers,\\nprovided no infringement was made of the rights secured\\nby anterior grants and concessions. This discretionary\\npower was exercised by several successive governors gene-\\nral. Between the years 1790 and 1798 they confirmed a\\nvariety of concessions, each of which embraced a square\\nleague, and some of them a still greater quantity. One of\\nthem comprehended the most productive lead mine in the\\ncountrv. Another called for eight thousand two hundred\\nand fifty arpents of valuable land in the neighborhood of\\nSt. Louis. All these confimations or ratifications were in\\nconsequence of the concessions previously made by the\\nlieutenant governors of Upper Louisiana.\\nThis is sufficient to prove the existence of a discretiona-\\nry power in the governors general; and it also authorizes\\nthe inferrence, that the same power was vested in the res-\\npective lieutenant governors of Upper Louisiana. In the\\nfirst place it may be observed, that they always exercised\\nit, and it is difficult to presume, that they would contra-\\nvene the known laws of their superiors without instruc-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "OF LAND TITLES. 2j1\\ntions to that effect. In all their concessions they were re-\\ngulated by the wealth and importance of the settlers. To\\nthe ordinary poor they seldom conceded more in the\\nfirst instance than three or four hundred arpents, though\\nthey were always ready to make additions as the ability\\nto cultivate increased. To those of wealth and influence\\nthey conceded several thousand arpents for, as their\\ngreat object was to populate the country, they adopted\\nsuch measures as were the most likely to produce the ef-\\nfect. As an instance of this we need only refer to the set-\\ntlement of New Madrid in 1787. The governor general\\nat first imposed considerable restrictions on the comman-\\ndant relative to the concession of lands but he afterwards\\nfound it necessary to be more liberal than even the land\\nlaws of O Reilly. In July 1789 he wrote to the comman-\\ndant as follows Notwithstanding the instructions here-\\ntofore sent you, more or less front or depth may be giv-\\nen according to the exigency of the ground, os likewise\\na greater or less quantity of land, agreeably to the -wealth\\nof the grantee. This post was at that time immediate-\\nly dependant on the superior authority at New- Orleans.\\nIt was annexed to the government of Upper Louisiana in\\nAugust 1799.\\nBesides, it may be doubted whether the land laws of\\nO Reilly ever operated in Upper Louisiana. They bear\\ndate nearly three months before the Spaniards took pos-\\nsession of that part of the country, at which time there\\nexisted only a few miserable huts in it: The first settle-\\nment commenced only four years before. These lurid\\nlaws contain twelve articles. The operation of ihe first\\nseven was evidently restricted to the island of Orleans,\\nand that of the other five extended in part to the same\\nplace, but more particularly to the Apalousas, Atakapas,\\nand Nachitoches. They regulated the grants and con-\\ncessions of lands at these several posts, and in no particu-\\nlar did they refer to Upper Louisiana. Indeed, the regu-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "232 SKETCHES OF LOLISIAXA.\\nlations contained in them were totally inapplicable to that\\npart of the country, and the Spanish authorities there al-\\nways conceded lands on principles not derived from them.\\nThe land laws of Morales contain thirty eight articles.\\nThe first nine are the same in substance as the first seven\\nin the land laws of O lleilly, and the subsequent twenty\\nnine were either intended to explain the preceding ones,\\nor to regulate the grants and concessions of lands in the\\nApalousas, Atakapas, Mobile, and Pensacola. They\\nmake no mention of Upper Louisiana.\\nIt is believed, that these laws were never in force cer-\\ntain it is, that they were never carried into efftct. The\\nreason for the first is, that the great clamor raised against\\nthem in all parts of the province induced the governor ge-\\nneral and Cabildo to draw up a strong protest against them^\\nand to lay it before the king. The consequence was, that\\nMorales was removed from office; though he was afterwards\\nreinstated merely to assist in transfering the possession of\\nthe country to the French republic. The reason for the\\nsecond is, that the assessor died soon after they were pro-\\nmulgated, which totally deranged the tribunal of finance,\\nand rendered it incapable of making or confirming land\\ntitles.\\nThese land laws were exclaimed against as extortionate\\nand oppresive extortionate, because they made it neces-\\nsary for a concession to pass through four, and in some\\ninstances, seven offices, before a complete title could be\\nprocured, in which the fees exacted, in consequence of\\nthe studied ambiguity of the thirtieth article, frequently\\namounted to more than the value of the conceded lands\\noppressive, not only because the settler was deprived of\\nhis original papei s, but because the twenty second article\\ndeclared all concessions void, unless forwarded for con-\\nfirmation within six months after the publication of the\\nlaws at the several posts. This was tantamount to a re-\\nunion of all the lands of settlers to the domain. Not one", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "OF LAND TITLES. 253\\nin fifty was able to transmit the evidences of his claim,\\nand to defray the expenses of his title, within so short a\\nperiod as six months. Besides, thtse laws reserved to the\\ngovernment the privileges of taxation, and nothing could\\nrender them more unpopular.\\nA\\\\ hile the governor general was at the head of the fi-\\nnance, liis legal representative in Upper Louisiana was\\nthe lieutenant governor, to whom was confided a discre-\\ntionary power relative to the concession of lands, and the\\naffairs of the Indians; though his proceedings were lia-\\nble to revision and control. When the new department\\nof finance was created in 1799, at the head of which was\\nthe intendant, the lieutenant governor became his sub-de-\\nlegate, and was invested with the same discretionary\\npower, though he acted with reluctance under his new su-\\nperior.\\nThe first laws passed by congress relative to the land\\ntitles in Louisiana, excited much alarm and apprehension\\namong the people of that country. They contended, that\\nthe United States had no right to enquire, whether the\\nSpanish authorities had exceeded their powers in the con-\\ncession of lands; because such an enquiry would militate\\nagainst the treaty, and against that full faith and credit,\\nwhich one nation was bound to put in the olficial acts and\\nproceedings of another. They also contended that, if the\\nSpanish authorities exceeded their powers, and we chose\\nto remedy the evils occasioned by it, the dispute rested\\nbetween the two nations, and not between the claimants\\nand the United States.\\nSuspicions have been entertained that, near the close of\\nthe Spanish government in Upper Louisiana, the property\\nof the United States was attacked by ante-dated conces-\\nsions. Before we proceed to enquire into the number\\nand extent of these, it may be proper to observe, that ma-\\nny of these suspicions arose from other causes not diffi-\\ncult to explain. No sooner was it understood, that the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "254 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ncountry was ceded, than an extraordinary rise in the va-\\nlue of the lands was contemplated, and all those entitled\\nto them solicited concessions and obtained them. Among\\nthese were most of the French inhabitants, who had hith-\\nerto contented themselves with house-lots, and had no dis-\\nposition to resort to agriculture, at least so long as they were\\nable to navigate the rivers, pursue the chase, or the Indian\\ntrade. AVhat were called their head rights, added to the\\nunextended concessions in the hands of English Ameri-\\ncans, embraced about thirteen hundred thousand arpents.\\nThey deemed it expedient to extend their concessions, and\\nto procure surveys the consequence was, that near the close\\nof 1803, every surveyor in the country was employed, and\\na much greater quantity would have been surveyed, ha/i\\nthere existed a sufficient number of men capable of the\\nbusiness. Add to this, they extended their claims on the\\nmost valuable lands in the country, particularly on mine-\\nral lands and to these circumstances may be traced many\\nof the suspicions of ante-dated titles.\\nOther circumstances equally inauspicious contributed\\nto these suspicions. The boundary marks fixed about\\nsome tracts of land, particularly about an extensive tract\\nin the neighborhood of St. Louis, had become either de-.\\nfaced or destroyed. Just before the United States took\\npossession of the country, a re-survey was directed, and\\nnew boundary marks established, in consequence of a pro-\\nces verbal for the purpose and this gave rise to injurious\\nimputations. Most of the land included in the bounda-\\nries was conceded to various settlers by the French autho-\\nrities the remainder was conceded by the Spanish au-\\ntl^orities soon after they were established in the country j\\nthe whole of which came into the hands of the present\\nproprietor by purchase. Some unextended concessions\\nalso appeared about this period, bearing date several\\nyears before, and signed by the predecessor of the last\\nlieutenant governor, which created a belief, that the;.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "OF LAND TITLES. 255\\nwere fraudulently obtained. The fact was, that a settler\\nfrom the United States, designing to persuade ten of his\\nold friends and neighbors to establisli themselves about\\nhim, applied to the lieutenant governor for as many con-\\ncessions, to whom he paid the customary fees of office j\\nbut he was unable to furnish him with the names. Soon\\nafter this, on the twenty ninth of August 1799, he was su-\\nperceded in his office on the same day he filed ten con-\\ncessions for eight hundred arpents each in the office of\\nthe surveyor general, directed him to insert the names of\\nsuch settlers as should be furnished him by their agent, who\\nhad originally applied for the concessions, and to deliver\\nihem accordingly. The settlers eventually applied for their\\nconcessions but when they found them signed by a man,\\nwho had been several years out of office, they concluded them\\nto be fraudulent, and a few only were accepted. The remain-\\nder of them were deposited in the office of the surveyor ge-\\nneral. Another circumstance, equally pregnant with suspi-\\ncions of fraud, must be here inserted. The land laws of IMo-\\nrales were deemed extremely rigorous, and it was readily\\nconjectured that, if they applied to Upper Louisiana, the ci-\\ntizens of the United States would hesitate to become subjects\\nof Spain on the conditions they prescribed. The lieutenant\\ngovernor, therefore, resolved to evade them which he\\ndid by inserting as a date in the concessions the latter part\\nof 1799, or the early part of 1800, so as to bring them\\nwithin the purview of those discretionary powers and\\nprivileges, which were derived from the governor general.\\nThe above statement is the more necessary, as some oJ\\nthe circumstances contained in it, have been incorrectly\\nstated to the government, published to the world, and re-\\nlied on as instances of fraud. The reader will judge for\\nhimself.\\nIt must be admitted, that some fraudulent and ante-dnt\\ned concessions were issued just at the close of the Spanish\\ngovernment in Upper Louisiana and we shall now pro-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "256 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nceed to enquire into the nature and extent of them. la\\nthe first place, it cannot be pretended, that any of these\\nculpable concessions bear date prior to the twenty ninth\\nof August 1799, when the last lieutenant governor enter-\\ned on the duties of his office. In the second pltce, it is\\nhardly necessary to include under this description any of\\nthose embracing small quantities of land only because,\\nif any such exist, they were generally given to actual set-\\ntlers, who were entitled to head rights. Frauds therefore\\nmust be sought after in concessions, in which are included\\ntracts of land of greater magnitude and it is hardly pro-\\nbable, that the cupidity of speculators would be gratified\\nwith less than a league square. Twenty six concessions\\nexist, derived from the last lieutenant governor, each of\\nwhich embraces a league square, or more, of land. Thir-\\nteen of them bear date in 1799, nine in 1800, two in IbOl,\\none in 1802, and one in 1803. They comprise two hun-\\ndred and seventy one thousand seven hundred and fifty\\ntwo arpents. Of this quantity, one hundred and twenty\\none thousand four hundred and forty eight arpents, con-\\ntained in twelve concessions, were regularly surveyed,\\n^riie remainder, one hundred and fifty thousand three\\nhundred and four arpents contained in fourteen conces-\\nsions, were in the hands of the several claimants at the\\ntime the United States took possession of the country.\\nSuch a number of extensive concessions, mostly bearing\\ndate ill 1799 and 1800, when a few only of this descrip-\\ntion are to be found of prior or subsequent dates, certain-\\nly furnishes good ground to suspect their legitimacy. No\\ndoubt some of them are genuine, but it will hi diffirult to\\ndistinguish them from those of a spurious nature; partly\\nbecause the claimants have no evidence of their actual\\ndates, and partly because such evidence, if demanded,\\nseems contrary to the rules of lav/ The record must\\nprove itself.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "or LAND TITLLS. 25/\\nOf the quantity mentioned in the above unsurveyed\\nconcessions, fifty eight thousand two hundred and twenty\\nfour arpcnts, are included in those of a running or float-\\ning nature and the remaining ninety two thousand and\\neighty arpents, are embraced by special concessions.\\nThere is good reason to believe, that sixty two thou-\\nsand and fifty six arpents of the surveyed lands, divided\\namong four persons, as also eighty three thousand and\\nfifty six arpents of the unsurveyed lands, divided among\\nfive persons, were conceded to them as compensations for\\nlong and faithful services. The Spanish government ne-\\nver gave any salaries to its provincial officers nor anv\\ngratuities in money to those who, amid dangers and at a\\ngi eat expense, explored unknown regions, and made use-\\nful discoveries but when compensations were solicited,\\nit was usual to bestow tracts of land instead of money.\\nIn addition to what is already stated, there exists three\\nconcessions of a less suspicious nature, embracing large\\ntracts of land. The first is supposed to cover a valuable\\nlead mine but from the number of concessionaries men-\\ntioned in it, the shares are reduced to four hundred ar-\\npents each, most of whom are actual settlers, and had\\nlands promised them on their first arrival in the ccuiitr}-.\\nThe second is supposed to be of considerable extent; it is\\ndescribed by metes and bounds; but as the several courses\\nard distances between them are not accurately defined,\\nthe quantity cannot be ascertained. The third, from the\\nnature and extent of it, deserves a particular description.\\nA tract of one hundred and two thousand eight hundred\\nand ninety six arpents was conceded November the third\\n1799 to a catholic clergyman now in Upper Louisiana,\\nwho is an Irishman by birth. His petition states in sub-\\nstance, that the duke of Alcadia, minister of state, and\\nof universal despatches for the Indies was desirous of\\nbringing from Ireland many cadiolic families to setde\\nin Upper Louisiana, as appeared by a letter of Don", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "258 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nThomas O Ryan, almoner of honor to his catholic ma-\\njesty, and confessor to the queen, written in English,\\nand addressed to the petitioner by the order of said mi-\\nnister of state wherein the government engaged to\\nbuild a church on their arrival in the most suitable place\\nfor their settlement, leaving it with the petitioner to so-\\nlicit of the government the necessary domain lands;\\nand therefore he prays, that one hundred and two thou-\\nsand eight hundred and ninety six arpents, between the\\nblack waters, and the branches which descend into White\\nriver, may be conceded for the causes mentioned. It\\nappears by the decree of the lieutenant governor, that the\\nletter of O Ryan above referred to, and written by order\\nof the minister of state, had been presented to him by tiie\\npetitioner in consequence of which, and in conformity to\\nthe disposition of the governor general Gayoso, as appear-\\ned by his order of September the third, 1797, he grants\\nto the petitioner the quantity solicited, and in the place\\nrequired and then directs the surveyor general to\\nput him in possession of the said quantity, in the place\\nmentioned, when those interested should make the de-\\nmand and that after his operations he should fona\\nthe figurative plan, and deliver it to the party, with his\\npetition, so that it might serve him to solicit a tide in\\nform from the intendant general of these provinces.\\nThis concession was never extended on the lands embrac-\\ned by it nor did any Irish catholics attempt to avail them-\\nselves of the pious and benevolent designs of his catholic\\nmajesty.\\nDuring the time the author of these sketches was first\\ncivil commandant of Upper Louisiana, the Spanish re-\\ncords were in his possession and on them the preceding\\nstatement is founded. Decisive and successful measures\\nwere taken to ascertain the quantity of land comprehend-\\ned in the unextended concessions, which were then in the\\nhands of the several claimants.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "OF LAND TITLES. 259\\nThe mode of granting and conceding lands in Lower\\nLouisiana was sinnilar in all respects to the one already\\ndescribed though incumbered with more conditions and\\nas the settlers were nearer the capital, and generally more\\nwealthy, many of them in the first instance obtained com-\\nplete titles.\\nThe quantity of land actually granted and conceded in\\nliower Louisiana before we took possession of it, cannot\\nbe estimated with certainty, because under the Spanish go-\\nvernment, individual claims were never recorded till af-\\nter the surveys were made, and at the time alluded to a\\nvast number of unextended concessions were scattered a-\\nmong the settlers. An idea of the quantity, however, may\\nbe formed from other data. The country on the Lower\\nMississippi is not open and champaign like that in Upper\\nLouisiana, where settlers may fix themselves at pleasure,\\nbut the land capable of tillage is confined to narrow bor-\\nders along the rivers and other streams, where most of\\nthe settlements are made. The plantations front these ri-\\nvers and streams, and almost invariably extend one mile\\nand an hali back, each of which comprehends more or\\nless ot swamp. By ascertaining the extent of these bor-\\nders, wheie lands were granted and conceded, the quanti-\\nty claimed in Lower Louisiana under French and Spanish\\ntitles amounts to more than three millions of arpents, or\\nFrench acres. In this quantity is comprehended the lands\\nsupposed to be claimed in the Atakapas, Apalousas, and\\non the Washita.\\nWill the United States permit the sale of the public\\nlands in Louisiana, .md b) this measure encourage the\\nsettlement of that country This question is of some\\nimportance in a national point of view it p- rticularly re-\\ngards the interests of a growing people, and deserves a\\nmore critical examination than we aie able to give it.\\nIt has been suggested that, the more effectually to pro-\\nmote the national interests, we must first dispose of the\\n2l", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "260 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\npublic lands on the east side of the Mississippi except,\\nperhaps, some small tracts about the Washita and Red ri-\\nver, and between these and the gulf.\\nIf such a measure be contemplated, it probably results\\nfrom an apprehension, that such settlements will disperse\\nour population, as also our capitals employed in commerce\\nand manufactures, and at the same time lessen the value\\nof the public domain. This apprehension seems to be\\ngrounded on the experience of foreign states engaged in\\ncolonization. Some of these states have wasted their\\nstrength on their foreign possessions, and if happily they\\nsurvive them, it is to witness their own progressive im-\\nbecility, though their coffers may be filled with the wealth\\nof Peru and the Indies. The situation of the United\\nStates with respect to Louisiana is materially different\\nfrom that of the European nations with respect to their\\ncolonies; and therefore we have a right to calculate on\\nvery different results. Louisiana is not a distant colony\\ndivided from the United States by the ocean it is no\\nsnore separated from them than one state from another\\nit servvis only to extend our boundaries, not to create a fo-\\nreign possession so that while colonization, in general,\\nnecessarily draws after it the weaUh and strength of the\\nmother country, the extension of our territory gives a\\ngreater activity to our capitals and population, without\\nthe least diminution of either. If this extension of terri-\\ntory renders the union less compact, its wealth and phy-\\nsical resources less combine J, and not so easily drawn into\\nactive operation in times of public danger, it is an evil of a\\ntemporary nature, and it has a remedy in the rapid in-\\ncrease of wealth and population in the Atlantic States.\\nIf our population be less than that of some of the states\\nof Europe, it by no means follows, that a dispersion of it\\nwill have the sa ne pernicious effect. The immense popu-\\nlation of Great Britain, France, and Germany, (about one\\nhundred and thirty souls to each square mile) is necessa-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "OF LAND TITLES. 261\\nry to carry on their extensive commerce and manufac-\\ntures, and to fill their armies and navies and the more\\ntheir popuhuion becomes dispersed, the more exposed\\nthey are to the inroads of their enemies, and the less able\\nihey are to extend their commerce and manufactures, by\\nwhich some -of them exist and are supported.\\nOn the contrary, our army and navy, except in case of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2war, vill employ but few of our citizens; our navigation\\nonly, is considerable j manufactures to any considerable\\nextent can never be introduced into the United States, be-\\ncause we can always purchase cheaper than we can make.\\nOur Vajcant lands, obtained too on moderate conditions,\\nwill continue to keep up the price of labor. We are a na-\\ntion of agriculturists, destined by providence to furnish\\nEurope and the islands with provisions and raw materi-\\nals; and no part of the world is better calculated for such\\nsupplies than the country on the Mississippi and its wa-\\nters, Our manufactures must necessarily be limited to\\nsuch coarse fabrics as are in common use among the peo-\\nple to lead, salt, flour, iron, steel, and to such other ar-\\nticles as are of importance to navigation, and to the agri-\\ncultural and mechanical professions. We cannot, there-\\nfore, draw any argument from the population of any given\\nterritory in Europe to prove the paucity of our own over a\\nsurface of the same extent because there the wealth and\\nstrength of a nation depend on commerce and manufac-\\ntures, and on a crowded population without land to supply\\nit wholly with the means of subsistence here our wealth\\nand strength are mostly derived from the tillage of our\\nfields, the raw materials we are able to furnish, and the\\nextent of our landed possessions. The population of some\\nof the eastern states (upwards of sixty to each square\\nviXnile) is found too great for the quantity of land. This\\ncompels one part of the people to navignte the ocean, and\\nno small proportion of the other to remove to less popu-\\nlous regions. They have settled large tracts of vacant", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "262 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nlands in the upper part of the state of Xew York. They\\nhave also fonncd extensive settlements on th Ohio, and\\ngreat numbers of them have penetrated to the Mississippi.\\nAll this proves that, when a given extent of territory fur-\\nnishes a greater population than can be usefully employed\\nin agriculture, it will dissipate, and gradually find its way\\nto the western country, where the vacant lands are good\\nand prolific in the extreme. We ought to avoid the evils\\nincident to the laborious artisans of a manufacturing na-\\ntion ignorance, povert}-, disease, and the premature waste\\nof the human constitution.\\nCapitalists will naturally turn their attention to the\\nLower Mississippi. Agriculturists of moderate pro-\\nperty will prefer a more northern situation, will plant\\nthemselves in Upper Louisiana rather than in the Illinois\\nor Indiana territories. These territories, indeed, contain\\nlarge bodies of excellent lands, especially on the Ohio,\\nWabash, and some other rivers but they have their shai-e of\\nbad and indifferent lands. A small part only of that ex-\\ntensive tract between the Mississippi and Vincennes, ex-\\ntending along the post-road for nearly one hundred and\\nfifty miles, will ever be settled. The scarcity of wood\\nand water furnish insuperable objections to it. Hence it\\nis, that settlers entertain a predilection for the lands in\\nUpper Louisiana, where the same inconveniences do not\\nexist, where the soil is of the first quality, and where they\\ncan be accommodated with numerous streams suitable fiar\\nmills and other purposes. If the government makes no pro-\\nvision for the sale of lands in this quarter, it is to be fear-\\ned, that trespasses will be frequent and that, as the squat-\\nters increase in number, difficulties will arise between\\nthem and the United States.\\nLouisiana is particularly exposed to the inroads of tlie\\nIndians. An immense number of tribes, and some of\\nthem pov/erful, inhabit the extensive regions on the west\\nside of the Mississippi. Their depredat-ions are frequent,", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "OP LAND TITLES. 263\\nand they entertain no fear of punishment our ordinary\\nforce, especially in Upper Louisiana, including the militia,\\nis not sufficient to create any alarm among them. They\\nare extremely bold in their threats and perhaps one rea-\\nson why they hold us so cheap is, that they have never\\nbeen at war with us, and were never beaten by the whites.\\nThey frequently committed hostilities under the Spanish\\ngovt-rnment, though no regular war was carried on, and\\nthe Spanish authorities as often purchased a peace of them.\\nThis encouraged them to repeat their hostilities, and to\\nridicule the want of courage and dexterity in the whites.\\nOne instance, among many others, may be adduced to\\nexplain the character of the Missouri Indians. While a\\nkind of predatory war raged in 1794 between one of their\\ntribes and the whites, a peace was concluded in a singular\\nmanner A war chief, with a party of his nation, boldly\\nentered St. Louis, and demanded an interview with the\\nlieutenant governor, to whom he said, we have come\\nto offer you peace we have been at war with you ma-\\nny moons, and what have we done Nothing. Our war\\nriors have tried every means to meet your s in battle;\\nbut you will not, you dare not fight us you are a par-\\neel of old women. What can be done with such a peo-\\npie but to make peace, since you will not fight I come,\\ntherefore, to offer you peace, and to bury the hatchet\\nto brighten the chain, and again to open the way be-\\ntween us. The Spanish government was obliged to\\nbear this insult with patience, and to grant the desired\\npeace. The faculty of ratiocination is denied to these\\nsons of nature they derive more conviction from what\\nthey actually experience and feel than from what they\\nsee and hear and nothing but the exercise qf superior\\npower can restrain them from bloody deeds.\\nIlcrnce results the policy of furnishing Louisiana with a\\npopulation adt quate to self-defence. The more efll ctual-\\nJy to accomplish this object, perhaps the settlers ought to", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "264 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nbe restricted to certain prescribed limits. If they be suf-\\nferred to spread over a great extent of territory, their\\nstrength cannot easily be concentrated. Their divided\\nand detached situations will serve to invite hostilities, and\\nprobably enable the Indians to destroy them in detail.\\nNatural and prescribed boundaries already exist, within\\nwhich the settlements should be formed.\\nThe vacant lands in Lower Louisiana are mostly to be\\nfound in the Atakapas and Apalousas, on Red river and\\nthe Washita. These lands are, in general, of an excellent\\nquality, and not encumbered with Indian or Spanish claims.\\nNo other incitement is necessary to a speedy settlement,\\nthan the passage of a law, authorizing the sale of them.\\nIt would be well to restrict the settlements in Upper\\nLouisiana to the following boundaries Beginning at the\\nmouth of the river St. Francis thence up that river to\\nthe source of its main westerly branch thence a short dis-\\ntance due north to the river Merimak thence up that river\\nto a line, which, drawn due west, shall intersect the mouth\\nof the Gasconade, a branch of the Missouri thence on\\nthe dividing line between the United States, and the Sacks\\nand Foxes, as agreed on in the treaty of 1804, to the Jaf-\\nfreon, a branch of the Mississippi. That part of the tract\\nbelow the Merimak, and situated between the St. Francis\\nand Mississippi, is about four hundred and sixty miles\\nlong, following the course of the latter river, and of va-\\nrious widths about fifty five or sixty miles at St. Gene-\\nvieve and cape Gerardeau, and between twenty and thirty\\nmiles at New-Madrid and it gradually narrows as it ap-\\nproaches the confluence of the two rivers. The mouth of\\nthe Gasconade is about ninety miles up the Missouri nnd\\nthe mouth of the Jaffreon, on the west bank of the Missis-\\nsippi, about one hundred miles above the junction of these\\ngreat rivers. These boundaries include all the white set-\\ntlements, and a sufficient territory for a respectable popu-\\nlation. The extent of this territory along the west bank", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "OF LAXD TITLES. 205\\nof the Mississippi, is nearly six hundred miles. Xearly\\none halt of it was conceded to settlers by the French and\\nSpanish authorities. The remainder belongs to the Unit-\\ned States, and is now at their disposal. The vacant lands\\nare divided into a great variety of tracts, scattered here\\nand there among the settlements, and if they remain un-\\nsold, a compact population cannot be formed. NVere they\\ngranted to actual settltrs, a strong cordon would soon be\\ndrawn across our extensive and exposed frontiers, the In-\\ndians kept in awe, and the necessity of a regular force in\\nthose regions, at least to any considerable extent, in a great\\nmeasure cease to exist.\\nliouisiana possesses a variety of climates and soils, ad-\\napted to the views and circumstances of every class in\\nsociety. The people can exchange commodities with each\\nother to advantage. Those of the north already furnish\\nprovisions and raw materials, and those ot the south are\\nequally capacitated to remit the conveniences and luxu-\\nries of life. This mutual dependance serves to strength-\\nen the bands of society, and to perpetuate national friend-\\nships. No doubt such ligamentous relations were de-\\nsigned by the Almighty for the most beneficent purposes,\\nand it would be something worse than folly to oppose the\\narrangements he has made.\\nIt is a well known fact, that the stream of population\\ngenerally inclines to the north, and this may be accounted\\nfor on rational principles. Murh the greatest proportion of\\nmankind depend on manual labor for support. The heats\\nof the south are supposed to torbid this occupation while\\nthe pure atmosphere of the north strengthens and invigo-\\nrates the human constitution. Lower Louisiana is adapt-\\ned to the culture of cotton, rice, tobacco, and sugar and\\nthese require large capitals. All kinds of grain, meats,\\nand vegetables, are the products of Uppci- Louisiana and\\nsettlers of moderate resources, who aim to acquire the\\nsubstantials of life only, will naturally resort to it, where", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "266 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nalso a considerable traffic may be carried on in peltrv,\\nlead, and salt. The lands in many parts of the Atlantic\\nstates, perhaps by long culture, have become greatly im-\\npoverished, and some considerable slave holders, who now\\nfind it difficult to subsist, would soon with the same\\nmeans accumulate fortunes on the Lower Mississippi. In\\nno other part of the United States can each good slave\\nyield his master from two hundred and fifty to three hun-\\ndred dollars ch-ar annual profit and the expense of remov-\\ning families to that quarter by way of the rivers would be\\ninconsiderable. The same comparative advantages would\\nresult to agriculturists, were they to exchange their posses-\\nsions on the east side of the Allegheny for lands of a more\\nprolific nature in Upper Louisiana, where provisons of all\\nsorts can be procured more abundantly, and with less labor.\\nWhen the United States first took possession of Louisi-\\nana, the lands had no fixed value they cost actual set-\\ntlers no more than the fees of office, and the expenses of\\nsurveys. About that period, large quantities of land\\nwere offered for sale at twenty five cents per acre but as\\nsoon as it was understood that the United States would\\npostpone the sale of public lands, the people began to es-\\ntimate the value of their own more highly and in less\\nthan three years after the cession, it was difficult to pur-\\nchase good lands, in eligible situations, under two dollars\\nper acre. In fine, the cession raised the general mass of\\nproperty in Louisiana more than four hundred per centum.\\nOn the subject of promoting the settlement of Louisia-\\nna, and indeed of the Mississippi territory, various consi-\\nderations of a political nature present themselves. Among\\nthem, that of providing for the national defence, is cer-\\ntainly important. In case war be declared against us by\\nany foreign power, (and in the present state of the world\\nwe have no right to claim exemption from that calamity)\\nthe blow will probably be directed to that quarter. We\\nshall then experience the necessity of a strong population", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "OF LAXn TITLES. 267\\nto sustain at least the first attack, and to furnish the means\\nol successful opposition. As an incUicement to emigra-\\ntion, perhaps it would be well to present each actual set-\\ntler with a certain quantity of land. A wise and virtu-\\nous government will endeavor to anticipate events, and\\nnot postpone the preparation of suitable remedies for pro-\\nbabl evils. In fine, we cannot populate Louisiana, par-\\nticularly the lower JMississippi, too soon and our inter-\\nest requires, that this popui:.tion should consist of men\\nhabituated to agriculture, and educated in the principles\\nof our laws and coisiitution.\\n2 M", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER Vra.\\nGOVERNMENT AND LAWS.\\nFROM what has been said in other parts of this\\nwork, a copious exposition of the government and laws\\nof Louisiana, may be dispensed with in this place.\\nSpain, in acquiring new possessions in America,\\ndeemed it necessary to invest their colonial officers\\nwith civil and military powers. The numerous enemies\\nthe Spaniards had to combat, to conquer, and in some\\nmeasure to extirpate, added to the refractory disposition\\nof the colonists, served lo perpetuate this union amid the\\nvarious changes, revolutions, and storms, of more than\\nthree centuries. These powers though exercised by the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j,70 SKETCHES OF LOUISIA-N A\\nsame functlonariesi were really distinct in their natures\\nand those to whom they were confided acted in different\\ncapacities in carrying them into effect. Hence the Span-\\nish government in Louisiana was deemed (at least by\\nthose unacquainted with its structure) of a military na-\\nture, and extremely arbitrary in its principles. Most pro-\\nbably there were many abt-rnitions in practice but the\\nSpanish colonial code contains a complete system of wise\\nand unexceptionable rules, calculated to ensure justice,\\nand to promote the happiness of the people.\\nThe treaty of cession of 1762 was never published,\\nand its stipulations remain unknown. When Spain came\\ninto possession of Louisiana under that treaty, she change\\ned almost the whole of the French colonial jurisprudence,\\nand only preserved the principles of allodium in their\\ngrants of lands, and in the settlement and distribution of\\nestates al) intestato and this was most probably done out\\nof respect to the civil law. The substituted code varied\\nin some particulars from the one adopted in the other\\nSpanish provinces and this variance was occasioned by a\\ndifference in their circumstances.\\nThe several institutions, by which the Spanish provinces\\nin America are governed, have been the work of much\\ntime and labor. These provinces or possessions were al-\\nways regarded as domains of the crown and hence their\\npolitical and civil systems bear some analogy to those of\\nthe mother country. These were few and simple in their\\ninfancy, and accommodated only to small and detached\\nsocieties. But when large cities and provinces were cre-\\nated, and population became numerous, they began to as-\\nsume a more comprehensive and complex form and\\nhence has arisen by degrees an extraordinary and magni-\\nficent superstructure, duly proportioned in all its parts,\\n;^nd exhibiting the wisdom and ingenuity of the political\\njirtists of several centuries.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. 271\\nThe provinrial institutions of the Spaniards together\\nwith the municipal and other laws, have arrived to as\\njnuch perfection as the policy of the government, and the\\ncircumstances of the people, will admit. These have\\nbeen collected, examined, and digested with great care\\nand labor such only have been retained as experience\\ndictated to be useful, and those of a different character\\nwere consigned to oblivion. This digest bears the stamp\\nof authority in all the provinces, and is denominated the\\ncode of the Indies. In all cases where the code is silent,\\nthe general laws of Spain, called the laws of the partidas^\\nprevail in all the tribunals. Many prominent features of\\nthe Roman jurisprudence are observed in all of them and\\nthey appear inuch more conspicuouslv in the colonial sys-\\ntem of Louisiana than in that of any other of the Spanish\\nprovinces.\\nThe Roman code, indeed, may be said to have furnish-\\ned laws for the government of Louisiana by adoption.\\nThese laws regulated the rates of interest among mer-\\nchants, and on loans among other descriptions of people.\\nThey laid down precise rules for the fulfilment of the\\ndifferent species of contracts and obligations, and dictated\\nthe decisions to be given in contestations on the multipli-\\ncity of grounds incident to them.\\nThese laws also regulated the formalities of executing\\nwills and testaments, noncupatives, donations inter vivos^\\ndispositions mortis causa^ and revocations. They like-\\nwise sanctioned the principle of implied revocations and\\nperhaps this was carried to a greater extent in Louisiana\\nthan iti any of the United States. It not only embraced\\nthose cases recognized by our common law, but it consi-\\ndered all those legacies and bequests as totally void, where\\nthe legatees treated the testators with ingratitude, or black-\\nened their memories.\\nBequests of whatever nature to collaterals, and particu-\\nlarly to strangers, in prejudice of the direct lines of des-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "272 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ncent or ascent, were much discouraged by the laws. This\\nis one reason why, in testamentary dispositions, many for-\\nmalities were required. In the first place, a will was of\\nno validity, unless executed in the presence of a notary,\\nor some other public officer. In the second place, no less\\nthan seven witnesses were requisite in some instancfs to\\ngive effect to bequests. The Spanish laws also regarded\\nthe sanity of testators, and the particular circumstances\\nunder which their wills were written and executed with\\nmore caution, perhaps, than those of other countries.\\nNo parent could disinht rit his child, except for causes\\nexpressly recognized by the laws as where the latter\\nstruck, or raised his hand to strike, the former or was\\ncruel, and inflicted on him any grievous injury or refus-\\ned to take care of him when poor or insane or to be his\\nbail, or to redeem him from prison or captivity, when he\\nhad the means of doing it or accused him of any capital\\noffence, except that of treason. Nor could a legitimate\\nchild, who died without issue, disinherit his parents, or\\nother ascendants, except for causes nearly similar to those\\njust mentioned. Many other causes of disinherison were\\nrecognized but those already enumerated will afford a\\nsufficient idea of the nature of the Spanish laws on this\\npoint.\\nThe succession of heirs, whether descendants, as-\\ncendants, or collaterals, on the principles of allodium^ to\\nestates ab intestato^ was clearly defined j and it was pre-\\ndicated on nearly the same principles as those recognized\\nby the laws of the several states in the union. The rights\\nof primogeniture were never admitted into the laws of\\nLouisiana. These laws allowed a reasonable alimony to\\nillegitimates, both before and after the death of their pa-\\nrents. They paid a particular regard to the dowry of wi-\\ndows, and to whatever was secured in marriage contracts.\\nThey also defined the rights and privileges of infants and", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. 273\\nminors, provided for their subsistence and education, and\\nfor the security of their property.\\nChildren were obliged to support their parents, and\\nother ascendants, if they were in need; and the relations\\nof the direct ascending line were likewise bound to main-\\ntain their needy descendants.\\nThe laws provided for the partition and distribution of\\nestates, and the assignment of dowry.\\nThey also obliged either party to a suit to disclose on\\ninterrogatories such facts and papers as were material to\\nthe dispensation of justice and in most respects the tri-\\nbunals of Louisiana were guided by the same maxims as\\nthe chancery courts in England, and those of the same na-\\nture in the United States.\\nIt would require the ability and industry of an able ju-\\nrist to delineate even the leading traits of the laws, by\\nwhich Louisiana was governed. These laws extended to\\nall the ramifications of the various concerns in society, and\\nafforded such rules as were calculated to direct a just de-\\ncision, when properly applied, on all the points liable to\\nbe litigated among men. But the misfortune was, that\\nvery few of the public officers, except those attached to\\nNew Orleans, were acquainted with them. None of them\\nwere ever published, except one or two hereafter noti-\\nced and those disposed to consult them were obliged to\\nexamine a voluminous digest. This obstacle to legal in-\\nformation made it necessary for many of the subordinate\\nofficers at a distance from the capital to decide according\\nto their conceptions of equity, except where they were\\nguided by the written instructions of their superiors,\\nwhich generally contained some useful hints dt rived iron\\nthe civil law, or the code of the Indies. No wonder,\\nthen, that the Spjnish government in Louisiana was\\ndeemed 3rbitr iry, and that it was put and kept in opera-\\ntion more by the military than by the civil power.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "274 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\nO Reilly, the first Spanish governor general of Louisi-\\nana, (after he had imbued his hands in the best blood of\\nthe province) was active in providing for the administra-\\ntion of justice. He divided the colony into as many dis-\\ntricts as were necessary to accommodate the inhabitants\\nin each of which a commandant was appointed, generally\\ntaken from the army or militia, and invested with pow-\\ners, civil, criminal, and military, to such extent as was\\ndeemed proper. Their jurisdictions were subsequently\\nextended or abridged as circumstances required.\\nThe judicial power of the district commandants usual-\\nly extended to the decision of all suits, where the damage\\nclaimed did not exceed one hundred dollars. An exact\\nuniformity, however, was not observed in this particular:\\nSome were invested with less, and others with greater au-\\nthority. They executed the mandates of their superiors,\\narrested criminals and debtors, extended executions on\\nreal and personal estate, watched over the public peace,\\nand superintended the internal police of their respective\\ndistricts. They received no salaries from the crown, ex-\\ncept one hundred dollars per annum to reimburse their\\nexpenses of stationery. If they belonged to the army,\\ntheir pay, and the established fees of their offices, suppor-\\nted them comfortably. These fees were by no means ex-\\norbitant, except in the settlement of estates ab intestato\\nthey were fixed by a tarif, which all public officers were\\nobliged to keep posted up in some conspicuous place in\\ntheir respective offices or houses.\\nNew Orleans had its alcaids, whose jurisdiction was\\nof considerable extent. Syndics, or justices of the peace,\\nwere placed over small detached settlements in the dis-\\ntricts, the nature of whose powers was similar to that of\\nthe commandants. Notwithstanding their jurisdiction in\\ncivil causes was limited to twenty dollars; yet it was law-\\nful to institute suits before them for the recoverv of lar-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. Jjrjf\\nger sums, and they were bound to receive and to record\\nthe tcstinnony oftcred on both sides, and then to remit\\ntheir proceedings to their superiors.\\nThe Spanish government always encouraged summary\\nproceedings. Of plain and incontestcd cases, a record\\nwas seldom made, unless the judgment or decree was fol\\nlowed by an execution. In cases of magnitude, where\\nserious contestations took place, the proceedings were\\nsometimes extremely voluminous.\\nCreditors presented their petitions, in which they sta-\\nted the nature of their demands. The adverse parties\\nAvere permitted to reply and hence the written debates\\nof the litigants, grounded both on the law and the fact,\\nwere often extended to great length.\\nUpper liouisiana was considered as a province in some\\nmeasure distinct from the lower one, though dependant\\non it. An officer with the title of lieutenant-governor was\\nplaced over it, who, although he derived his appointment\\nfrom the crown, was bound to conform to the orders of\\nthe governor and intendant generals in their respective\\ndepartments. He was sub-delegate to the latter officer,\\nand as such he superintended the affairs of the finances\\nwithin his jurisdiction, in which was included every thing\\nrelating to the Indians, to commerce, to the levy and col-\\nlection of the public revenue, and to the sale of lands. As\\nthe subordinate of the governor-general, he was at the\\nhead of the military he appointed as many syndics as\\nhe pleased, and also nominated his own district comman-\\ndants. His authority was without limitation in civil cau-\\nses, and it extended to all criminal matters under the de-\\ngree of capital, though his decisions of every kind were\\nliable to be reversed on appeals.\\nThe governor-general and intendant-gencral, were to-\\ntally independent of each other in their several depart-\\nments, and had an exclusive control over all suits, and o-\\n2 H", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "f2fS SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nther matters, which appertained to their respective juris-\\ndictions.\\nAntecedent to 1799, the duties of both were confided\\nto the governor-general but in that year a department\\nof finance was created, and an intendant general ap-\\npointed.\\nSeparate tribunals were constituted to assist these great\\nofficers of the crown in the adjudication of causes:\\nBut their decisions or opinions were of no effect unless\\nsanctioned by their superiors and indeed the heads\\nof these departments often incurred the responsibility\\nof deciding contrary to the opinions of the tribunals.\\nThe governor-general was at the head of the military\\nand judiciary departments. He decided on all criminal\\nand civil suits, not appertaining to the revenue, which\\nwere instituted, or came before him by way of appeal.\\nHe was in some measure the legislator of the province.\\nHe gave occasional instructions to his subordinates, or\\npromulgated ordmances tor the benefit of the people at\\nlarge, or for those of particular districts. These in most\\nrespects conformed either to the Roman law, or to the\\ncode of the Indies, and were generally digested and re-\\ncommended by his advisory tribunals.\\nThe department of finance was organised in a similar\\nmanner, at the head of which was the intendant-general.\\nHe had a number of dignified officers under him, who\\nperformed separate and disimct duties, independent of\\neach other. He took cognizance of all admiralty and\\nfiscal causes. The liquidation and settlement of all pub-\\nlic accounts belonged to him and no money could be\\ndniwn from the treasury without his order. It belonged\\nto nim to apportion, to levy, and to collect taxes, and to\\ndevise regulations for the interior government of the fi-\\nnances. He was assisted by a legal character, named an\\nassessor, to whom all difficult and litigated points were", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. 377\\nTeferrecl, though the intendant was not bound to conform\\nto his opinion. He regulated commerce and navigation,\\nand repressed the abuses and disorders in the several\\nbranches of his department. He also regulated the\\naffairs of the Indians, the admisson of settlers into\\nthe province, and the sale of public lands.\\nMost of the great officers of the crown were appoint-\\ned for five years only. Re-appointments were seldom\\nmade, except when cogent reasons rendered them neces-\\nsary.\\nThe subordinate tribunals, designed to assist the heads\\nof the two great departments of the government, deserve\\nmore particular notice.\\nThe alcaid-general was attached to the civil depart-\\nment, and had cognizance of all such criminal offences,\\nunder the degree of capital, as were committed without\\nthe limits of the city of New-Orleans.\\nThe governor-general was assisted in all his delibera-\\ntions by a tribunal of civil and military jurisdiction. No\\nsentence of death pronounced against any criminal could\\nbe carried into execution before it was examined and rati-\\nfied by a superior tribunal in the island of Cuba.\\nEach of the provincial tribunals had an auditor, and an\\nassessor, who were doctors of the civil law, and whose du-\\nt} it was to attend and to advise in all matters of import-\\nance.\\nThe office of procureur general was deemed of the\\nhighest consequence. He acted not merely as solicitor\\nfor the crown, but was an officer peculiar to the civil law.\\nHe did not always prosecute but after conviction he in-\\ndicated the punishment awarded by the law, and on his\\nsuggestion it was often mitigated. He was also the cura-\\ntor of orphans, the expounder of the privileges of the city,\\nand the public accuser of all public officers, who either\\ninfringed the laws, or omitted to perform the duties as-\\nsigned them*", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "278 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nCabildos are the most papular tribunals in the Spmish\\ncolonies, and the most discouraged by die govern nent.\\nThey were originally placed over small detached villages\\nand towns, in which they exercised civil and military pow-\\ners. They devised municipal laws and held municipal\\ncourts, and were considered as the general and i,l nost on-\\nly conservators of the peace. They still exist in many of\\nthe cities but their number is much reduced, and their\\npowers greatly restricted. Superior tribunals have been\\nconstituted to receive and to decide on appeals made from\\ntheir decisions. To the cabildos are usually attached a\\nnumber of alcaids, regidors, syndics, and registers, who\\nassist them in the administration, and in the execution of\\nthe laws. The powers of the cabildos in the several pro-\\nvinces and cities are not uniform they are extended or\\nlimited as the circumstances of the people require and\\nthey differ from those recognized by similar tribunals in\\nSpain, where they are purely municipal.\\nThe offices of the members of these tribunals are de-\\nnominated venal by the Spaniards, because they are ac-\\nquired by purchase though no man can become a mem-\\nber in this manner without paying a certain sum into the\\npublic treasury, nor unless he be qualified in all respects to\\ndischarge his official trust. Notaries, attornies, assessors,\\ntax-gatherers, and a variety of others, are obliged to pur-\\nchase their respective offices, and to furnish ample security\\nfor the faithful discharge of them.\\nNew-Orleans boasted of its cabildo, which consisted of\\ntwelve members, and the governor general presided in its\\ndeliberations. The judiciary powers of this tribunal were\\nof a limited nature, and extended only to disputes and\\ncauses arising within the boundaries of the corporation.\\nIt derived its importance from the exercise of other nd\\nmore extensive powers. The police of the city was con-\\nfided to its discretion. It regulated the admission of phy-\\nsicians and surgeons to practice^ The shejii? alcnid pioj^", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "GOVERNMENT AND LAWi 279\\nvincial, procureur-general, and several other officers, were\\nchostn by it, and generally froni among its own members.\\nBy the nature of its constitution it was in some measure\\nan advisarij council for the several departments of the\\ngovernment, and authorised, to deliberate on the general\\nand complicated concerns of the province. It had a right\\nto recommend the adoption of such measures as were\\ndeemed useful to the community, and solemnly to protest\\nagainst all objectionable laws and regulations. This right\\nwas frequently exercised by it and its protestations and\\ndemands were always treated with respect. The mem-\\nbers of this tribunal obtained their offices in the u^;2\u00c2\u00ab/ man-\\nner already mentioned, and most probably this circum-\\nstance rendered them the less respectable.\\nThe contador, treasurer, interventor, auditor, and as-\\nsessor, were officers subordinate to the intendant, and\\nparticularly attached to the department of finance. They\\nderived their appointments from the crown and from the\\nnature of their respective duties they served as checks on\\neach other. A certain share or portion of every transac-\\ntion devolved on each, and therefore in case of a vacancy\\nthe public business of the department was in a manner\\nsuspended till a new appointment took place. The first\\nkept all the accounts and documents relative to the re-\\nceipts and expenditures of the public revenue. The se-\\ncond was the receiver and keeper of all public monies.\\nThe third superintended all public purchases, as also the\\nmaking of all public contracts. The fourth was solicitor\\nfor the crown, and obliged from the nature of his office\\nto furnish the governor general with legal advice in all\\nmatters relating to the civil or military departments. The\\nfifth was also solicitor for the crown but his functions\\nwere limited to transactions of a fiscal nature. There\\nwas likewise an administrator attached to the same depart-\\nment, and the official drudgery of the custom-house was", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "280 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nconfided to his management. He was allowed several\\nclerks, all of whom were commissioned by the crown.\\nIn addition to these tribunals, an ecclesiastical one ex-\\nisted, which took cognizance of all matters appertaining to\\nreligion and the church. The inquisition was once at-\\ntempted to be introduced into Louisiana but the mea-\\nsure was so unpopular as to oblige the inquisitors to aban-\\ndon the province.\\nThe district commandants, and other inferior magis-\\ntrates, usually held their offices during good behavior\\nthough they were sometimes obliged to yield them to fa-\\nvorites, or to men of superior qualifications. Merit was\\ngenerally consulted in all the appointments made by the\\ncrown, though other motives equally honorable sometimes\\nprevailed and the mention of one instance must suffice for\\nthe rest. The last lieutenant governor of Upper Louisia-\\nna Was a Frenchman by birth, and an officer m the Spanish\\nguards. His aged father and mother, educated in ease\\nand affluence, had been despoiled of their property in the\\nFrench revolution they were even obliged to abandon\\ntheir country, and to seek shelter in the wilds of Louisia-\\nna. Their son solicited an appointment of such a nature\\nas to enable him to contribute to their support; and he\\nsolicited not in vain By the avails of his office he in some\\nmeasure rewarded parental affection, and soothed the last\\ndays of the two objects the most dear to him.\\nNotwithstanding the formalities observed by the judici-\\nal authorities in all litigated cases of consequence yet\\njustice on ordinary occasions was speedily administered.\\nIn processes on bonds it was common to obtain execution\\nin four days, and on iiotes in the same time, if the\\npromisers acknowledged them, or their signatures were\\nproved. But these authorities by their judgments or de-\\ncrees often suspended payments much longer than was\\nconsistent with the terms of specialties and other con-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "GOVERNMENT AND LAWS. 281\\ntracts, particularly when the creditors were able to wait\\nwithout material injury, and the debtors not in a situation\\nto cancel the demands against them without a great sacri-\\nfice of property. This indulgent maxim adorns the pa-\\nges of the civil law.\\nBoth real and personal estate were liable to be seized\\nand sold on execution. It was allowable to expose them\\nto sale in nine days after the levy, provided they were re-\\ngularly advertized during that time at three conspicuous\\nplaces in the neighborhood. It was, however, necessary\\nto appraise both species of property taken in execution\\nbefore it could be sold and no sale was permitted, un-\\nless for a sum equal to half of the appraised value.\\nIn Upper Louisiana the legal fees of office on notes and\\nbonds, and other undisputed claims, even to judgment\\nand execution, never exceeded four dollars.\\nThe summary mode of justice created a much greater\\ndegree of punctuality in the payment of debts than is es-\\ntablished in any part of the United States and this was\\nparticularly useful in a country almost destitute of specie,\\nwhere peltry was the medium of trade, and where credits\\nwere necessary and common. The change produced by\\nthe operation of the laws of the United States, the dilato-\\nry proceedings of our courts, the introduction of the trial\\nby jury, and the expenses of legal contests, gave a tempo-\\nrary check to trade, and to the credit of merchants, par-\\nticularly in Upper Louisiana. Experience led them to\\nbelieve, that the Spanish mode of decision, grounded on\\nequitable laws, was much the most wise and salutary and\\nthey murmured at a system calculated to produce delays,\\nand in many instances to create expenses equal in amount\\nto the sums demanded. They preferred the judgment of\\none man to that of twelve and it is but justice to observe,\\nthat their ju iicial officers were in most instances upright\\nand impartial iu their decisions.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "282 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nUpper liouisiana was always destitute of a circulating;\\nmedium Specie, indeed, was a rare article in that coun-\\ntry. This may be attributed to its distance from the sea\\nboard and the markets, to the low state of its agriculture,\\nand to the nature of its trade. Remittances were made in\\npeltry, lead, and some provisions; but as the value of\\nthese did not exceed that of the imports, no specie was\\nput in circulation by commerce. The lead and salt sent\\nup the Ohio and its waters were exchanged for castings,\\nwhiskey, iron, steel, and some other indispensable articles;\\nand this barter trade, whatever were the benefits of it,\\nserved not to augment the quantity of specie. Even the\\npubUc officers and troops received their pay of the tra-\\nders, generally in foreign produce, in exchange for bills\\ndrawn on the treasury at New Orleans. This deficiency\\nof money induced the government to consider peltry as\\nthe medium of trade, and as a legal tender in the payment\\nof debts, except in cases where it infringed the express\\nstipulation of the parties. The Spanish laws not only\\nsanctioned, but coerced the specific performance of con-\\ntracts, and on this principle all judicial determinations, at\\nleast in Upper Louisiana, were grounded. A note, for in-\\nstance, of one hundred dollars was payable in peltry, un-\\nless it expressly stipulated, that the payment should be in\\nSpa?iish milled dollars. The specification in contracts\\nwas the more necessary, as one silver dollar was always\\ndeemed equal to one dollar and twenty five cents in peltry.\\nIf a man bound himself to deliver certain articles, or to\\nexecute a certain work, the judiciary decreed the exact\\nperformance of the contract and in case the debtor ne-\\nglected or refused to comply with the decree, the creditor\\nhad a right to engage a third person to perform the con-\\ntract at the expense of the original obligee or promiser,\\nor to recover a sum equal to the damages sustained.\\nPerhaps in no country were aggravated crimes more\\nrare than in Louisiana. The contrary of this might have", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "GOVEllXMEXT AND LA^VS. 283\\nbeen expected from the different languages, feligions, and\\ncustoms of the people especially from the constant ac-\\ncession of various descriptions of new settlers. Two rea-\\nsons may be assigned for this general exemption from\\ncrimes. The first is, that the Creole inhabitants were ra-\\nther peaceable in their dispositions, perhaps the more so\\nas they were educated in the habits of obedience to the\\nlaws, which seldom suffered the guilty to escape with im-\\npunity. Besides, the French attached much more dis-\\ngrace to punishments than any other people and perhaps\\nthis circumstance imposed some restraint on their actions.\\nThe second is, that the terrors of the magistrate, the\\nfrightful apprehension of the Mexican mines, and the\\ndungeons of the llavanna, added to the supposed antipa-\\nthy of the government to all strangers, awed the settlers\\nirom the United States into submission, and produced an\\nuncommon. degree of subordination among them.\\nNor were punishments more rigorous than is consistent\\nwith the safety of governments, and the preservation of\\njrder in civil communities. 1^ or offences under the de-\\ngree of capital the laws doomed the offenders t(j imprison-\\nment, or to the stocks, and to the payment of costs, except\\nwhen detected in carrying on a contraband trade, or in vi-\\nolating the revenue laws and then they were liable to be\\nput on boai-d the gallies, in the mines, or on the public\\nworks, sometimes lor life, but generally for a term of\\nyears. Treason, murder, arson, and the robbery of the\\npublic treasury, were pronounced by the laws to be capi-\\ntal offences. Many unhappy wretches convicted of these\\ncrimes remained in prison a long time after they received\\nthe sentence of death probably in consequence of the ten-\\nderness or dilatory caution of the tribunal in the island of\\nCuba. Only four crimes were declared capital by the\\nlaws, and few states in the union can boast of so small a\\nnumber of this description. The punishmentb already\\nmentioned for offences under the degree of capital, were\\n2 o", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "284 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nnot much more rigorous than those experienced in our\\ncommon prisons, penitentiaries, and other houses of cor-\\nrection.\\nThe laws made ample provision for appeals both in ci-\\nvil and criminal cases. The party aggrieved had a right\\nto appeal to the decision of a superior tribunal, if demanded\\nwithin five days from the date of the objectionable decree\\nor sentence. In Upper Louisiana, appeals lay from the\\ndecisions of the district commandants, and other inferior\\nmagistrates, to the lieutenant governor, and from thence\\nto the governor general. This last mentioned officer re-\\nceived and decided all prosecutions and causes, which\\ncame before him by way of appeal from the inferior tri-\\nbunals in Lower Louisiana. The intendant general and\\nhis sub-delegates extrcised similar prerogatives in the de-\\npartment of finance. From the decisions of these two\\ngreat officers of the government, appeals lay in the first\\ninstance to separate tribunals in the island of Cuba, and\\nfrom thence to the council of the Indies in Spain.\\nThis council, of so much dignity and consequence in the\\nSpanish government, was founded as early as 1511. The\\nconquest of America suggested the necessity of laws and\\nregulations different irom those- of Spain, and particularly\\nadapted to the circumstances of the new world and the\\nnecessity of confiding the complicated concerns of the\\ncolonies to a separate and distmct administration was e-\\nqunlly apparent. Hence the origin of the council of the\\nIrdies, generally composed of men who had faithfully dis-\\ncharged honorable trusts in America, or were well ac-\\nquainted with American affairs. This council ever kept\\nin view the union of the provinces with the mother coun-\\ntry and its wisdom was successfully directed to this end.\\nThe laws and regulations by which they were governed,\\nemanated from it. The decisions of this tribunal were\\nalways held in the highest respect, and the whispers of\\ncomplaint were never uttered against its integrity.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "GOVERNMENT AND LAWS, 285\\nFrom this statement it is natural to conclude, that ap-\\npeals, if carried to the tribunal of the last resort, were at-\\ntended with great expense and delay. Most of the ex-\\npense, however, arose in the first stages of litigated cau-\\nses and although some of them remained undecided for\\nmany years, yet this was more owing to the legal indul-\\ngence claimed by the parties, than to any disposition in\\nthe tribunals to postpone their decisions. Professional\\ncharacters were seldom employed, except in preparing\\ncauses for trial. Forensic disputations were excluded\\nfrom the Spanish tribunals and their judicial determina-\\ntions resulted wholly from the written evidence laid be-\\nfore them, and from the known laws of the kingdom.\\nIn all civil causes where appeals were made from the\\ndecisions of the lieutenant governor of Upper Louisiana,\\nthe persons claiming them were obliged to pay the oppo-\\nsite parties the full amount of the sums decreed against\\nthem and bonds were given to refund the sums thus paid\\nin case the decrees were ultimately reversed. This re-\\ngulation was partly intended to prevent litigious and vexa-\\ntious appeals for the purposes of delay, and partly to shield\\nthe poor from the oppression of the rich j and it had the\\ndesired effect. Appeals were not common and those\\nwho made them could have no other object in view than\\nthe reversal of erroneous judgments.\\nIt was the policy of the Spanish government to discou-\\nrage political enquiry, and to keep the people in a great\\nmeasure ignorant of the laws by which they were govern-\\ned. The governor and intendants general were authoriz-\\ned to devise and publish such ordinances and decrees, not\\ninconsistent with the established policy of the provincial\\nsystem, as were necessary in their respective departments.\\nAn ordinance relative to dowry, and the descent and dis-\\ntribution of estates ab hitestato^ and another relative to the\\ngrants and concessions of lands, prescribing the quantities\\nallowed to settlers, and the formalities requisite to obtain", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "286 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\ncomplete titles, were almost the only ones of a general na-\\nture ever promulgated by them. If they now and then\\nfurnished their subordinates with written instructions, the\\neffects produced by them were very inconsiderable, and\\nnot always conformable to the fundamental maxims of the\\nlaws.\\nThe public revenue in Louisiana arose from several\\nsources. The custom-house received a duty of six per\\ncentum on the value of all shipping transferred from one\\nindividual to another. Those who received legacies or\\ninheritances from collaterals, of the value of two thousand\\ndollars, were obliged to pay a tax of two per centum and\\na tax of four per centum was assessed on all legacies or\\ninheritances given to strangers. Those who received sa-\\nlaries from the government, exceeding three hundred\\ndollars per annum, paid a tax as also all those who ac-\\nquired ve?ial offices. All vessels of whatever size paid a\\npilotage of twenty dollars, seven of which went into the\\npublic treasury. Each person licenced to sell ardent spi-\\nrits paid an annual tax or duty of forty dollars in Lower\\nLouisiana, and thirty dollars in Upper Louisiana. The\\nannual amount of these duties and taxes was only about\\nsix thousand dollars.\\nOn all goods or other articles, cither imported or ex-\\nported, a duty of six per centum was charged and the\\nannual avails of this branch of the public revenue amount-\\ned to about one hundred and twenty thousand dollars.\\nThe annual expenses of the government may be comput-\\ned at about six hundred and fifty thousand dollars; so that\\na deficiency arose of about five hundred and twenty four\\nthousand dollars. This was in part supplied by an annu-\\nal remittance of four hundred thousand dollars from La\\nvera Cruz. The remainder was balanced by certificates,\\nwhich became current in market, and which were usually\\npurchased at a discount of twenty live or thirtv per cen-\\ntum and it is said on good authority, that some of thf", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "GOVERN^fENT AND LAWS. 287\\nofficers in the department of finance became the holders\\nof them to a large amount. The public debt still due is\\nestimated at about four hundred and fifty thousand dol-\\nlars. Provision was made several years before the ces-\\nsion for the redemption of these certificates; but the\\nfunds appropriated for the purpose were ultimately appli-\\ned to other and different objects.\\nThese are some of the outlines of the Spanish govern-\\nment in Louisiana only the prominent features of it have\\nbeen attempted, and even those we have suggested are ve-\\nry imperfect. To form an adequate conception of its\\nstructure, its parts, and mutual relations, and to delineate\\nall the forms and maxims established for the administra-\\ntion of the laws, would require more labor than is consist-\\nent with the nature of this work, or with the ability of the\\nauthor.\\nAVe must not too severely condemn the provincial sys-\\ntems of the Spaniards, because they differ from our own,\\nand because they appear to us defective and incongruous.\\nWe must remember, that all good governments are prac-\\ntical, not merely theoretic and that we can only form a\\ncorrect opinion of their fitness or inutility from the effects\\nthey produce. Our present government, both in practice\\nand theory, is the best for us but it does not from thence\\nfollow, that the same kind of government is calculated to\\npromote the happiness of other nations. The difference\\namong them is not less than that among the individuals of\\nsociety; each labors under disadvantages peculiar to it-\\nself. No two of them correspond in their pursuits and\\nwants they vary still more in their educations, habits,\\nmanners, and dispositions nor are they alike exposed to\\nthe same physical evils. Some are prone to war, to licen-\\ntiousness, and to a contempt of all moral and legal re-\\nstraints; who estimate no glory equal to that of con-\\nquest, and no riches equal in value to tliose obtained by\\nplunder and rapine. These require govcrnmtnts essen-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": ".288 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ntially different from those, whose local situations protect\\nthem from foreign danger, and whose educations, tempers,\\nhabits, and pursuits, naturally incline them to seek repose\\nin peace, and to yield obedience to equitable and necessa-\\nry laws.\\nIn fine, it is a fundamental truth in politics, though sel-\\ndom regarded, that nations ought to exist under such go-\\nvernments, whatever be their forms, as are calculated to\\nconfer the greatest sum of general happiness on the peo-\\nple. If the views of statesmen and legislators were guid-\\ned by this truth, we should witness almost as many forms\\nof government as there are nations on the globe, and preg-\\nnant with all the various principles between the two ex-\\ntremes of liberty and despotism. The best and wisest\\ngovernments are enumerated among the evils of our con-\\ndition. These are endured, and even cherished and sup-\\nported on the principle, that they serve to exempt man-\\nkind from those of greater magnitude.\\nMost of the celebrated writers on government were de-\\nceived by their own plausible theories, and this deception\\nhas multiplied the political errors of mankind. They la-\\nbored more to define and illustrate abstract principles than\\nto discover and suggest practical truths mure to frame\\ngeneral thecrries, applicable only to superior orders of in-\\ntelligences, than to apply specific remedies to the particu-\\nlar evils incident to different societies. They considered\\nmankind what they wished them to be, not what nature\\nmade them. Hence a wonderful mass of political error\\nexists, and actual experiment only is capable of erasing it\\nfrom the minds of men.\\nThe United States framed a government for themselves\\nin a time of profound peace. No jealous power existed,\\neither within or without capable of obstructing their views,\\nor of disturbing their deliberations. They were at liber-\\nty to pursue the dictates of their own wisdom, and to e-\\nrect their political fabric on such foundations as appeared", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "GOVERNMENT AM) LAWS. 289\\nthe most likely to render it permanent, and to afford the\\ngreatest sum of general happiness and prosperity to the\\nnation. It the result of their joint wisdom and labors be\\na monarchy, as Dr. Priestley mamtains, the experience of\\ntwenty years has not persuaded us to reject it.\\nThe ancients had no adequate conception of represen-\\ntative governments. If they had their legislative and ex-\\necutive tribunals, both relative and hereditary, under the\\ndenomination of senates, tribunes, archons, ephori, cosmi.\\nand the like yet the duration of their offices, the fluctua-\\ntion and undefined nature of their authority, and the want\\nof co-ordinate branchts to review, modify, and even to\\narrest the hasty and intemperate measures of each other,\\nser\\\\ed only to nourish the seeds of perpetual discord, and\\nto render public liberty insecure. The separation and\\ndistribution ot governmental powers, as practised in mo-\\ndern times, were unknown to them. A cursory view of\\ntheir history will convince us, that they were destitute of\\nstability, virtue, and political knowledge, the most essen-\\ntial requisites in all representative governments, without\\nwhich they cannot be framed or supported.\\nThe Greeks and Romans were the most enlightened\\npeople of antiquity; yet during the many ages of their\\nexistence they never aimed at the establishment of regular\\ngovernments. They exhibited a strange versatility of cha-\\nracter. In times of public danger they rallied round their\\nsages and heroes they invested them with supreme au-\\nthority they implicitly yielded to their counsels and\\nperhaps they were never so happy and prosperous as when\\nthey submitted to the sovereign dictates of their rulers.\\nThe transitions from war to peace produced a change in\\ntheir conduct. They became impatient of legal restraint\\nthey were not disposed to yield a permanent obedience to\\nthe laws they murmured at whatever obsrructed the in-\\ndulgence ot then- licentious passions and they even incar-\\ncerated, banished, or immolated their best patriots and", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "290 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nStatesmen so that the exercise of any description of pow-\\ner among them was always precarious, and often danger-\\nous.\\nOn a variety of occasions, particularly in time of peace,\\nthose ancient people were divided into parties and factions\\nby their restless and ambitious demagogues. The wild\\nand extravagant excesses exhibited by all classes, the mur-\\nders, proscriptions, and other violences, to which thev\\nwere led by the most brutal passions, were in some mea-\\nsure intenerated by their perfection in the arts, and by the\\nblaze of their victories and triumphs. The fact appears\\nto be, that they were totally destitute of political virtue\\nand knowledge and that governments of a strong texture,\\nunshackled by representation, were the best calculated to\\npromote their happiness.\\nThe same remark will apply with equal force to many\\nmodern nations. Those in the north of Europe are inca-\\npable of any other than monarchic governments and hap-\\npy it is for them, if they find the extensive power of their\\nmonarchs tempered by mercy, and directed by M^isdom.\\nEven France, one of the most enlightened nations on the\\nglobe, struggled to establish a government on the broad\\nbasis of civil liberty, and failed in the experiment. The\\npeople of that country waded in blood to the throne they\\nwere never able to find the object of their wishes and,\\nas if fatigued with the pursuit, they resolved to repose\\nthemselves under a military despotism. How much more\\ncnviabe is their present condition than it was at any pe-\\nriod of their disastrous revolution Perhaps the Spanish\\nprovinces on our borders are still chained by the sentence\\nof nature to the same mclancholv grade, where they will\\nprobably repose, till some terrible convulsion elevates them\\namid seas of blood to the fruition of a more prosperous\\ndestiny. All this shews, that some nations derive the\\ngreatest sum of general happiness from the arbitrary dic-\\ntates of their rulers while others exist with more safetv", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "GOVKRX.MENT A\\\\U LAWS. 291\\nand prosperity under the wisdom and energies of deriva-\\ntive authority.\\nTiCt us not, then, pass judgment on the Spanish colonial\\nsystems, unless we found it on the situation and character\\nof the people. Among these are Spaniards, Creoles, Ab-\\noriginals, a vast variety of mixed breeds, forming no less\\ntliiin seven distinct casts, and strangers from all parts of\\nthe world, from civilized as well as barbarous nations.\\njNIost of those f l ho compose this crude and heterogeneous\\nassemblage, are extemely ignorant, and capable only of a\\nblind obedience. Yet they are apparently the happiest\\npeople on earth. The taxes and contributions levied on\\nthem are not exorbitant very little labor supplies their\\nwants; and most of them are unacquainted with those\\nluxuries and expenses, which modern times have render-\\ned fashionable. Their moral principles also are extreme-\\nly debauched, and their intercourse with each other is\\nmarked by the most corrupt profligacy of manners. Those\\nwho believe these people capable of self-government are\\nmuch deceived. They have a very inadequate conception\\nof human nature as it is displayed in the Spanish colonies.\\nThese observations are by no means applicable to the\\nLouisianians. The French always preserved their inte-\\ngrity, their decency, and moral principles though they\\nlost most of their industry, and nearly all their knowledge.\\nHence the theory and administration of their government\\nwere in most respects as perfect as their situation and cir-\\ncumstances would allow. At any rate, they were satisfi-\\ned with their allotment, and never sighed for a political\\nchange. This maxim cannot be too often repeated, that\\nnothing experimentally wrong in politics, is true and that\\nevery thing practically injurious, is politically false.\\nThe French and Spaniards of the new world are much\\nattached to their own forms of government, however ra-\\ndically defective they may be in principle. The laws of\\nKngland were introduced into Canada in 1764. The trial", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "292 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nby jury was established, and legislative assemblies, com-\\nposed of the freeholders and planters, were chosen by the\\npeople to enact laws. This innovation was disagreeable\\nto the Canadians, who petitioned against it in 1765, 1770,\\nand 1773 so that in 1774 the parliament passed the Que-\\nbec act, by which all former laws and ordinances of the\\nEnglish were abolished, and the laws and customs of\\nCanada established. The Louisianians are mostly go-\\nverned by the civil law. In the territory, of Orleans the\\nancient forms of judicial proceeding, not incompatible\\nwith the change, are still retained.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER IX-\\nCO^OIERCE AND MANUFACTURES.\\nWHILE Louisiana was in the hands of the French,\\ngreat exertions were made to introduce a spirit of com-\\nmercial enterprise among the people but they were not\\nattended with the success they deserved. Agriculture\\nand industry, by which wealth is at first accumulated in\\nnew regions, necessarily precede commerce, and are the\\nfoundations of it. To promote this desirable object the\\ncrown lavished large sums to promote the interest of the\\ncolony, expecting to derive abundance of provisions and\\nraw materials in return for the benefits conferred on it.\\nThe exertions of Crozat and of the company, to whom the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "294 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ncommerce of the province was successively granted, prov-\\ned equally fruitless. The poverty of the settlers, their w^ant\\nof industry, and the trouble given them by the Indians and\\nSpaniards, were insuperable obstacles to commerce, and\\nthese unfortunate impediments continued for a great length\\nof time. Indeed, during the existence of the French co-\\nlonial government, the Indian trade almost wholly occu-\\npied the attention of the people, who were more disposed\\nto provide for present necessity than to discover the\\nmeans of future good. Louisiana involved France in hea-\\nvy expenditures and perhaps the despair of remunera-\\ntion was among the causes, which induced her so easily to\\ncede the country to Spain.\\nWhen France first discovered Louisiana she was not in\\na condition to promote the settlement of it. The pressure\\nof taxes, occasioned by complicated wars, deprived her of\\nthe means of colonization and she was for some time al-\\nlowed only to anticipate what she wished to realize. The\\ndistance too of the colony from the mother country, al-\\nthough it increased the prospects of wealth, served to\\ncheck the spirit of emigration among the opulent, and to\\nconfine it almost exclusively to the poor and even these\\nembarked in the enterprise, not to obtain wealth by the\\nslow process of agriculture, but to seize on rich mines, and\\nto monopolise the Indian trade the latter of which they\\nfancied was not less valuable than the accumulated pro-\\nducts of Potosi. They were not calculated to labor in\\nthe field The climate was too warm, and proved injuri-\\nous to health and they were not able to procure a suffici-\\nent number of slaves to answer any valuable purpose.\\nThey soon found their expectations blasted, and regretted\\ntheir destiny. Unable from extreme poverty to rejoin\\ntheir connexions in Europe, and exposed to the vindic-\\ntive rage of the Spaniards, and of some tribes of Indians,\\nthey mostly submitted themselves to indolence and fatuity.\\nThe little knowledge of agriculture they possessed v/as ne-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "CO\\\\nrERCE AND MANUFACTLTRES. 295\\nver reduced to experiment it expired with the first ge-\\nneration, and was never fully revived while the country re-\\nmained in the hands of France. Hence there was a radi-\\ncal defect in the first settlement of Louisiana, and it serv-\\ned to impede the prosperity of that colony through all the\\nsubsequent periods of its history. Had Indian commerce\\nbeen wholly prohibited, or confided to a few exclusive\\ntraders only, and the settlers generally restricted to agri-\\nculture, and to the acquisition of raw materials for foreign\\nmarkets, the power of France in America would have\\nbeen much more formidable than it was.\\nThe Spaniards, after they obtained Louisiana, experi-\\nenced no great difficulty from the Indians but they found\\na people who had lost all industry, and nearly all their\\nknowledge of agriculture. O Reilly, and some of his im-\\nmediate successors in the government, endeavored to re-\\nvive a spirit of industry, and to awaken the people to a\\nsense of their interest. Their exertions, though in some\\ndegree successful, did not produce all the desired effects\\nand they saw with regret, that the inhabitants still retain-\\ned their habitual indolence, and an unconquerable predi-\\nlection for the Indian trade, which was always precarious\\nand unprofitable, and did not increase the aggregate wealth\\nof the colony. Their object was to create a revenue e-\\nqual to the expenditures of the government. They well\\nknew, that this depended on agriculture, which is the\\nfoundation of foreign commerce and as they had ex-\\nhausted every resource within themselves to promote it\\nvv ithout effect, they resolved about the year 17S7 to en-\\ncourage the industrious citizens of the United States to\\nremove into the colony, partlv to increase the means of\\nwealth, and partly to serve as a defence against the threa-^\\ntened invasions of two of the European powers. This\\ngave a spring to agriculture and commerce a spirit oi\\nforeign intercourse was diffused among all classes of the\\npeople exertions were made to prepare raw materials for", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "296 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe West India and other markets; and the exports from\\nLouisiana annually increased till the close of the Spanish\\ngovernment, though they never rose to the value of the\\nimports.\\nThe articles of export were sugar, cotton, indigo, rice,\\nfurs and peltry, lumber, tar, pitch, cattle, horses, lead,\\nflour, beef, and pork. The annual exports from the\\nprovince by way of the sea, the year before the cession\\nto the United States, amounted to about two million\\none huTjdred and sixty thousand dollars, and the im-\\nports to about two million five hundred thousand dollars\\nbut in this sum is included plantation utensils, slaves, and a\\nvariety of other articles of value not generally enumerated\\namong those of commerce so that the imports greatly\\nexceeded the exports. Had the cession been deferred a\\nfew years only, the probability is, that the raw materials\\nwould have so much augmented in quantity and value as\\nto have met the expenses of imported articles. This de-\\nsirable occurrence has added new springs to population,\\ncommerce, and industry, and is already productive of in-\\ndividual and public wealth.\\nIt is impossible to ascertain the value of the trade in\\nUpper Louisiana part of it was connected with New-Or-\\nleans, part with Canada, and no inconsiderable portion of\\nit with the United States. This quarter alone furnished\\nlead for the market, and also considerable quantities of\\nsalt, beef and pork, furs and peltries. The quantity and\\nvalue of the two last articles may be estimated with some\\ndegree of certainty but of the others conjectures only\\ncan be formed. The traders procured most of their In-\\ndian goods in Canada the other goods consumed by the\\ninhabitants were mostly purchased in Philadelphia and\\nBaltimore, and the groceries and other heavy articles in\\nNew Orleans iron, steel, nails, and castings, were boat-\\ned from the Ohio and its waters. The furs and peltries", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURES. 297\\nwere mostly exported to Canada. Considerable quanti-\\nties of salt and lead found their way up the Ohio P.irt\\nof the latter article, all the surplus beef and pork, and\\nsome other articles, were sent to the New Orleans market.\\nThe furs and peltries are susceptible of more accurate\\ncalculation. Accounts of these for fifteen successive years,\\nending in 1804, were kept by a gentleman of the first re-\\npute in Upper Louisiana and their annual average quan-\\ntity and value stand thus\\nCastors lbs. 36,900 valued at S66,820\\nOtters 8,000 37,100\\nBear skins 5,100 14,200\\nBuffaloe skins 850 4,750\\nRaccoon, wild Cat,-)\\nrox skins J\\nMartins 1,300 3,900\\nLynx s 300 1,500\\nDeerskins 153,000 63,200\\nTotal ,8203,750\\nThe French and Spaniards extended the Indian trade\\na considerable distance up the Arkansas along the whole\\nextent of the St. Francis and White river, at least to the\\nvillages and hunting camps of the natives in those quar-\\nters up the Mississippi to the falls of St. Anthony, and\\nto the sources of all the westerly branches of it below that\\npoint up the Missouri about nine hundred miles, as also\\nmost of its branches where Indians were to be found. A\\nconsiderable trade was also carried on among the Indians\\nto the eastward of the Mississippi, particularly with the\\nKickapoos near the head waters of the Kaskaskia river,\\nand with the Piorias and other Indians on, and in the\\nneighborhood of the Illinois river. The trade from the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "298 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nMissouri was much more valuable than that of any other\\nriver, and perhaps of the whole of them united, owing to\\nthe great length of it, to the vast number of Indians on its\\nwaters, and to the excellent quality of the furs and skins\\nobtained in those regions. The average value of the\\ngoods annually sent up the Missouri alone, during the fif-\\nteen years already mentioned, was sixty one thousand two\\nhundred and fifty dollars. These were exchanged for\\nfurs and skins, which on an average yielded an annual pro-\\nfit of sixteen thousand seven hundred and twenty one dol-\\nlars, exclusive of all expenses, or about twenty seven per\\ncentum and by the same rule the annual profits of the\\nwhole Indian trade in Upper Louisiana amounted to up-\\nwards of fifty five thousand dollars a sum of considera-\\nble magnitude when compared with the scanty population\\nof that countrj-. The prices of the several articles men-\\ntiontd in this calculation were those of Upper Louisiana.\\nHad they been rated according to those of London, to\\nwhich place most of them found their way, the profits\\nM oul J have almost exceeded belief. IMost of the traders\\nwere too poor to defray the expenses of freight, or to wait\\nfor the returns of an European market. They exchanged\\nthe avails of their trade for supplies of Indian goods,\\nwhich were sold them at about one hundred, and some-\\ntimes at one hundred and x\\\\\\\\\\\\xXy per centum^ in advance of\\nthe original cost, and the expense of transporting them\\nfrom Quebec to Michillimakinak, where they usually re-\\nceived them.\\nIt is worthy of remark, that the Indian trade in this\\nquarter was never liable to the same objection as that car-\\nried on in the Delta, and on the rivers flowing directly in-\\nto it. The pursuit of it to the southward of the thirty se-\\ncond degree only impoverished the country, because it\\nnot qsnly induced the inhabitants to neglect agriculture, but\\nalso because the furs and peltries obtained by them were\\nof little comparative value. The trade in Upper-Louisi-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "COMMERCE AND MANUFACtUKES. 099\\nina was widely different, and susceptible of progressive\\nimprovcrtient. The traders were always able to obtain\\nLiiiable goods from Canada, and the furs and peltries\\n\\\\,ivtn in exchange for them were of an excellent quality,\\naid commanded a high price. The Indians were also nu-\\nmerous, and stood in need of greater supplies than those\\n.n warmer latitudes they had it in their power from the\\ninukiplicity of game to make speedy returns for all the\\nnierchandise the traders were able to furnish them. Hence\\nthe ancient French in the Illinois countr) did not experi-\\nence the poverty of their friends about the Delta, though\\nihiy were equally. inclined to indolent habits, and enter-\\ntained nearly the same aversion to agriculture. The Spa-\\nr.i;Ards seldom gave them any trouble, and they were most-\\nly exempt from Indian hostilities.\\nThe Indians are much more particular in the color and\\n.luality of their goods than is generally suspected. Most\\nof the tribes or nations differ in their choice of goods\\nand indeed they are always known to each other by their\\ndresses. Whatever be their wants they will seldom pur-\\nchase strouding, blankets, or any other articles, unless they\\nbe of the size, color, and quality, to which they are ac-\\ncustomed. They sometimes carry their fancies to such\\nextremes as to involve themselves in distress for they\\nwill endure the rigors of winter rather than cover their\\nbodies with a blanket too large or too small, or which is\\ndeficient in a border, or has one too many, or the color of\\nwhich is not suited to their taste. The goods at present\\nmanufactured in the United States are in no estimation\\namong them and tiiey have, at least in one instance, re-\\nfused to accept an annuicy of merchandise of this de-\\nscrip, ion. Were our manufacturers supplied with proper\\npatterns, no doubt they might be able to gratify the deli-\\ncacy of our own red neighbours, and at the same time af-\\nford suitable assortments. The mauufaciurers in England\\nare well acquainted with the nature of the goods wanted\\n2Q", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0X)0 skp:tciies of Louisiana.\\nin the various regions of the west and north-west They\\nalso know how to apportion the diiferent articles to the\\ndifferent nation s, lakes, or rivers so that an assortment\\nput up by them will always be found to answer the wants\\nof the Indians for whom it is designed. It is of impor-\\ntance to the trader, that the various articles of his cargo\\nbe exhausted at the same time otherwise some items,\\nand perhaps those of the most value, will remain unsold,\\nand become mere remnants, because he has not others to\\nmatch and accompany them For if the Indians cannot\\nobtain several different articles at the same time, so as to\\ncomplete what may be called a suit, they will not pur-\\nchase any, and frtquently become offended. Hence their\\npartiality for English merchandise is easily explahied\\nand it is unfortunate, tfust our manufjcturers are either\\nunacquainted with these particulars, or are not sufficiently-\\nunited in their endeavors to furnish the necessary supplies.\\nIf the labors of a certain number of gun-smiths, and of\\nmanufacturers of cutlery and cotton stuffs, were united\\nand directed to the same end, it would certainly be in\\ntheir power to supply our Indian traders j and the annual\\nconsumption of goods to the amount of more than two hun-\\ndred thousand dollars, with the prospect of a gradual in-\\ncrease, ought to stimulate them to the experiment. Very\\nfew rifles are used by the Iwdians of Louisiana they pre-\\nfer light muskets, though of some length.\\nThe United States have adopted a liberal policy in their\\nintercourse with the Indians, situated on our borders.\\nThese Indians are not only supplied at a cheap rate with\\nall the conveniences of which they stand in need, but they\\ngradually acquire habits of industry, exchange the fruits\\nof the chase for the more substantial avails of agriculture,\\nand at the same time become more sensible of their infe-\\nriority, and of \u00e2\u0099\u00a6heir jdependence on us. Were the same\\npolicy extended to the I;idians on the Missouri and the\\nUpper Mississippi, no doubt the same effects would result.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "COMMERCE AND MAXUFACTUIIES. 30I\\nThe traders in these quarters put an enormous price on\\ntheir commodities, though the profits of the trade are not\\nvery exorbitant, and this arises on the great advance\\ncharged on the goods obtained from Canada. The Uni-\\nted States can supply the Indians at nearly one hundred\\nper centum under what our traders now demand from\\nthem and supplies in this way would serve to restrain\\nthe impositions at present practiced on them. Such a dif-\\nference would soon be felt by the Indians and the pros-\\npects of a successful issue seem fully to justify some fur-\\nther arrangements on the subject.\\nTo carry such a plan into effect it may be necessary to\\nestablish several trading houses perhaps one at the mouth\\nof the Ouisconsing, or Prairie des Chiens, one at the mouth\\nof the St. Pierre, one at the mouth of the Osage river, or\\nnear the Osage villages, one on or at the mouth of the\\nriver Platte, one on Red River, and also another on the\\nArkansas. These positions are not only calculated for\\nthe Indian trade, but trading houses at the two former\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0would serve to obstruct the trade at present carried on\\nfrom Canada, and secure it to ourselves. The Canadian\\ntraders must pass to the Upper Mississippi, at least to that\\npart of it visited by our own traders, through lake Michi-\\ngan, by way of the Illinois, or the Ouisconsing. The\\nfirst is sufficiently guarded by the garrison at Chicago,\\nand another at the mouth of the latter would interdict all\\nimproper communications between the Mississippi and\\nCanada, except to the upper part of that river by way of\\nLake Superior. The Canadian traders annually rendez-\\nvous at Prairie des Chiens^ where they have built a small\\nvillage. From this place they dispatch their goods in va-\\nrious directions, particularly to the Rivers des Moins and\\nSt. Pierre, which fall into the Mississippi from the west,\\nand no small proportion of them find their way across to\\nthe Missouri. If circumstances will not allow us to pro-\\nhibit the Canadian trade at present carried on at the Man-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "302 SKETCHES OF LOLISIAN A-\\ndan nation, and other Indians on the upper parts of these\\ntwo great rivers, still we h;ive it in our power to check them\\nbelow the points just mentioned. These traders will en-\\ndeavor to render public trading establishments unpopular,\\nt)ecanse they will in some meiisure deprive thyrn of the\\ntrade, and force them either to lower their prices, or to\\nwithdraw their goods from market. Tliey even contend\\n,that, since the cession of Louisiana, they have a right by\\nsubsisting treaty stipulations to extend the Indian trade in-\\nto our territory on the west side of the Mississippi But\\nthis claim is inadmissible.\\nOn this subject, however, one difficulty presents itself,\\nwhich, perhaps, cannot be easily removed. The merchants\\nof Canada send their clerks and dependants to reside at\\nMichillimakinak, within our territory, where they obtain\\nnaturalization. The trade is conducted in their name\\nbut in fact they are no more than agents; and their prin-\\ncipals, who belong to Quebec and Montreal, reap the fruits\\nof their enterprise. To prohibit the exportation of mer-\\nchandise from Canada would prove extremely injurious to\\nour own citizens but it would cure the evil.\\nThe acquisition of the Indian trade by the English\\nis the smallest evil we have to apprehend. While they\\nengross the trade, the Indians, Avith whom they have an\\nintercourse, will ever be under their control; and when-\\never they are prompted by interest or prejudice, they will\\nbe able to stimulate them to hostilities. B^y presents and\\nmisrepresentations they have caused some of our own tra-\\nders to be either plundered of their property, or driven\\nfrom their stations. They even prejudice the Indians\\nagainst the citizens of the United Slates generally; repre-\\nsent them as disobedient and refractory children as less\\nnumerous and less powerful than their red neighbours,\\nwhose objects are to encroach on them, and, under the\\nappearance of friendshipi to practice every species of\\ntreachery and deception to take their lands from them,", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "COMMEllCE AND MANUFACTCRE3. 303\\nand finallv to extirpate them. These topics, most of all\\nothers, alarm the fears and jealousies of weak minds, and\\nserve to create a deadly enmity especially as many of\\nthe Indians have long viewed with pain the rapid progress\\nof the whites westward their ancient domains in a de-\\ngree usurped their game destroyed by culture, and in-\\nnumerable disorders introduced among them, unknown\\nbefore the beams of civilization disfigured their horizon.\\nIndependent from nature, and the only legitimate proprie-\\ntors of the soil, many of their wisest men view these\\nth ngs with regret, and lament the necessity, which obliged\\nth ir ancestors to yield so much to the whites. They con-\\nsider almost every treaty, especially if lands be granted\\naway, as in a degree extorted from them, and therefore\\nno longer obligatory than while their weakness prevents a\\nreclamation of their rights. Such feelings and sentiments\\nare excited in the minds of the Indians by those, who are\\ninimical to the interest of our government and citizens\\nand they can only be softened or rendered useless by some\\nfirm and placable measures on the part of the United\\nStates, and by banishing from among them all those whose\\nintcrets are disconnected with our national safety.\\nThe boats used by the Indian traders are of various\\nsizes; but those the most commonly preferred carry from\\nfifteen to twenty-five thousand weight. Their sides are\\nlow, and their oars short, so that they may be navigated\\nnear the shore, where the counter currents or eddies acce-\\nlerate their progress their bottoms are nearly flat, so that\\nthey are enabled to pass in shoal water they are also\\nsomewhat narrow, and their length is generally from forty-\\nfive to sixty feet, i he boats employed between New-\\nOrleans and the Illinois country are differently construct-\\ned they are higher out of water, and sink deeper into it;\\nof much greater width, and supplied with keels hence\\nthey are called barges, and many of them will cany\\nforty tons. The number of boatmen is usually desig-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "304 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nnated by the weight of the cargo; one is required to\\nevery three thousand pounds. These are equal to any in\\nthe world they generally consist of French whites, and\\nFrench mulattoes and as they are accustomed to the\\nwater from their childhood, they are capable of sustain-,\\ning the greatest fatigue. They are seldom known to be\\nimpatient of labor, or to be affected by the heat and on\\nthese accounts they are to be preferred to others. They\\nare also accustomed to live on what would starve an Eng-\\nlish American. A small qu ^ntity of cjrn meal, and bear s\\ngrease, are all the articles of nourishment allowed them\\nin Indian countries, except when they are so fortunate as\\nto kill game They are seldom furnished with salted meat,\\nexcept when employed in the neighbourhood of the\\nwhites, where it can be occasionally obtained.\\nVery little can be said on the subject of domestic ma-\\nnufactures. At the time of the cession a small quantity\\nof cotton was manufactured along the coast into quilts\\nand cottonades. Most of the people in the neighbourhood\\nof New-Orleans, and in the other settlements, especially\\nat Point Coupee, On Red River, and in the Atacapas, and\\nApalousas, spun and wove such articles of clothing as\\nwere necessary for their slaves and these consisted of a\\nmixture of cotton and wool. They find on experiment,\\nthat such domestic manufactures are of great importance,\\nand begin pretty generally to metamorphose some of their\\nfemale slaves into spinners and weavers, and some of their\\nmale slaves into smiths and carpenters. When we took\\npossession of Louisiana, the Island of Orleans contained\\nonly one machine for spinning cotton another was in ope-\\nration in the Apalousjs. In New-Orleans there was one\\nmanufactory of cordage, and several of shot and hair\\npowder. In the neighbourhood of that city were also\\ntwelve distilleries for making taffia, a spirit somewhat si-\\nmilar to New-England rum, and likewise one sugar re-\\nfinery.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURES. 30 J\\nThe manufactures in U pptr-Louisiana, especially in ar-\\nticles of clothing, were of a similar nature. The inhabi-\\ntants generally cultivated a sufficient quantity of cpiloa\\nfor family purposes, and spun and wove it into cloth.\\nThey were not able to defray the expenses of foreign ma-\\nnufactured articles thf prices of which in these upper\\nregions, were very exorbitant. They were, however, des-\\ntitute of regular manufacturing machinery except those\\nof simple construction, generally used among the more\\nindigent class in the states; these required much labor,\\nand the process was slow. The manufacture of lead and\\nsalt is rhentioned in another place. These articles, as well\\nas iron in various forms, ship building, duck, and cordage,\\nleather, and a variety of others, might be manufactured to\\na great extent, if the inhabitants were possessed of enter-\\nprise, and of capitals equal to the objects.\\nLuxury in every country treads closely on the heels of\\nindustry. The attention of people is usually drawn in the\\nfirst instance to the manufacture of necessary articles, next\\nto those of convenience, and then to those of voluptuous-\\nness. Thus it happened on the Mississippi, and indeed in\\nall our western possessions. The manufacture of taffia at\\nNew-Orleans, and of whiskey in Upper Louisiana, was\\nearly introduced. It unfortunately happens, that men in\\nour warm climates, especially of the laborious class, are\\nattached to stimulating liquors, and th .s proves iheir de-\\nstruction. They are guided more by their appetites than\\nby their reason. Asnanjed, however, to confess such a\\ndereliction of principle, they have invented many inge-\\nnious arguments to prove the absolute necessity of a\\ncopious use of ardent spirits. One has the gout, and\\nstimulating potions will drive it away. A second is cold,\\nand they will v/;irm him. A third is warm, and they will\\nccol him. A fourth is distur!)ed in his mind, and they\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0will cMittrati- his ttres. A ii th cornplius o-: the foul-\\nness of the \\\\\\\\attr, unci lucy wiii puriiv it. A sixth, from", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "306 SKETCHES OF LOUISI ANA.\\nlong habit, has become habituated to ihem, and they alone\\nwill steady his nerves, and keep him in an equilibrious\\nstate. Such reasoning as this may be heard in every part\\nof the western country, and is considered as conclusive\\nagainst all the opposite sentiments of the divine, moralist,\\nand philosopher. It may be safely doubted, whether, on\\nthe west side of the mountains, more have not fallen vic-\\ntims to intemperance, than to the tomahawks and scalping\\nknives of the savages. A dangerous evil exists, calculated\\nto destroy the morals and lives of the inhabitants but.\\nperhaps, a remedy is not within the reach of the civil\\npower. It may be safely doubted, whether any measure\\ncalculated to remove, or even to lessen the evil, could be\\ncarried into effect. When men become debased in prin-\\nciple, their passions and appetites are not easily controled,\\nand the pursuit of treasons, stratagems, and spoils, ex-\\ncite,, no compunction or remorse in their bosoms.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAFIER X.\\nLEARNING AND RELIGION.\\nTHE Spanish authorities afforded but very little en\\ncouragementto learning. Whether it was their policy to\\nkeep men bound down in the chains of ignorance, or whe-\\nther poverty and other imperious obstacles intervened to\\nobstruct the progress of education, is not easily conjectur-\\ned. It is certain, however, that the Spaniards were ex-\\ntremely solicitous to maintain the catholic faith. No doubt\\nthe prevalence of knowledge had a tendency to expose the\\nabsurdity of some of their religious creeds, and to weaken\\nth ties, which connected th.-m with the established church.\\nPerhaps, too, they were of opinion, that a legalized reli-\\n2r", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "308 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ngion, mixed with a variety of incomprehensible subtleties,\\nwas of more political advantage to a state, than the nume-\\nrous divisions in society, occasioned by as many modes of\\nfaith.\\nThe people of Louisiana are not to be censured for the\\nwant of more literature among them. Their natural ca-\\npacities are good, and they learn whatever they undertake\\nwith remarkable facility. We here speak of the French\\nand Spaniards, who were born and educated in the coun-\\ntry not of those who removed into it late in life. The\\nwart of a more general difFasion of knowledge must part-\\nly be attributed to the inattention of the government; the\\npublic treasury advanced but little money for the support\\nof seminaries of learning no law was ever made to com-\\npel the inhabitants to maintain schools. Even in New-\\nOrleans, the capital of the province, two schools only were\\npatronized by public authority. The preceptors of one of\\nthem were paid by the king, though they instructed their\\npupils in the Spanish language only, and in writing, and\\ncommon arithmetic. The Ursuline Nuns also usually re-\\nceived six hundred dollars per annum from the public\\nand this sum, together with the avails of about one thou-\\nsand acres of land belonging to the convent, enabled them\\nto educate twelve female orphans. In addition to these\\nthey received young ladies as boarders, and instructed\\nthem in reading, writing, and needle work. There were\\nalso some private schools in the city but they were of no\\ngreat use. The settlements at a distance from the capital\\nwere still worse provided, and a person who could read\\nand write was considered as a kind of prodigy among them.\\nIn thf early part of the last century, when the French\\nin Upper Louisiana were at the apex of their glory, a col-\\nlege of priests was established at Ivaskaskia. The prac-\\ntice of most other catholic countries obtained here the\\npoor were neglected, while some of the most wealthy and\\nconsiderable were permitted to quaff at this literary foun-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "I.EARNIXG AND RELIGION, S09\\ntain. The liberal and useful sciences, however, were but\\nvery little cultivated in this seminary. Scholastic divinity\\nafTorded almost the only subjects of investigation and in-\\nstead of the noble works of Greek and lloman authors,\\ntheir library was composed almost wholly of the huge fo-\\nlios of the holy fathers, and the pious reveries of more\\nmodern enthusiasts. Of what salutary use was such a se-\\nminary to the people at large? It was in this quarti r aa\\nat Xew-Orleans, no regulations vrere officially made on the\\nsubject of general education. The people now and then,\\nsensible of the advantages of information, voluntarily con-\\ntributed to the support of common schools among them\\nin which some of their children were instructed in reading,\\nwriting, and counting-house arithmetic. But schools a-\\nraong the poor, without any other support than voluntary\\ncontributions, and not cherished by the governnient, either\\nv/ith money, or coercive sanctions, are generally of short\\nduration, and produce no good or lasting effects in societv.\\nHence we find, that the native French are extremely defi-\\ncient in education multitudes of them cannot either read\\nor write their names yet their manners are free and easy\\ntheir conversation is pleasant, and often instructive, and\\nmany of them manifest extraordinary natural endowments,\\nSt. Louis and St. Genevieve were among the first villages\\nto maintain private schools, and to open to the \\\\outh the\\ntreasures of knowledge. These schools, however, were\\nonly occasional and to obtain sufficient and speedy edu-\\ncations, some of the more opulent sent their sons to the\\nseminaries in Canada. Upper Louisiana can boast of se-\\nveral native Frenchmen of education and also of many\\nothers of the same description from France and other\\ncountries.\\nThe English Americans in that country, who compose\\nat least three fifths of the popul ition, are still more defi-\\ncient in schools and this necessarily arises from their\\ndispersed situation. They migrated from various quar-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "310 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nters, and of course partake of all the varieties of charac-\\nter and acquirements found in the United States. Those\\nfrom the eastern and middle states are the best educated.\\nThe remainder are from the back parts of the southern\\nstates, V. here less attention is paid to the diffusion of lite-\\nrature among the people.\\nIn contemplating the character of the French people,\\nthe old observation, that ignorance tends to happiness,\\nseems in a degree to be verified among them. If we ad-\\nmit this observation to be correct, we degrade human na-\\nture but of all the people on the globe the French in\\nLraiisiana appear to be the happiest. Their happiness, in-\\ndeed, may be of the negative kind; but if the occurrences\\nof the pi-esent moment, the reflections on the past, and the\\nanticipations of the future, give them no painful sensations,\\nwe can hardly pronounce them miserable their minds are\\npassive, except when roused by insult or imposition, and\\nthey are exempt from those dreadful pangs, which attach\\nthemselves to the victims of sensibility. Indolence is pre-\\nvalent among them but they are honest in their dealings,\\nand punctual in the performance of contracts. They ob-\\ntain bat little, and little satisfies their desires. They usu-\\nally live within their incomes, and are never so uneasy as\\nM/hen in debt. While the English ximiricans are hard at\\nlabor, and sweat under the burning rays of a meridian\\nsun, they will be seated in their houses, or under some\\ncooling shade, amusing themselves with their pipes and\\ntobacco, in drinking of coffee, and in repeating the inci-\\ndents of their several perambulations over distant lakes\\nand mountains. When occasion presses, however, they\\nare not deficient in exertion. Many of them follow boat-\\ning and the Indian trade and these require much labor,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0activity, and circumspection. They are very patient under\\nfatigues, and will subsist for months on such food as the\\nwoods afford without a murmur. They enjoy what they\\nhave, and are pevfcctly contented with ir.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "LEARNING AND RELIGION. 311\\nIn fine, Upper Louisiana exhibits an assemblage of cha-\\nracters, manners, and customs, of greater variety than\\niTiost other countries. Unless measures be taken to con-\\nsolidate and assimulate them, the same variety will be\\napt to continue, and be productive of disunion, litigation,\\nand unfriendly feelings. The sooner this heterogeneous\\nmass is amalgamated, and attempts made to exterminate\\nthose prejudices, and varieties of character, which disfi-\\ngure this frontier portion of the union, the better for the\\nUnited States. In the event of success, the people would\\nbe more attached to the government, less liable to con-\\ntemplate a separation, or resort to such foreign standards\\nas may possibly be vinfurled on the Mississippi. Indeed,\\nlew of the French, and part of the English Americans\\nonly, were at first reconciled to the change, though they\\nnever manifested any discontent. The former did not\\ndoubt the justice of the United States but they seemed\\nto feel as if they had been sold in open market, and by\\nthis means degraded; the treaty of 1762, and the change\\nunder it in 1769, rushed on their minds, and awakened\\nall their apprehensions. The latter anticipated taxation,\\nmany of whom had abandoned their native country to\\navoid it, and voluntarily became the subjects of a govern-\\nment, careful not to impose any burthens on the agricul-\\ntural part of the community. The best way to secure the\\naffections of these people, is gradually to change their modes\\nof thinking and the only way to attach them to our re-\\npublican systems, is to enlighten their minds by a more\\ngeneral diffusion of knowledge among them. An acade-\\nmy, under the direction of the government, seems the\\nbest calculated to effect these important purposes. This\\nwould gradually introduce the English language among\\nthe French, without the destruction of their own, and\\nawaken a spirit of enquiry and investigation. The Eng-\\nlish Americans would also derive j^rcat advantages from\\nit. At present they are not hu Ticiently opulent to send", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "312 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ntheir children to seminaries out of the country, and they\\nhave none in it. If a liberal endowment of lands was\\nmade to aid the purposes of such an institution, the re-\\nmainder of the expense would probably I e defrayed bv\\nthe people, who, on proper occasions, are not destitute of\\npatriotism and public spirit. This portion of the country\\nmust one day form one or more states. Such a literary\\ninstitution would gradually mould the rising generation\\ninto statesmen and legislators produce a long list of\\nTuUies and Chathams to preside over the destinies of\\nEmpire j give birth to useful designs, inventions, and dis-\\ncoveries enable genius, at present buried in obscurity,\\nto ascend the brightest heaven of invention, and to re-\\nflect new rays of glory on the literary world.\\nWith respect to the essentials of religion, mankind are\\ngenerally agreed. They anciently disputed and wrangled\\nabout the mere forms and ceremonies of it and in this dis-\\npute rivers of blood were spilt. Even our pious ances-\\ntors in the reign of Elizabeth, n)Ost of whom were rigid\\npuritans, viewed all the rites and ceremonies of the catho-\\nlics as badges of superstition; many things in the worship\\nof the reformers were equally odious to them, particular-\\nly the ring in marriage, and the use of the surplice these\\nwere considered by some as fundamental errors. At one\\ntime in some parts of Europe the real presence in the sa-\\ncrament was maintained by many as necessary to salva-\\ntion while others, equally pertinacious, deemed it hete-\\nrodox, and contended for a more liberal construction of\\nthe scriptures. This dispute,, like an earthquake, shook\\nthe christian world, and served in the end to cover religi-\\non and its zealous professors with odium. Much less\\nblameable were those who worshipped tangible objects as\\nsymbols of the divinitv, such as blocks of wood and mar-\\nble, vegetaliles and animals, and even the waters of rivers.\\nMuch more consistent and less culpable were those, who\\nsacrificed to the manes of sainted impostors, and derived", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "LEARNING AND RELIGION. ^13\\ntheir religious creeds from the Alcaron of Mahomet, and\\nthe A^idam of Brumma. Modern professors of Christi-\\nanity differ almost as much among themselves as they do\\nfrom those whom they stigmatize as pagans and infidels.\\nKach sect has its particular notions, which must be sup-\\nported, right or wrong. Sectarians reciprocally enter\\nviet armies into the vineyards of each other; a contest en-\\nsues mines and count r-mines are constructed and at\\nlast it generally happens, that all, or the greater part, are\\ndestroyed or maimed by the explosion. If the scriptures\\nin many particulars are obscure, why quarrel about the\\nconstruction of them Some contend for immersion in\\nbaptism, and others for sprinkling, as if on a right choice\\ndepended the happiness or misery of men in another\\nworld. It is improper to censure either formality, because\\nit is possible, that both may be correct. No one ought to\\ndenounce his neighbor for the exercise of a privilege,\\nwhich he deems of importance to himself. In fine, the\\nquarrels among professed christians about religion, and the\\nceremonies of it, are so many evidences of their depar-\\nture from the true spirit of the gospel.\\nAmong the French and Spaniards in Louisiana, one\\nform of religion only prevails. A variety of religious te-\\nnets are professed among the English Americans. These\\nhave removed into the country from various quarters, and\\ntherefore it cannot be expected, that their religious opini-\\nons are materially different from those prevalent in the se-\\nveral places where they were born and educated. They\\nexhibit a mixture of baptists, methodists, calvinists, and\\nepiscopalians. They are not formed into religious socie-\\nties, and the laws make no provision for the support of\\nteachers; nor indeed are any teachers exclusively attached\\nto any particular village or setdement. Those who occa-\\nsionally expatiate on the truths of revelation in a public\\nmanner, are mere itinerants; and it is unfortunate that more\\nof them do not exercise this sacred office. The benefits", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "314 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nof this itinerancy are partial, and only now and then\\nenjoyed by the people to any considerable extent. Un-\\nder the Spanish government the Roman catholic faith was\\nthe only authorised religion, nor was the exercise of any\\nother permitted. Those of other denominations were ex-\\ntremely embarrassed they could not conscientiously wor-\\nship in the catholic temple nor were they allowed to re-\\nceive the salutary exhortations of a public speaker of their\\nown persuasion, or to partake of the sacramental feast in\\nthe way prescribed by their own devotional formulas.\\nThe human mind, when once liberated from the fetters of\\nreligious servitude, reflects with pleasure on the emanci-\\npation of itself, and views with a mixture of horror and\\nsatisfaction the prison from which it has escaped. The\\nUnited States have restored the professors of all religions\\nto liberty but it cannot be expected, that all the advan-\\ntages afforded by this liberty will be immediately enjoyed.\\nThe scattered situation of the people renders a speedy\\nunion impracticable though it is presumed that, as the\\nsettlements increase in number and wealth, the public du-\\nties of religion will become more prevalent. The rising\\ngeneration stand in need of them and how degraded\\nmust men be, who are not instructed in the great princi-\\nples of morality and religion It is pleasing to observe\\nthe Catholicism of those of different opinions and sects,\\nand with what ardor they embrace every convenient op-\\nportunity to become acquainted with the sublime truths\\nof revelation.\\nThe French and Spaniards are uniformly of the Roman\\ncatholic persuasion, and great sticklers for their particular\\nmodes of worship though they discover no disposition\\nto alter or control those of other sects. The priests un-\\nder the Spanish government were paid by the crown, and\\nmany of them, to retain their salaries, departed from the\\ncountry when the change took place. Tlie fact is, that\\nthese people, unaccustomed to contribute to the support of", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "Learning and REurioN. 315\\nthe clergy, were unwilling to set an example, which they\\nconsidered a3 burthensome and unprecedented though,\\nfrom the characters and talents of some of their priests,\\nit is unfortunate, that they did not resolve on a different\\nline of conduct. While the French were in possession of\\nthe country, they were not only furnished with mission-\\naries from Europe, but were occasionally supplied with\\nteachers from the college of priests at Kaskaskia. Of the\\nlabors of these missionaries, we may form some judg-\\nment from the accounts they have left us of their travels*\\nThey encountered the greatest hardships, and frequently\\nexposed their lives to the merciless tomahawks of the sa-\\nvages. In propagating their religion they braved death in\\nten thousand shapes they have left to their successors in\\nthe same vineyard, though few of this description now re-\\nmain, examples of suffering and patience, which alone:\\ncould result from an elevated faith, and a well grounded\\nhope.\\nThe policy of the French cabinet, in relation to the co-\\nlonies in general, never extended to Louisiana. In Cana-\\nda, the priests as early as 1663, procured the establish^\\nment of tithes and these amounted to one thirteenth part\\nof the products of labor, and of spontaneous growths\\nThis, however, was deemed so exorbitant, and was so se-\\nverely felt by the people, that the council of Quebec in\\n1667, reduced the tithes to one twenty-sixth part, and this\\nreduction was soon after confirmed by an edict. No tithes\\nwere ever levied or claimed in Louisiana, either under the\\nFrench or Spanish governments and the people of that\\ncountry were exempted from many other burthens of a\\nsimilar nature, imposed on those of the other colonies.\\nThe clergy at New-Orleans under the Spanish govern-\\nment consisted of a bishop, who never entered the prov-\\nince, two canons, and five curates^ Twenty other cu-\\nrates were dispersed among the parishes in the country*\\nThe bishop was entitled to four thousand dollars per an-\\n2 s", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "310 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nnum from a certain revenue; established in Mexico and Cuba*\\nThe two canons were allowed six hundred dollars each\\nand each of the curates from thrt- e hundred and sixty-five\\nto four hundred dollars per annum. These salaries were\\npaid by the crown, as also those of the Sacristans, and\\nsome chrtpel expenses. Three of the curates resided in\\nUpper Louisiana, one of whom acted as vicar. Burial and\\nmarriage fees were considerable and these, added to their\\nsalaries, aftbrded the clergy a decent support.\\nPerhaps the levity displayed, and the amusements pur-\\nsued, by the French people on Sundays, may be consider-\\ned bv some to border on licentiousness. They attend mass\\nin the morning with great devotion but, after the exereises\\nof church are over, they usually collect in parties, and pass\\naway their time in social and merry intercourse. They\\nplay at billiards and other games and to balls and assem-\\nblies the Sundays are particularly devoted. To those edu-\\ncated in regular and pious habits, such parties and amuse-\\nments appear unseasonable and strange, if not odious, and\\nseem prophetic of some signal curse on the workers of\\niniquity. It must, however, be confessed, that the French\\npeople on those days avoid all intemperate and immoral\\nexcesses, and conduct themselves with apparent decorum.\\nThey are of opinion, that there is true and undefiled re-\\nligion in their amusements much more, indeed, than ex-\\nists in certain night conferences, and obscure meetings, in\\nvarious parts among the tombs. When questioned rela-\\ntive to their gaiety on Sundays, they will answer, that\\nmen were made for happiness, and that the more ihey are\\nable to enjoy themselves, the more acceptable they are to\\ntheir Creator. They are of opinion, that a sullen counte-\\nnance, an attention to gloomy subjects, a set form of speech,\\nand a stiff behaviour, are much more indicritive oi hypo-\\ncrisy than of religion and they have often remarked,\\nthat those who practise these singularities on Sundays will\\nmost assuredly cheat and defraud their neighbors during", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "LEARNING AND RELIGION. si7\\nthe rest of the week. Such are the religious sentiments\\nof a people, void of superstition of a people prone to\\nhospitality, urbanity of manners, and innocent recreation\\nand who present their daily orisons at the throm^ of grace\\n^vith as much confidence of success as the most devout\\npuritans in Christendom.\\nIt is a truth not to be contested, that a pure and ration-\\nal religion, such as is contained in the sublime pages of\\nrevelation, is of infinite use to mankind in a temporal\\nsense. It is the foundation of integrity and moral recti-\\ntude the link which unites societies and nations, and the\\nbest antidote to the belligerous passions. Those who prac-\\ntice it are more punctual in their engagements, and of\\ncourse greater confidence is placed in them, la their in-\\ntercourse with the world, whether as individuals or as\\nnations, they enjoy many advantages and immunities, de-\\nnied to those of an opposite character. They preserve\\nan equanimity of temper and conduct, which gives a pe-\\nculiar zest to their pleasures in prosperity and they ex-\\nperience that inward sunshine of virtue, which enables\\nthem to sustain with fortitude the greatest calamities.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nCHARACTER OF THE LOUISIANIANS.\\nIT is the character of the Creoles, or natives of Lou-\\nisiana only, of which we are to treat and this embraces\\ntheir manners and customs. Of these we have occasion-\\nally spoken in various parts of this work but a more co-\\npious illustration is necessary, particularly as several pub-\\nlications have appeared on the subject, as different in their\\nconclusions from each other, as from the genuine charac-\\nter of the people of Louisiana.\\nIt is no easy task to place in its proper point of view\\nthe character of any people with all its discriminating fea-\\ntures. None but those master spirits, the accurate ob-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "320 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nservers of mankind, can excel in this species of writing.\\nThe most incurious observer may perceive a wide differ-\\nence between the general character, manners and customs,\\nof different societies but the vast variety of minute shades,\\nwhich are so arranged and combined as to produce a com-\\nplete whole, are much less perceptible.\\nThe Creole French are at least a century behind other\\ncivilized nations in the arts and sciences, if not in the\\namenities of life. Three causes have contributed to keep\\nthem stationary. The first is, that most of the original\\nsettlers were extremely illiterate, and this in some mea-\\nsure accounts for the same condition of their posterity\\nTheir attention was almost wholly drawn to such laborious\\npursuits as were calculated to yield them a subsistence,\\nand left them no time for the acquisition of learning. The\\nsecond is, the inattention of the government, or, in other\\nwords, the defect of their social institutions. These were\\nnot of a nature to encourage literature, but .rather to re-\\npress it and the people had no ambition to excel, especi-\\nally as the highest literary attainment was never consider-\\ned as a passport to fame, except perhaps in the religious\\norders. The third is, that Louisiana was in a manner\\ninsulated from the rest of the world the inhabitants sel-\\ndom mixed with strangers and strangers had no induce-\\nments to visit them the trade of the country was either\\nprohibited, or the products of its soil, till a late period, too\\nunimportant to tempt their enterprise.\\nNotwithstanding these impediments, the people appear\\nto much more advantage than others under like circum-\\nstances. Many of the most opulent planters along the\\nDelta and Red River cannot either read or write and\\nyet they will converse fluently, and with much seeming\\nconfidence, on a variety of subjects, where mathematical\\nlearning is necessary to a solution. They will debate on\\ncomplicated machines, the utility or defects of which can-\\nnot be determined without a knowledge of mechanics, and", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "CUARACTER OF THE LOUISIANIANS. 32I\\npropose substitutes and experiments with as much appa-\\nrent judgment as if they were complete masters of the\\nprinciples of the art. This want of information cannot\\nbe imputed to all; for some of the Creoles possess real\\nintelligence, and are well instructed in several branches of\\nUseful learning, though their number is too limited to af-\\nford, in this respect, a very favourable reputation to the\\ncountry.\\nPerhaps these defects are less apparent from the native\\nvivacity of the Louisianians. This vivacity, indeed, is\\npeculiar to the French, and, in no situation does it wholly\\nforsake them. Tt this may be ascribed their passion for\\nsocial intercourse, which is always gratified when oppor-\\ntunities permit. They are particularly attached to the ex-\\nercise of dancing, and carry it to an incredible excess.\\nNeither the severity of the cold, nor the oppression of the\\nheat, ever restrains them from this amusement, which\\nusually commences early in the evening, and is seldom sus-\\npended till late the next morning. They even attend the\\nballs not unfrequently for two or three days in succession,\\nand without the least apparent fatigue. At this exercise\\nthe females, in particular, are extremely active, and those\\nof the United States must submit to be called their infe-\\nriors.\\nThe dancing asGemblies of the ^larterons^ or free peo-\\nple of color, in New-Orleans, are not the least interesting\\nin point of beauty and dress. They enjoy much more\\nconsideration in that country than is usual in any other.\\nThey never associate with blacks and as there is a -strong\\nbarrier between them and the whites with respect to mar-\\nriage, they may be said to form a distinct class. Tiie\\nfemales possess the most beautiful forms and features. If\\nthey are accustomed to bestow their favors on the higher\\norders of society, it is always for stipulated periods, and\\nno depravation of manners is observable among them.\\nGentlemen of distinction resort to their ball-rooms, and", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "322 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nOther places of amusement, where decency and decorum\\nmaintain their empire.\\nTo the social nature of the French may in part be at-\\ntributed their fondness for games of hazard, and in part\\nto occasional relaxations from toil and fatigue, when amuse-\\nments become necessary to their active and volatile dispo-\\nsitions. The repetition of any one soon ceases to afford\\npleasure what pleases them one day will disgust the next,\\nand nothing short of a variety will satisfy them. Hence\\nit is, that they escape from the ball-room to cards, from\\ncards to billiards, from billiards to dice, from dice back\\nagain to the ball-room, or to some other pastime, and so on\\nalternately. Gambling in New-Orleans is reduced to a\\nprofession, where members of the fraternity from the U-\\nnited States rendezvous in great numbers. It is not known\\nin Upper Louisiana as a science, though it is becoming pre=\\nvalent, especially among the English Americans. The loss\\nof time is never considered by the French as an evil, be-\\ncause if it were not spent in this way, it would be wasted\\nin some other, perhaps equally injurious, and more preju-\\ndicial to health. Indolence often induces them to seek re-\\npose on the sofa or mattress.\\nTo what cause shall we impute the preservation of their\\nancient manners and customs These have not varied in any\\ngreat degree for two centuries, and are nearly the same\\namong all classes. The poor country peasantry exhibit the\\npolished exterior of the more wealthy villagers. Their man-\\nners indicate their origin too plainly to be mistaken which\\nserves as a proof, that the characteristic traits of a people,\\nthough severed from their country and nation, are not ea-\\nsily changed or obhterated. These have been preserved\\nin more purity among the Creoles of Upper-Louisiana\\nthan among those along Red River and the Delta per-\\nhaps because they have mixed less with Spaniards, Ger-\\nmans, and other strangers. They likewise have a greater\\nshare of education, at least those of the more wealthy class j", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "CH.VIIACTKR OF THE LOUISIANIAXS. 305\\nperhaps, because they had it more in their power, when\\nyoung, to visit the literary institutions of Canada.\\nThe French are prompted to marry early in life the\\nclimate dictates this practice and they are usually blessed\\nwith a numerous progeny. The women have more influ-\\nence over their husbands than is common in most other\\ncountries. Perhaps this arises in part from the example\\nof the parent state in part irom the respect, which the\\nmen entertain for their wives and perhaps still more from\\nthe almost exclusive right, which the women have to the\\nproperty, in consequence of marriage contracts. Matches\\nare often made by the parents, and the affections and incli-\\nnations of the children are not always consulted.\\nA short acquaintance with the women might lead a\\nprudish observer to believe, that there existed a laxity in\\ntheir morals. Nothing would be more unjust than such a\\nconclusion. If, in their manners and conversation, they\\nare less guarded than their female neighbors on the east\\nside of the Mississippi, it proceeds from a national habit,\\nand from an unsuspicious temper, and not in the least de-\\ngree from a corruption of principle or sentiment. To\\nwhom shall we iippeal as the criterion of purity Nations\\nessentially differ in their conceptions of virtue and vice.\\nThis difference has been created by habit; and the French\\nconsider their women, (and they consider justly) as much\\nexempt from impropriety as those of some other coun-\\ntries, who remain almost invisible during their lives.\\nIt has been observed in another place, that the Creoles,\\nor native inhabitants, are partly tlie descendants of the\\nFrench Canadians, and pardy of those who migrated\\nunder some of the first governors of Louisiana. These\\nare intermixed with some natives of France, Spain, Ger-\\nmany, and the United States, and in many instances with\\nthe Aborigines.\\nMost of them are small in statue, and slender in their\\nmake, though their bodies and limbs are remarkably well", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "324 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nproportioned, supple, and active. Their complexions arc\\nsomewhat sallow, and exhibit a sickly aspect, though they\\nexptrience a good degree of health, which results in a great\\nmeasure from the nature of their food, (mostly of the vege-\\ntable kind) and their manner of dressing it. They usually\\npossess a keen piercing eye, and retain their sight longer\\nthan most other people. They are almost strangers to the\\ngout, consumption, the gravel and stone in the bladder, and\\nin general to all chronic complaints. The hair of the old peo-\\nple in the Delta, and neighborhood of it, retains a dark\\nbrown color; while that of the old people in ITpperLouisiana\\ncommonly becomes grey. The young men at this time mani-\\nfest no great passion for long hair not many years ago they\\nwere seen with queues dangling about their legs. Most of\\nthe laboring class disregard dress, and appear no better at\\nhome than on a trading voyage among the Indians.\\nThe complexions of the women are, in general, much\\nfairer than those of the men perhaps because they are\\nless exposed to the vicissitudes of the seasons, particular-\\nly the burning rays of the sun. They are usually hand-\\nsome when young, but when arrived to the age of thirty-\\nfive or forty, their bloom mostly forsakes them, and they\\nbecome wrinkled and withered. This observation is par-\\nticularly applicable to those of the Low Country, about the\\nDelta and Red River. They are extremely fond of dress\\nthey possess ease, grace, and penetration j they are re-\\nmarkably loquacious, and their manners are more polished\\nthan thos-j of the men they are hospitable, and manifest\\nmuch pleasure in offering to their guests and visitors the\\nbest things they are able to furnish. They have one fault not\\neasily extenuated they are habitually cruel to their slaves.\\nIf their manners be more polished than those of the\\nmen, it ought not to be wondered at. The estimation in\\nwhich they are held, no doubt contributes to it. They\\nmix more in society. The men, except along the Delta,\\nare more or less engaged in trade among the Indians.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "CHARACTER OF THK LOUISIANIANS. 305\\nThis is sufficient to give a peculiar cnst to their manners;\\nand the pride they take in filling the wardrobes of their\\nfamily females, contributes in no small degree to the ine-\\nquality between them. It is not uncommon to see thirty\\nor forty charming females in a ball-room, dressed with\\ntaste and even elegance, suited to the most fashionable\\nsociety, when perhaps the males of their own families ap-\\npear in their blanket coats and moccasons. It is rare to\\nsee in such an assembly more than four or five young\\nmen, whose appearance is even tolerable. This strange\\ndiversity is prevalent in the detached settlements of the\\ncountry, and it even appears in some of the villages.\\nThe French Creoles are temperate they mostly limit\\ntheir desires to vegetables, soups, and coffee. They are\\ngreat smokers of tobacco, and no doubt this gives a yel-\\nlow tinge to the skin. Ardent spirits are seldom used,\\nexcept by the most laborious classes of society. They\\neven dislike white wines, because they possess too much\\nspirit. No doubt the warmth of the climate is, in some\\nmeasure, the cause of this aversion. Claret, and other\\nlight red wines, are common among them; and those who\\ncan afford it are not sparing of this beverage.\\nGreat oeconomy is displayed in their family meals. This\\nis not the effect of a parsimonious disposition, nor always\\nof the want of adequate means it results from the nature\\nof the climate, and from a conviction of what their con-\\nstitutions require they readily sacrifice what may be\\ntermed luxury for the preservation of health, and it is sel-\\ndom they contract diseases from intemperate excesses.\\nNaturally volatile in their dispositions, they sometimes\\nprecipitate themselves from one extreme to another.\\nHence it is, that, in making entertainments for their friends,\\nespecially for strangers of distinction, they study to render\\nthem sumptuous their tables are covered with a great va-\\nriety of dishes almost every sort of food dressed in all\\nmanner of ways, is exhibited in profusion. The master of", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "326 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nthe house, out of respect to his guests, frequently waits on\\nthem himself. Oi; such occasions no trouble or expense\\nis spared in procuring the best wines, and other liquors,\\nthe country affords. Thtir deset-ts are no less plentiful,\\nand there is no Wimt of delicacy in their quality or variety.\\nMan of these entertainments cost from two hundred and\\nfiity to four hundred dollars, especially in Upper Louisiana,\\nwhere the luxuries of the table are much more expensive\\nthan in th.- Delia.\\nThis occasional display of luxury may be imputed by\\nsome to fastidious pride. The reputation of poverty is\\nalmost as dreadful to them as the reality and even the\\nappearance of wealth affords some satisfaction, if they are\\nnot worth a cent in the world. Pride, indeed, is a pre-\\ndominant feature in their character, and sometimes proves\\ninjurious to them, because it is the pride of appearing to\\nas much advantage as their more wealthy neighbors, and\\nof feeling the deep mortification of a disadvantageous\\ncomparison. For nearly eighty years after the first set-\\ntlement of the country, there was no inequality of wealth\\nto trouble their repose, or at least no invidious display of\\nit. The most perfect equality in point of famil\\\\- expen-\\nditures seemed to reign among them. The sudden de-\\nmand for the rich products of the country soon created\\nopulent fortunes. The transition from competency to sur-\\nplus wealth, introduced all the fashionable luxuries of\\ncommercisii countries. Examples are contagious; and the\\nless opulent precipitated themselves into extravagant ex-\\npenses, which W!-:re useless, and which their circumstances\\nby no means authorised so that in the course of the last\\nthirty or forty years, as great a desparity has arisen be-\\ntween the pecuniary means of each other, and consequent\\nly between the several conditions of life, as now exists in\\nany part of the United States. It must Ukewise be ad-\\nmitted, that they possess no small share of vanity, which\\nrenders this desparity the more troublesome.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "CEIAKACTER OF THE LOUISIANIANS. 327\\nThese qualities, however, are less culpable in them th m\\nin most other people because they arise from purer prin-\\nciples, and are not so injurious to society. Their pride\\nand vanity are of a nature to inspire them with a high\\nsense of honor, to render them honest in their dealings,\\nand to stimulate them to be as punctual in the payment of\\ntheir debts as their abilities will admit. Punctuality, in-\\ndeed, was inculcated as a duty under their colonial sys-\\ntems, and these systems rendered it habitual to them.\\nThese people have yet to learn, (and they will probably\\nsoon learn) the procrastinations, tricks, and impositions, so\\nsuccessfully practised in some other territories. The art\\nof deception, when calculated to work an injury, is hardly\\nknown among them. In fine, they are never so uneasy as\\nwhen in debt, and never more happy than when released\\nfrom the apprehension of a legal process. They are by\\nno means fond of litigation, and suits were rare among\\nthem under the Spanish government. These observations,\\nhowever, must be admitted with some caution when ap-\\nplied to the people in the vicinity of the capital, who have\\nmixed with strangers, and imbibed their vices.\\nThe manners of all the Creoles sufficiently indicate,\\nthat they have been accustomed to a government very dif-\\nferent from our own and hence the truth of this observa-\\ntion, that in the features of every people may be discover-\\ned the features of their political systems. As a proof of\\nthis we need only refer to the extreme deference they pay\\nto men in power, particularly to those of the military pro-\\nfession, and to the obedience they yield without a murmur\\nto the official dictates of their superiors. Another proof\\nis, that they apparently seek occasions to manifest their\\nattentions and if on their superiors they have an oppor-\\ntunity of conferring a favor, it is not from obsequious mo-\\ntives, or the expectation of pecuniary reward, but from\\nhabitual respect.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "328 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nNotwithstanding they consider a spare diet as necessary\\nto health, yet it is found, that the best livers enjoy the\\ngreatest share of it not because they consume a greater\\nquantity of food, but because they have it more in their\\npower to exercise their discretion in the choice of it. A\\nwholesome nutritive diet, and a considerable portion of\\nindolence, produce many instances of obesity, particularly\\nabout New-Orleans, and along the coast of the Delta,\\nwhich is less common among the men than women. These\\nmake a liberal use of the warm or tepid bath, which re-\\nlaxes their systems, and serves to render them corpulent.\\nThe Louisianians, particularly about the Delta, indulge,\\nto some excess, one of the fashionable vices of older\\ncountries. Most of the married men lavish their atten-\\ntions on dissolute females, whom they usually take under\\ntheir protection. These, in most instances, are selected\\nfrom the mixed breeds except among the Spanish settlers,\\nwho prefer a fat black wench to any other female It is\\nnot easy to account for this depravity of taste. The Spa-\\nniards carry their impure connexions to a much greater\\nextent than any other description of inhabitants.\\nThe Creoles in general are remarkably neat and cleanly\\nin their houses. Their furniture, usually fabricated by\\nthe artizans of the country, is rough and misshapen yet it\\nis polished to a high degree. Their floors in many in-\\nstances are waxed, and as smooih and bright as a maho-\\ngany dining table. This passion for cleanliness is particu-\\nlarly exhibited b\\\\- the women, who frequently carry it to\\nexcess. All house affairs exclusively belong to them, and\\nthe men incur d) small danger when they attempt to in-\\nterfere with their prerogatives. Even in most instances\\nof purchases and sales, the women are consulted; and\\nthey not unfrequently assume the management of property.\\nThe mode of building, as practised by the first settlers,\\nis still preserved. The houses are mostly built of wood,", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "CHARACTER OF THE LOUISIANIANS. 329\\nexcept in those villages situated in the neighborhood of\\nstone quarries. The manufacture of brick is of recent\\ndate in Louisiana. Several houses in New-Orleans have\\nbeen constructed of this material, and the inhabitants be-\\ngin to appreciate its value. The houses in general are of\\none story high only, and either wholly or pardy surround-\\ned by arcades or piazzas, from eight to twelve feet broad.\\nThey usually have a spacious hall in the centre, which\\ncommunicates with the rooms on each side of it. Houses\\nof two stories high are less safe on account of the sudden\\nand violent squalls of wind in that country. This mode\\nof building is convenient in other respects. The arcades\\nor piazzas afford agreeable shades, under which the inha-\\nbitants n-pose themselves during the heat of the day\\nthey likewise serve to shelter them from the dews and\\nrains; and many families eat and sleety under them in\\nsummer.\\nIt has long been a question, whether the inhabitants of\\nwarm climates possess as vigorous intellects as those of\\ncold ones Were the labors of literary men taken as the\\nCi itcrion, perhaps it would be found, that the literary pro-\\nductions of warm climates contain more sprightliness and\\nfancy those of cold ones more solid erudition. The ex-\\ntremes of climate, however, have less effect on the intel-\\nlectual powers than some are disposed to believe. If the\\nliterature of warm climates be less erudite than that of\\ncold ones, it must be imputed in some measure to moral\\ncauses. In the former the human faculties arrive to ma-\\nturity much sooner than in the latter The passions are\\nmuch stronger; they are less under the control of reason;\\nand the opportunities of improper indulgence much more\\nfrequent. Hence impure connexions are early formed,\\nwhich necessarily superinduce effiminacy both of body and\\nmind. Slavery no doubt has an effect on the moral fa-\\nculties; it is much more common in warm than in cold\\ncountries it steels the mind to the sentiments of huma-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "330 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nnity it is productive of idleness, and a variety of other\\nmaladies, which are hostile in their nature to literary pur-\\nsuits. This general rule is liable to some exceptions,\\nand we have to regret, that these exceptions are not more\\ncommon.\\nIt is said, that the French language in Louisiana has\\nbecome considerably corrupted,especially among the low-\\ner classes. This need not be wondered at, as they are\\nmostly the descendants of those, who settled in North\\nAmerica about two centuries ago during which period\\nno great intercourse subsisted between them and the mo-\\nther country, nor were the migrations sufficiently nume-\\nrous to afford a progressive improvement in the language.\\nMany individuals, however, speak the French language in\\nits purity they have made it a point to acquire it, and to\\nforget their provincial dialects.\\nIt is hardly necessary to add, that the Creoles are ob-\\nstinately attached to the Roman catholic religion. If\\nhealth and prosperity in some measure divert their atten-\\ntion from it yet in the hour of affliction, particularly\\nwhen apprehensive of death, they cling to it as the only-\\nanchor of their hope. Thev are strict observers of the\\nfestivals prescribed by their religion, and of the days de-\\nvoted to their favorite saints.\\nThese people possess a variety of peculiar customs,\\nwholly derived from their Canadian ancestors, such as re-\\nlate to marriages, dancing assemblies, and the like j but\\nas we aim to avoid prolixity, they will be passed over\\nwith this remark, that they are calculated to promote gaie-\\nty and good humour, and appear to be stamped with the\\nfeatures of innocence and simplicity.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nCUAPTER XII.\\nSTATE OF SLAVERY.\\nWE have already seen, thnt Louisiana contains more\\nthan forty thousand slaves. The climate, the productive\\nnature of the lands in that country, and the accumulation\\nof wealth beyond all former example, seem to render it\\nhighly probable, that their number will soon exceed that\\nof the whites.\\nIt is an invidious task for a man, born and educated\\nwhere slavery is unknown, to indulge any strictures on\\nthe municipal policy of respectable states and territories,\\nor to arraign at the bar of public justice the flagitious\\nconduct of their citizens yet considerations of a higher\\n2u", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "332 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nnature than those resulting from local prejudices and ha-\\nbits, suggest the propriety of a few remarks. When we\\nsee the feeUngs of humanity outraged, the most odious ty-\\nranny exercised in a land of freedom, and hunger and na-\\nkedness prevail amid plenty, who but must lament the in-\\nfraction of those universal moral obligations, which sub-\\nsist between different nations, societies, and individuals,\\nand which are inscribed on the heart of every man, and\\nmistaken by none\\nExperience has long since convinced the more intelli-\\ngent planters, that the profits they derive from the labor\\nof their slaves are in proportion to the good or bad treat-\\nment of them. But those planters of an opposite charac-\\nter are much the most numerous, perhaps they form nine\\ntenths of the whole, especially among the French and\\nSpanish settlers in Lower Louisiana. In no part of the\\nworld are slaves bettt-r treated than in the Mississippi\\nTerritory, where the planters generally allow them salted\\nmeat, as much corn meal as they can consume^ cows to\\nfurnish milk for their families, land for gardens, and the\\nprivilege of raismg fowls. They also allow them one suit\\nof clothes for summer, and another for winter. Their\\nslaves are active and robust, and enabled to perform their\\nallotted portions of work with ease. Such treatment ren-\\nders them contented and honest, and punishments are rare\\namong them. Each good slave, wtll clothed and fed, will\\nyield a yearly clear profit of two hundred and fifty or three\\nhundred dollars. No small degree of satisfaction is de-\\nrived from the performance of good actions and happy\\nis he, who is not accused by his conscience of aggravated\\nwrongs done to the human species.\\nWhen we pass into Louisiana, we behold a different\\nand more disgusting picture. The French and Spanish\\nplanters, in particular, treat their slaves with great rigor\\nand this has been uniformly the case from the first estab-\\nlishment of the colony. They were at first too poor to", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "STATE OF SLAVERY. 333\\nsupply their slaves with clothing and food Add to this,\\ntheir families stood in need of the avails of their labor\\nand every expense incurred on account of their comfort\\nand support was viewed as a serious evil. Hence this o-\\nriginal defect in the system has been considered as a pre-\\ncedent by subsequent generations, not because they view\\nthe examples of their ancestors with reverence, but be-\\ncause they conceive it redounds to their interest. These\\nplanters are extremely ignorant of agricultural pursuits,\\nand of the quantum of labor in the power of a slave to\\nperform in a given time. Few of them allow any cloth-\\ning to their slaves, or any kind of food, except a small\\nquantity of corn and even this they are obliged to pound,\\nor grind, while they ought to be at rest. The consequence\\nis, that the slaves are extremely debilitated, and incapable\\nof much labor. One well fed negro is nearly equal to\\nthree of them. Their masters and overseers affcct to be-\\nlieve, that their want of industry arises from laziness, and\\na perverse disposition. Hence cruel and even unusual\\npunishments are daily inflicted on these wretched crea-\\ntures, enfeebled, oppressed with hunger, labor, and the\\nlash. The scenes of misery and distress constantly wit-\\nnessed along the coast of the D. Ita, the wounds and lace-\\nrations occasioned by demoralized masters and overseers,\\nmost of whom exhibit a strange compound of ignorance\\nand depravity, torture the feelings of the passing stranger,\\nand wring blood from his heart. Good God why sleeps\\nthy vengeance why permit those, who call themselves\\nchristians, to trample on all the rights of humanity, to en-\\nslave and to degrade, the sons and daughters of Africa\\nThe evils of the slave system in Louisiana may, in a\\ngreat measure, be attributed either to the want of energy\\nor intelligence among the governors of that province. As\\ntheir appointments were limited to short periods, seldom\\nextending beyond five years, the accumulation of wealth\\nwas the predominant motive of their actions, and some of", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "^24t SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthem did not hesitate at the means. They neglected the\\ngreat concerns of the province no attempts were made to\\npopulate it till since the American revolution no encou-\\nragement vi?as afforded to agriculture and commerce, nor\\nto manufactures and the arts. An exception, however,\\nmust be made in favor of the B ron Carondtlet, to whom\\nthe province is more indebted than to all his predecessors.\\nJle saw and lamented the deranged state of this portico\\nof the dominions of Spain j and while he was devising\\nand carrying into effect some salutary regulations for the\\nimprovement of the country, he was removed to another\\ngovernment: Yet, during his administration, he repaired\\nthe fortifications at New-Orleans, improved the commerce\\nof the province, and greatly increased the population of\\nUpper Louisiana. The wretched condition of the slaves,\\nover whom their masters exercised an almost despotic\\npower, did not escape his attention. But such were the\\ninveterate prejudices and habits, and even customs, which\\nhe had to encounter, that he despaired of a complete re-\\nnovation, and therefore aimed only to mitigate the woundsi\\nhe was unable to heal.\\nIn 1795 he published an ordinance on the subject, by\\nwhich he established the monthly allov. ance of corn in the\\near, to each slave, at one barrel. It was recommended to\\nmasters to assign waste lands to their slaves for the pur-\\npose of enabling them to raise the necessaries of life and\\nif this allovvance was denied them, they were obliged to\\nfurnish each of them with a linen shirt and trowsers for\\nsummer, and a woollen great coat and trowsers for winter.\\nLabor was to commence at the break of day, and to cease\\nat the approach of night. Half an hour was allowed for\\nbreakfast, and two hours for dinner. Slaves were allowed\\non Sundays to rest, or to work for themselves, except in\\ntime of harvest, when their masters were authorised to\\nemploy them, paying them about thirty cents each per\\ndiem. Punishments at one time, under a penalty of fifty", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "STATE OF SLAVERY. 335\\ndollars, were not to exceed thirty lashes but the stripes\\nwere allowed to be repeated after the interval of a day.\\nIt was permitted to fire on armed negroes, who had de-\\nserted their masters also on those unarmed, if they re-\\nfused to submit when required, or presumed to defend\\nthemselves against their masters or overseers and like-\\nwise on those who entered a plantation with an intent to\\nsteal. Those who killed or wounded a negro, except in\\nthe above cases, were threatened with the severest penal-\\nties of the law. The amusements among slaves were re-\\nstricted to Sundays and the planters were forbidden, un-\\nder a penalty of ten dollars, to suffer any strange negroes\\nto visit their plantations after dark; and they weri. also\\nforbidden, under a like penalty, to permit any intrigues or\\nplots of escape to be formed on their plantations by ne-\\ngroes belonging to others. No slave was permitted to\\nleave the plantation of his master without a written per-\\nmission, under a penalty of twenty lashes and if any\\nslave was found riding the horse of his master without\\nthe like permission, he was liable to receive thirty lashes.\\nFire arms, powder, and lead, found in the possession of\\nslaves, were liable to confiscation and such slaves were\\nadjudged to receive thirty lashes. No planter was al-\\nlowed to employ more than two slaves to hunt for him at\\nthe same time and on their return from the chase thev\\nwere obliged to deliver up their arms. No slave was al-\\nlowed to sell any thing, not even the productions of his\\nown labor, without the permission of his master.\\nThis picture, however dark and deformed it mav ap-\\npear, exhibits many favorable traits, when compared v-itb\\nthe slave system in operation before the administration ol\\nthe Baron yet a man of reflection, unacquainted with\\nslave policy, would be apt to consider even this as the\\nproduction of some Goth or Vandal, designed to disfigurr\\nand to brutalize the image of the Creator. The labor iir-\\nposed on slaves is equal to the powers of the most roblls^", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "336 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nmen and yet for their subsistence they are tantalized\\nwith a small pittance of corn, which they are obliged to\\ngrind or pound for themselves, and also with the hard\\nchoice of a little waste land, which they have not time to\\ncultivate, or a few rags to hide their nakedness, or to\\nguard them against the severity of the weather. Hunger\\nand labor render them feeble, and the calves of their legs\\nare as flabby as the dulap of a cow. Those who have the\\ngreatest number of slaves, treat them the worst avarice\\nis the hydra of their cruelty.\\nAuthors have remarked, that the bitterness of slavery\\nis more severe in free th m in arbitrary governments.\\nAccording to this sentiment the slaves in the United States\\nwere always worse treated than those in Louisiana but\\nthis was not the case, though the sentiment holds good\\nwith respect to the Spanish provinces, where, in conse-\\nquence of a late revolution in their slave system, slaves\\nare treated with kindness, and even live as well as their\\nmasters. If they acquire sufficient money to purchase\\ntheir time, the law directs their ransom. Those treated\\nimproperly have a right to demand letters of sale, and are\\nauthorised to seek new masters for themselves. If they\\nare refused this privilege, the magistrate of the place ex-\\namines into the nature of the complaints, a:id, if well\\nfounded, grants the permission required, or disposes of\\nthe injured slaves at public vendue. Instances of the lat-\\nter kind often occurred in Louisiana.\\nIt is a stain on the character of civilized nations, that\\nslavery was ever authorised among them and how a chris-\\ntian people can reconcile it to their consciences, no one\\ncan determine, except it be on account of interest. Here\\nthen we find a motive for all our actions, much more\\npowerful than the dictates of morality and religion.\\nAVhile we keep so many of our fellow creatures in bond-\\nage, let us cease to talk about liberty and the rights of\\nman; let us not claim for ourselves what we deny to oth-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "STATE OF SLAVERY. 337\\ntrs. The slavery occasionally imposed on some of our\\ncitizens by the Barbary powers, has more than once ex-\\ncited the sympathy and indignation of the United States.\\nThose the most clamorous for revenge, whether individu-\\nals or organized bodies, and the most forward to condemn\\nthe practice of those powers, seem not aware, that they\\nstand self-convicted of the same offence the censures\\nthey bestow on the pirates of the Mediterranean, are so\\nmany libels on their own conduct. Modesty dictates, that\\nwe be more reserved on the subject of personal liberty, at\\nleast till we emancipate those whom we retain in bondage.\\nWith what justice can we demand the enjoyment of a\\nright, when at the same time we prohibit it to others?\\nAVe all know, that slavery is coeval with history, per-\\nhaps with the world. The sources of this system among\\nthe ancients were various particularly the absolute pow-\\ner exercised by parents over their children, either to kill,\\nor to sell them and likewise that of disposing of their\\ncriminals and insolvent debtors, as well as their prisoners\\ntaken in time of war.\\nTo the disgrace of America, and of human nature, ne-\\ngro slavery has its origin on our continent. The benevo-\\nlent father De las Casas, the advocate of oppressed hu-\\nmanity in the new world, exclaimed against the slavery of\\nthe Indians and, finding his efforts of no avail, proposed\\nto Charles Y, in 1517, the slavery of the Africans as a\\nsubstitute. This proposal had the effect of lightening the\\nchains of the natives, and of forging new ones for the in-\\nhabitants of another hemisphere. The Spaniards, how-\\never, from some religious scruples, refused at first to en-\\ngage in the importation of slaves from Africa though\\nthey eased their consciences by opening their ports to\\ntheir adniis-.ion, and by employing other nations to traffic\\nfor them. The Abbe Raynal says, that about nine milli-\\nons of negroes were landed in the Spanish colonies, and\\nthat less than fifteen hundred thousand existed in his time.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "338 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\nSuch an amazing diminution of the Africans must be at-\\ntributed to barbarous cruelty. The example of the Spa-\\nniards was soon followed by the other European nations.\\nThe most substantial argument in favor of slavery, is\\nderived from the right of the strongest. The origin of\\nthis right may be traced to the dark ages of barbarism.\\nModern civilized nations do not sell their children, nor\\nenslave their insolvent debtors, nor even their prisoners of\\nwar, to whose services they have some shadow of claim\\nbut they depredate on the harmless and inoifensive Afri-\\ncans, merely to gratify their avarice, without the least\\nprovocation, and without any apprehended danger of their\\npower. The laws of most European nations disclaim the\\nright of slavery and the great oracle of English juris-\\nprudence declared some years ago from the bench, that*\\nby the laws of that kingdom, a right of property could\\nnot exist in the human species. The common law of the\\nUnited States recognizes the same doctrine. If slavery\\nbe maintained in some of the individual states and terri-\\ntories, it is by virtue of particular statutes, added to the\\nmutual concessions inserted in the federal constitution.\\nSlave-holders pretend to justify negro slavery on two\\ngrounds. The first is, that other nations still continue the\\npractice and therefore to abandon it themselves would\\nhave no sensible effect on the general system. The se-\\ncond is, that the slaves they purchase were reduced to this\\ncoiidition in their own country and therefore they are\\nnow in as eligible a situation as if they had never crossed\\nthe ocean.\\nTl:is reasoning has no better foundation than avarice\\nand to this single quality of the mind must be attributed\\nall the uuserifs of the many millions of human beings in\\nbondage. Can the wickedness of other nations be justly\\nadduced as an ;;pology for our own If precedent be al-\\nlowed to sanctify crimes, why are robbers and murderers\\nexposed to the vengeance of the laws If other nations", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "STATE OF SLAVERY. 339\\nhave done wrong, it becomes us to avoid the pernicious\\nexample. Were we to adopt some plan for the gradual\\naliolition of slavery, it might possibly have some effect on\\nthe policy of others. We have prohibited the importation\\nof slaves Great Britain has done the same and some\\nother nations appear inclined to abandon the traffic. These\\nprohibitions will induce slave holders either to treat their\\nslaves with more kindness, and by this means enable them\\nto preserve their number by propagation or they will gra-\\ndually waste away under the rigors of their fate, and even-\\ntually become extinct. However, none of the consequen-\\nces of either case strike at the root of the evil.\\nTo purchase Africans, who were reduced to bondage\\nin their own country, is as criminal as to purchase those\\nof a different description. The wars among the tribes of\\nAfrica are mostly fomented by slave merchants, and these\\nmerchants secure millions of prisoners merely for the\\npurposes of traffic. Is it no crime to tear men from their\\ncountry, families, and friends The Africans are not des-\\ntitute of sensibility, and they frequently manifest it in a\\nmanner, which does honor to human nature. The indig-\\nnity and cruelty with which they are treated, often induce\\nthem to put a period to their existence, even in the pre-\\nsence of their masters and overseers and shall we con-\\nclude, that this is the effect of insanity rather than of a\\ngreatness of soul When the whites cease to purchase\\nslaves, wars in a great measure will cease among the A-\\nfricans, and their numerous tribes enjoy as much peace\\nand harmony as other nations in the same circumstances.\\nThere are physical evils enough in the world without the\\naddition of artificial ones and it becomes us as men and\\nas christians to provide against the asperities of the for-\\nmer, and to prohibit the creation of the latter.\\nNotwithstanding the guards placed on the slave system\\nby the constitution and laws, and by the treaty of cession,\\nwhich secures to the Louisianians the enjoyment and per-\\n2 X", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "S40- SKETCHES OF LOUISUNA,\\npetuity of their rights, perhaps a way may be devised to\\nremove this badge of our disgrace, without an infringe-\\nment of either. It must be admitted, that the right of\\nproperty in slaves cannot be invaded yet doubts may\\narise as to the extent of this right, and it will be necessary\\nto ascertain it with precision. The laws of some nations\\nimpose on the child the condition of the mother the con-\\nsequence is, that the children of freemen are often born\\nslaves, and many of them drag out their existence in ser-\\nvitude under their own fathers. Louisiana presents at\\nleast one instance of melancholy depravity; the father\\ndisposed of several of his children as slaves, together\\nwith their mother. Among some nations the contrary\\nprir cipie obtains the child born of a female slave follows\\nthe condition of the father. This principle is much more\\njust than the other, though it is attended with one diffi-\\nculty not easily removed the father cannot be so readily\\nascertained as the mother. At any rate, this kind of\\nright, from the very nature of things, is limited to actual\\nslaves it does not attach till they are in existence it is\\nnot present and absolute, but contingent and future. If\\nthis position be correct, and it is supported by some good\\nauthorities, it seems to follow, that the legislature may\\nprovide for the emancipation of the children of slaves, at\\nany age it pleases, born at some stipulated future period.\\nWere such a measure adopted, it is easy to see, that a\\ngradual abolition of slavery would take place among us.\\nPerhaps this plan is less objectionable than some others,\\nwhich have been frequently suggested and it may be so\\nmodified and extended as to embrace a provision for the\\nbenefit of the objects of it.\\nThe advocates of slavery not only contend, that the child\\nought to follow the condition of the female parent, but that\\nthe right of the master extends to the possible issue of the\\nmother ad hijimtum. The consequence of this doctrine\\nis that slavery must continue as long as female slaves", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "STATE OF SLAVERY. 34I\\npropagate their species and that, to provide for the e-\\nmancipation of future generations, would be illegal and\\nunconstitutional. This doctrine obtains in many parts of\\nthe United States, particularly in the Indiana Territory\\nin which slavery and involuntary servitude are express-\\nIv prohibited by the ordinance of 1787 The obvious con-\\nstruction of this prohibition is, that the slaves at that pe-\\nriod in existence were entitled to their freedom or at\\nleast, that the children of female slaves, born after the\\nadoption of the ordini\\\\nce, were born free. If therefore\\nthe doctrine alreadv mentioned be correct, they can claim\\nno legal exemption from slavery, and of course the prohi-\\nbition is a nullity. The practice in that territory seems to\\ncorrespond with this strained and pernicious construct on\\nof the ordinance. Slave property, while it exists, ought\\nnot to be infringed and if no legal means can be devised\\nto abolish it, let it be perpetual.\\nIt is difficult, even for men of moderate tempers, to\\nsuppress their indignation at one of the pretexts adduced\\nin support of slavery, that the whites are unable to labor\\nin some climates on account of the excessive heats If\\nwe be allowed to consult our convenience without regard\\nto the means if each white is at liberty to make fifty or*\\na hundred blacks wretched and miserable to promote his\\ninterest, and to gratify his avarice then let us abandon\\nour moral and political creeds, and study only to render\\nour consciences inaccessible to remorse. The God of na-\\nture never intended, that one part of the human race\\nshould be governed by the whims and caprices of the oth-\\ner nor that artificial evil should become a substitute for\\nattainable good. The pretext is futile in every point of\\nview. Nature has fitted men for labor in the climate where\\nthey are born and educated. A citizen of Georgia is as\\nwell qualified to labor in that state as a Yankee in New-\\nEngland the effects of heat and cold are about the same\\non both. Add to this, it so happens, that in the warm", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "342 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nlatitudes the lands are much more prolific, and much more\\neasily cultivated, than in colder ones of course less labor\\nis required to gain subsistence. The native inhabitants\\nof Lower Louisiana experience no inconvenience from the\\nheats and those employed in navigating the rivers are\\nexposed to more fatigue than is common to any other class\\nof our citizens. Besides, in that country, and in the Mis-\\nsissippi territory, hundreds of families from the middle\\nand eastern states, have planted themselves. For several\\nyears after their arrival, their characteristic industry was\\nevident and they experienced no dangerous effects from\\nthe climate, except a troublesome lassitude for the two or\\nthree first years. The accumulation of wealth enabled\\nthem to purchase slaves after which, like their neigh-\\nbors, they contracted habits of indulgence. The heats,\\ntherefore, furnish no material obstruction to manual la-\\nbor and the effects of them in the southern states and\\nterritories are more than counterbalanced by the exube-\\nrant nature, and the valuable productions, of their lands.\\nMuch indeed is due to the people of slave states, to whom\\nslavery has become familiar from long habit, and, perhaps,\\niu their view, necessary to their prosperity, if not to their\\nexistence. Their feelings, and even prejudices, are enti-\\ntled to respect and a system of emancipation cannot be\\ncontrived with too much caution.\\nThe fact is, that the people of the eastern states expe-\\nrience more inconvenience from the rigors of the seasons\\nthan those of the south. In New -England the mercury\\nsometimes rises to one hundred degrees, and as often falls\\ntwenty degrees below zero. The exti-emes of heat are\\ngreater in New-England but they are not of so long con-\\ntinuance, nor is the air so humid and unelastic as in the\\nsouthern parts of the union, which are doubtless more or\\nless prejudicial to health. Still these traits are more to-\\nlerable than the opposite extreme in New-England, where\\nthe country is covered with snow, and bound in icy chains", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "STATE OF SLAVERY. 343\\nfor nearly six months in the year. Both men aiid beasts\\nsuffer from the rigors of winter and the necessary sub-\\nsistence for them, is obtained at a prodigious expense and\\nlabor. In Lower Louisiana the whites may labor nine\\nmonths in the year, without experiencing any inconveni-\\nence from the heats and three months labor in that quar-\\nter is productive of more real value than twelve months\\nin New-England. Add to this, cattle and swine need no\\nother food than what the earth spontaneously yields and\\nevery planter has it in his power to supply himself with\\nalmost any number he pleases. In whatever light, there^\\nfore, we view the subject, the greatest advantages are at-\\ntached to the southern states and territories.\\nThe pernicious system of slavery deserves reprehension\\nfrom another motive. No country can become populous\\nwhere it prevails and this truth is attested by numerous\\nexamples. We need cast our eyes only on the West-India\\nIslands, and on the southern states of the union. No part\\nof the country possesses a more happy climate, or*a better\\nsoil, than the great state of Virginia yet her white po-\\npulation is comparatively small. Kentucky is a slave state\\n^d if her population be considerable, it must be attribu-\\nted to accidental causes, which are not difficult to explain.\\nThe state of Ohio is now in its intimty slavery is exclu-\\nded from her bosom and this very tircumsiance will in-\\nduce a rapid population, augment her strength and resour-\\nces, and soon enable her to rise superior to her neighbor.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER Xin.\\nANTIQUITIES.\\nMANY antiquities worthy of notice cannot be sup-\\nposed to exist in Louisiana. Indeed, all the monuments\\nto be found of a hoary nature, may be traced to the anci-\\nent aboriginals of the country and although they are not\\nantiquities in the proper sense of the term, yet they de-\\nserve a place in history as worthy of the curious and in-\\nquisitive. Were it possible to present them in detail, and\\nto give an accurate description of them, the philosopher\\nmight be assisted in his enquiries into their origin, and be\\nable to gratify the curiosity of mankind relative to the\\nearly state of this part of the globe. Until the country be", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "346 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\nmore explored, and accurate observers are enabled to in-\\nvestigate the remains of antiquity, we must be satisfied\\nwith partial accounts of them, perhaps in many respects\\nerroneous, derived from various sources, and many of\\nthem of doubtful authority. All the historian at present\\ncan do is, to collect these accounts, to compare and weigh\\nthe authorities on which they are founded, and to form\\nthe best judgment in his power.\\nFrom the ancient fortifications and tumuli, and some\\nother remains of antiquity, found in various parts of the\\nwestern country, some have been led to believe, that they\\nare the productions of a civilized people. Carver savs,\\n(and his accounts in general have been found corrtct) that\\nhe examined an ancient fortification near Lake Pepin on\\nthe Mississippi, of about a mile in circuit, the angles of\\nwhich were distinguishable, and appeared to be fashioned\\nwith as much military skill as if constructed by Vauban\\nhimself. Probably this account is not exaggerated, as sub-\\nsequent travellers have given a similar description of the\\nsame work, and as other works equally remarkable, if not\\nof equal extent, are found m various parts. Some of\\nthose in the state of Ohio have been examined, and they\\nmanifest a degree of mathematical precision, not to be\\nexpected from illiterate savages, and it is extremely diffi-\\ncult to ascribe them to chance. It is admitted on all hands,\\nthat they have endured for centuries. The trees on their\\nramparts, from the number of their annuke, or radii, indi-\\ncate an age of more than four hundred years. Most of the\\nancient fortifications, of which we speak in general, are\\nspacicus, and surrounded by deep ditches, and are fur-\\nnished in some instances with regular covered ways. The\\nwalls or parapets of earth still remain, and are generally\\nfrom three to five feet high so that the lines may be ea-\\nsily traced, in most instances covered with large trees, as\\nold, perhaps, as any in the forest. Some of these works\\nhave regular bastions and they are all well calculated to", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "ANTIQUITIES. 34-\\ndefend the places where they are situated. It is worthy\\nof remark, that many ancient circular intrenchments arc\\nfound in Ireland and Scotland, and in various other parts\\nof Europe but from the drawings made of them, they\\nappear much less perfect in their construction than tHose\\nin the western country.\\nPerhaps the m6st remarkable ancient fortification with-\\nin the bounds of our territory, is situated in the neighbor-\\nhood of Chilicothe. It has been accurately surveyed by\\nan intelligent and skilful officer of our artillerists. It is a\\nregular polygon of twenty -four sides, each of which is\\nabout fifty-five yards in length. It has four large, and four\\nsmall gate ways, situated opposite to each other. About\\nthe centre of the work, the whole of which embraces up-\\nwards of twenty acres of ground, is a large mount of a\\nconical figure, nearly seventeen feet high, on the summit\\nof which are five or six large trees. Indeed, on all the\\nlines of this extensive fortification, the trees are as large\\nas those of the adjacent forest. This work manifests a\\ndegree of mathematical skill, not possessed by the abori-\\ngines, and by a few only, of those deemed intelligent\\nwhites. To suppose it the invention of any other than a\\nskilful mathematician, requires a greater extent of credu-\\nlity than is allowable among men of sense and reflection.\\nPerhaps it will never be known by whom, nor at what\\ntime, these fortifications were erected. IMankind are in the\\ndark on this subject, and simple conjectures must supply\\nthe place of correct authorities. There is, however, some\\nreason to believe, that they were constructed by a people\\nmuch more civilized than the present race of savages.\\nTill we are better informed, it seems fair to attribute them\\nto the Welsh, particularlv as there is some evidence to\\nprove, that three small colonies of that nation landed in\\nAmerica more than three centuries before the days of\\nColumbus. The science of fortification, as practised by\\n2 Y", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "848 SKETCHES OF LOLHSIAXA.\\nthe Romans, Saxons, Danes, and Normans, and generally\\nby the other nations of Europe, was probably well under-\\nstood in Wales long before Madoc and his people left it.\\nThis was probably the last of the arts to escape them, as\\nno doubt they continually practised it in defending them-\\nselves against their enemies and from their peculiar si-\\ntuation we have reason to conclude, that it was not wholly\\nobliterated till after a lapse of several centuries.\\nOn a subject of so much obscurity, no apology is ne-\\ncess iry for the conjecturt s hinted at. If the origin of the\\nnumerous fortifications, dispersed over the western coun-\\ntry, cannot be traced with any reasonable degree of cer-\\ntainty, it is not wholly superfluous and unpardonable, to\\nindu gt- such conjectures as the obscure nature of it will\\nafford.\\nThe reader may attach what credit he pleases to the\\nfollowing story Soon after the settlement of the French\\nin the Illinois country, something like the cog-wheel of a\\nmill, constructed in a rough manner, was found floating\\ndown the Missouri. The man who discovered this spe-\\ncimen of mechanic skill, lived to a great age and there\\nare now some old people on the Mississippi, who have of-\\nten heard him relate the occuri ence. The reader is re-\\nquested to bear in mind what we have said in another\\nplace, relative to the existence of a white nation about the\\nheads of that river.\\nSeveral publications have announced that, on opening a\\ncopper mine on the Mississippi, some distance below the\\nfalls of St. Anthony^ the laborers found some tools adapted\\nto the work, several fathoms below the surface of the\\nearth and that in digging a well, a furnace of brick work,\\nwith some coals and fire brands, were discovered thirty\\nfeet under ground. Of the great depth of these tools,\\ncoals, and fire brands, we have some doubt but such a\\ndiscovery is the more probable, as the French opened and", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "ANTIQUITIES.. ^-i^\\nworked some copper mines in that quarter more than a\\neentury ago, and they eventually abandoned them on ac-\\ncount of the hostile disposition of the Indians.\\nThe bones of the Mammoth, or of some other enor-\\nmous animal, may at least be ranked among the curiosi-\\nties, if not among the antiquities, of Louisiana. To what\\nkind of animal they belonged, or at what time they were\\ndeposited in their present beds, is difficult to ascertain.\\nSuch accounts are given of their quantity and size, as al-\\nmost to exceed belief. Some, (who have viewed them)\\npretend, that an entire skeleton may be formed, more than\\nsixty feet long, and more than twenty-five feet high. This\\nis not altogether a figure of rhetoric; for certain it is, that\\nmany bones of an uncommon size and length are found in\\nvarious places, particularly on the Osage river, and be-\\nneath the surface of the ground. A square of several\\nhundred yards in extent, situated in the vicinity of a salt\\nspring, is filled with thtm and what is still more extra-\\nordinary, they are intermixed with human bones. The\\nground, in which they are deposited, is of a spongy na-\\nture, and receives the substances rolled down by the rains\\nfrom an adjoining hill. About the year 1796, a gentle-\\nman at St. Louis collected several sets of the teeth, some\\nof which were but little decayed, and presented them to\\nthe Baron Carondelet at New-Orleans. They were com-\\npared with those of the elephant and it was the opinion\\nof the Baron, that they belonged to that animal. Some of\\nthe bones alluded to are petrified, and others much decayed;\\nand the author of these sketches has frequently examined\\nthose of both descriptions.\\nAlmost all parts of the western country, present us\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2with pyramids or mounts of earth, which were doubtless\\nintended either as works of defence, or as depositories\\nof the dead. Hardly any part of Louisiana is destitute\\nof them and they mostly abound in those places the test\\nadapted to culture. Many of them are from fifty to a hun-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "350 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ndred yards in length, and from ten to thirty feet high, ter-\\nminating each way in a regular slope. Numbers of them\\nhave been penetrated in a horizontal direction. Some of\\nthem contain a multitude of arrow heads, fragments of\\npipes, and a rude kind of ware, made of clay. Others\\nfurnish several strata of a white glutinous substance, con-\\ntaining a considerable degree of moisture, and divided\\nfrom each other by layers of common earth. This sub-\\nstance was no doubt produced from human bones, which\\ntime, and the operation of the elements, have converted\\ninto its present state. In some instances, indeed, the\\nbones are found almost entire whether this circumstance\\nmay be imputed to the qualities of the ground, or to re-\\ncent burial, cannot well be determined.\\nNo doubt some of these tumuli were the receptacles of\\nthe common dead while others received the remains of\\nchiefs, or of warriors who fell in battle. No less than five\\nremarkable mounts are situated near the junction of the\\nWashita, Acatahola, and Tenza, in an alluvial soil. They\\nare enclosed by an embankment, or wall of earth, at this\\ntime ten feet high, and ten feet wide, which contains about\\ntwo hundred acres of land. Four of these mounts are\\nnearly of equal dimensions, about twenty feet high, one\\nhundred feet broad, and three hundred feet long. The\\nfifth seems to have been designed for a tower or turret\\nthe base of it covers an acre of ground it rises by two\\nsteps or stories its circumference gradually diminishes\\nas it is ascended, and its summit is crowned by a flatted\\ncone. By an accurate admeasurement, the height of this\\ntower or turret has been found to be eighty feet. Per-\\nhaps these works were designed in part for defence, uvd\\nin part for the reception of the dead. Twenty-oiie of\\nthese tumuli or pvramids present themselves to view in a\\nclusjer just below Kahokia. There are several of them\\nin the vicinity of St. Louis two of which are of a large\\nsize, with an elcvatiotl of about twenty feet j one of them", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "ANTIQUITIES. 351\\nforms .aearly a square, with a flat open space on the top.\\nMnny of them are found about the falls of St. Anthony,\\nand at various other places in the country, mostly in the vi-\\ncinity of water courses.\\nMany of the ancient nations buried their dead in this\\nway, especially those of quality and consideration among\\nthem. Ireland still exhibits the remains of these tumuli\\nancf accordins^ to the drawings made of them, they ap-\\npear to resemble those on the Mississippi. Plutarch says,\\nthat Alexander, on the death of Demaratus, made a\\nmost magnificent funeral for him, his whole army\\nraising him a monument of earth eighty cubits high,\\nand of a vast circumference. The Scythians, accord-\\ning to Herodotus, labored to raise as high a monument\\nof earth for their dead as possible. Semiramis endea-\\nvored to eternize the memory of Ninus, her husband, by\\nraising a high and broad mount for his tomb. The same\\npractice obtained among the Spartans and ThracianS, and\\neven among the Jews for they raised a great heap of\\nstones over the body af Acham, who had purloined the\\naccursed thing. All rude and uncultivated nations have\\nraised ihese pyramids of earth, either as mausoleums, or\\nas cenotaphs to the memory of those they respected.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\nOF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIAJNA.\\nSOME of the rivers of Louisiana are Incidentally\\nnoticed in various parts of this work, and care will now\\nbe taken to avoid repetition. No part of the world of the\\nsame extent seems to afford so great a number of rivers,\\nand few indeed of equal magnitude. Had they been known\\nto the ancients, with what raptures would their historians\\nand poets have described them The Achelous and Teli-\\nboas are insignificant rivers, when compared with the\\nMississippi and Missouri and yet Thucydides and Xe-\\nnophon exerted all their powers to render them immortal.\\nSome of the moderns have distinguished themselves in", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "354. SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe same field of description, particularly Mr. Orme, who\\nha? painted the Ganges in all the charms of a poetic and\\nanimated diction. The two great rivers of Louisiana fur-\\nnish themes still more pregnant with the sublime and\\nbeautiful. The great length of them, the variety of scenes\\nexhibited by them ^s they roll among the mountains, or\\nover fertile and extensive plains, or along the alluvious\\nspine of iiiundated regions, at once charm the senses, and\\nwarm the imagination. The facilities they vield to com-\\nmerce, the superfluous wealth of several states and terri-\\ntories conveyed ontheir waters to the ocean, the variety\\nof clim ates, soils, and productions on their borders, the\\nmineral and other subterraneous riches ready to reward\\nthe toils of industry and enterprise, all seem to be de-\\nsigned by Heaven as significant tokens of two or more\\nrising constellations in the west, not inferior in magni-\\ntud and brightness to any other in the American hemis-\\nphere.\\nElaborate details and descriptions are inconsistent with\\nthe nature of this work nor are sufficient data at hand to\\nauthorise the attempt.\\nUntil within a very short period, the United, States,\\nand indeed the English and Spaniards, were totally igno-\\nrant of the sources of the Mississippi and Missouri.\\nTheir knowledge of the former was mostly limited to\\nthe falls of St. Anthony, and of the latter to the Mandan\\nnation and even below these points it was extremely de-\\nfective. The voyage of Colonel Pike to the source of the\\nMississippi, and that of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke to the\\nsource of the Missouri, and from thenc\u00c2\u00a3 to the Pacific\\nOcean, will no doubt, when published, afford much infor-\\nmation of our interior regions, and gratify the curiosity\\nof the inquisitive enquirer. These gentlemen prosecuted\\ntheir discoveries under the auspices of a liberal govern-\\nment and their success is noless honorable to themselves\\nthan advantageous to the United States.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 355\\nWhat is denominated the source of the Missouri is the\\njunction of three rivers or branches, nearly of equal size,\\neach of which is about sixty yards in breadth. This junction\\nis formed in about north latitude forty five degrees twenty\\ntwo minutes, in the rocky or shining mountains, which are\\nspurs or prolongations of the Andes. Little is known of the\\ntwo southern branches. The most northern one is navigable\\nto near its source, two hundred and forty eight miles above\\nthe junction already mentioned. From this junction, in an\\nopposite direction, to where the Missouri leaves the moun-\\ntains is one hundred and eight) one miles so that this\\ngreat river flo^vs four hundred and twenty nine miles in the\\nmountains, and two thousand six hundred and sixty seven\\nmiles below them, before it unites with the Mississippi.\\nHence from its source to this union is three thousand and\\nninety six miles from thence to the gulf of Mexico is\\nabout one thousand three hundred and sixty four miles\\nmaking the whole length of the Missouri four thousand\\nfour hundred and sixty miles The general direction of it\\nbelow the Mandans is nearly south east and north west be-\\ntween the Mandans and the mountains its direction inclines\\nmore to the east and west and within the mountains to the\\nsouth west and north east.\\nThere is some reason to believe, as is stated in another\\nplace, that a water passage may be found to the Pacific\\nOcean by means of the middle or southern branch of the\\nMissouri. Such is the nature of the evidence on this sub-\\nject, added to the great importance of such a water com-\\nmunication, that the fact ought to be ascertained. If a\\ncommunica tion of this nature should be found to exist,\\nthough obstructed by falls and rapids, it requires no great\\npenetration to perceive the immense advantages it is cal-\\nculated to yield.\\nThe jTOcky or shining mountains are several hundred\\nmiles in breadth. They are composed of several spurs or\\nridges, generally extending south west and north east, and", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "356 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nalternately rising one above another. Some fruitful vallies\\nare interpersed among them, especially along the water\\ncourses. They approach the river in a variety of in-\\nstances some of them, indeed, are in a manner suspend-\\ned over it, and exhibit a prodigious elevation. They are\\nmostly abrupt and barren, and their summits probably en-\\nveloped in perpetual winter, as they are known to be\\ncrowned with snow in the month of July.\\nSome of these mountains, particularly those situated\\nto the eastward of the great chain, are composed of a fine\\nwhite clay, which, when washed by the rains, is precipi-\\ntated into the rivers and streams below and hence the\\ncolor of the water in the Missouri, and the unctuous im-\\npurities it contains, may be explained without a labored\\nanalysis. These qualities extend even to the sea. The\\ngradual projection of the land into that element is owing\\nto the deposition of these and other impurities. The\\nformation of the numerous sand banks and islands, and\\nthe alluvious nature of the lands on the Missouri and\\nlower Mississippi, may be ascribed to the same cause.\\nThe water is lively and soft, and the specific gravity of it\\nabout the same as that of rain or snow water. A common\\ntumbler, filled with the Missouri water, and suflPered to\\nremain undisturbed for a few hours, will be about one\\nthird full of sediment. Notwithstanding this, the inhabi-\\ntants drink it in preference to any other partly indeed,\\nbecause they deem it healthful, and in this particular they\\niudge correctly. Some of them put it into large stone\\njars, and let it stand till the sediment has subsided. Oth-\\ners filtrate it through stone or sand, and others again ren-\\nder it clear and transparent, by putting into ic a small\\nquantity of alum, or the kernel of the peach stone, either\\nof which precipitates the impurities to the bottom. The\\ngreatest number, however, use the water in its impure\\nstate, and experience no bad effects from it, The Mis-\\nsouri water is impregnated with sulphur and nitre, and", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 357\\nthose who drink of it pretend, that it is a remedy for cu-\\ntaneous diseases. Certain it is, that it operates as a gen-\\ntle cathartic on those unaccustomed to the use of it.\\nAmong the mountains, and for a great distance below\\nthem, the navigation of the Missouri is either obstructed by\\nfalls and rapids, or by shoals and sand bars, and likewise\\nby a strong current. On ascending the river, the first and\\nmost remarkable falls are seventy one miles below the\\nmountains, and two thousand five hundred and seventy five\\nmiles from the Mississippi, in north latitude forty seven de-\\ngress three minutes. These falls consist of four great pitch-\\nes the first is ninety eight feet, the second nineteen feet, the\\nthird nearly forty eight feet, and the fourth about twenty six\\nfeet, exclusive of others of less note. They extend up and\\ndown the river about eighteen miles, and the whole fall in\\nthis distance rather exceeds three hundred and sixty two\\nfeet. Small craft only can navigate the river above the\\nMandans, particularly in the season of Ioav water. Be-\\ntween the Mandans and the Mississippi, boats of consi-\\nderable size may navigate the river at all seasons though\\nabove the river Platte the navigation is rendered tedious\\nand troublesome by numerous sand banks and bars, which\\napproach the channel in all directions. The channel con-\\ntains water of sufficient depth at any season; but it is dif-\\nficult to trace its meanders. AVhen the water is high, ge-\\nnerally from April to June, it moves at the rate of nearly\\nfive miles an hour and yet a boat will ascend it at this\\nseason more easily, and with much greater speed, than\\nwhen the freshets have subsided. The swell of the water\\nrenders the banks stable and safe it covers the numerous\\ntrees and other drift stuff, which oppose the navigation in\\nlow water, and produces an eddy or counter current along\\nshore, which is of great advantage it also shortens the\\ndistance, because it enables boats to keep near the banks,\\nand to avoid circuitous passages round islands whereas\\nin low water they are obliged to trace with great labor the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "358 SKKTCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\n2lg-20g channel among sand banks and other obstructions,\\naltrrnately extending from one shore to the other.\\nFew animals are found in the mountains, except bea-\\nvers, and these are numerous. The want of game, added\\nto th. Severity of the cold, has probably induced the In-\\ndians t^ prefer some other residence, as seldom any of\\nthem are to be met with m this quarter. Straggling par-\\nties from the Colunibia, and other rivers of the west,\\nsometimes nnake their appearance in these desolate regi-\\nons more to avoid their enemies than to seek subsis-\\ntence.\\nBttv/! f-n Yellow Stone river and the mountains, (sepa-\\nrated l.y a tr-ict of aiiout seven hundred and seventy nine\\nmiit S in txtent along the winding coarse of the Missouri)\\nthe country is steril and broken the numerous hills scat-\\ntered over it are mostly covered with pine and cedar, and\\nthe bottoms and other low grounds with cotton wood and\\nwillows. The banks of the river are thickly studded with\\nhigh rocky clifis. Game is plenty in this quarter; and\\namong other animals incident to the country may be no-\\nticed the Ibex, or Antelope of California, called by the\\nSpaniards mountain sheep as also white bears and v. olves\\nof uncommon size, and of ferocious dispositions.\\nFrom Yellow Stone river to the river Platte is about\\ntwelve hundred and fifty eight miles,* and the Missouri\\nalong this tract is remarkably crooked. This portion of\\ncountry may be considered as level, though at a distance\\nfrom the water courses it is not destitute of hills and\\nmountains, presenting arid plains and prairies of vast ex-\\ntent. The bottoms along the Missouri and other rivers\\nare in many places of considerable breadth, and the na-\\ntural growth does not materially vary from that among\\nthe settlements in Upper Louisiana. Plenty of salt is\\nfound on the waters of the Platte, and salt springs are\\nFrom the source of the Kansas to that of Yellow Stone river, i-^\\nonly ten days ride over land.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 359\\nfrequently discovered above It along the banks of the\\nMissouri. The beaver, martin, buffaloe, antelope, white\\nwoli, porcupine s hare, the black-tailed or mule deer, are\\npeculiar to this part of the country, as well as numerous\\nother species of game. Here also are to be seen vestiges\\nof several ancient fortifications, one of which has been\\nmeasured, and found to be two hundred and fifty yards\\nlong. The Indians are numerous in this quarter, and\\nsome of them have made considerable progress in the\\nagricultural arts, particularly the Ottos, Missouris, and\\nPawnes, on the river Platte, and likewise several bands\\nof Scioux, and others, on the Missouri. They cultivate\\nlarge quantities of corn, pumpkins, beans, and tobacco.\\nThese nations or tribes occupy a vast tract of country,\\nand perhaps no part of the world produces game in grea-\\nter abundance, or in greater variety. The English and\\nSpanish traders occasionally approach this quarter; but it\\nis in our power to paralize thtir influence, and to secure\\nthe trade to ourselves. Adequate supplies of goods, fur-\\nnished either by the United States, or by individual mer-\\nchants, would stimulate the industry of the Indians The\\nquantity and variety of peltries and furs, which they are\\nable to deliver in return, would excite the surprise of those\\nunacquainted with this traffic. The profits of the Mis-\\nsouri trade, under the Spanish government, have been\\nstated in another place and from the results there given\\nmay be inferred some satisfactory conclusions of what it\\nis susceptible.*\\nIt is believed, that by way of the river Platte, or Yellow Stone\\nriver, perhaps by means of both, an easy cominunication may be\\nliad with the rio Colorado, of course with California. Certain it is,\\nthat the sources of these rivers are in the neighborhood of each oth-\\ner. It would be pleasing to examine and contemplate the country of\\nthe ^Mogiii. These aborigines are still independent, and manifest ex-\\ntraordinary advances in civilization. In this quarter of the globe,\\nalso, may be seen the ruins of ancient .Iztec cities and temples, lillle\\ninferior in extent and grandeur to those of the elder world.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "360 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nSome distance above the Mandans, and near the Mis-\\nsouri, a volcano has been discovered. Its eruptions are\\nfrequent and this accounts for the pumice stones, so of-\\nten found on that river, and on the lower Mississippi.\\nPerhaps, too, it has some connexion with the earthqujkes,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0which have so often agitated Upper Louisiana. The di-\\nrection of these are known to be nearlv from west to east.\\nFrom the mouth of the river Platte to that of the\\nMissouri is about six hundred and thirty miles. The\\nlands among the settlements have already been noticed\\nand the remainder along this tract are nearly similar in\\nappearance and quality. It may be remark( d, however,\\nthat along the Missouri are extensive bottoms, and that\\nthe high lands in the rear of them are of an excellent\\nquality except about the head waters of the Kansas, and\\nbetween that river and the Arkansas, where the country is\\ndisfigured by knobs and other inequalities of surface,\\nmostly destitute of wood, and presenting a barren soil.\\nThese are discouraging symptoms to agriculturists; but\\nthis vast tract is rendered valuable from the quantities of\\nsalt and lead it contains. Salt springs are numerous in\\nthe neighborhood of the whites, and they derive their\\nsupplies from them. Some extensive prairies appear about\\nthe Osage river but these bear no proportion to the\\nwood lands, which are calculated to sustain a numerous\\npopulation. Mulberry trees are indigenous in this quar-\\nter, as also variotis other kinds of wild fruit trees. Grape\\nvines grow in abundance along the water courses. Here\\nare likewise many bluffs or ridges, almost wholly com-\\nposed of iron ore.\\nPerhaps the country between the Missouri and Missis-\\nsippi is not the least valuable part of Louisiana. It abounds\\nin salt, lead, and other minerals, and the lands are generally\\ncovered with a good growth of timber. It is also inter-\\nsected by a multitude of small rivers and streams, which\\nare calculated for a variety of useful purposes.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "OF THE KIVKRS OF LOUISIANA. 36j\\nIt is difficult to estimate the average breadth of the\\njVfissouri. It is of very unequal breadths in different\\nplaces in some about nine hundred yards, and in others\\nnot more than three hundred yards. For eighteen or\\ntwenty miles above its mouth, it may be about half a mile\\nin breadth, and in one or two instances, though for a short\\ndistance only, it probably exceeds three fourths of a mile.\\nIn some places, several hundred miles from the IMissis-\\nsippi, it is wider than near its mouth. It possesses two\\nremarkable features, depth of channel and strength of\\ncurrent.\\nThe tributary streams of this river, considering its long\\ncourse, are not numerous and those flowing from the\\nsouth west, or west, are much the largest, and of the great-\\nest length. Perhaps those from the opposite direction,\\nthough of inferior size and extent, are equally numerous,\\nand no doubt will be highly useful to the future population\\nof the country. This inferiority arises from the con-\\ntracted space between the two great rivers, not calculated\\nto give birth to any considerable navigable waters. The\\nbranches of the Missouri serve to fructify the regions\\nwashed by them, and to open leady communications in va-\\nrious directions to establish an intercourse with the In-\\ndians, who inhabit them, and to place at our command\\nsuch treasures as they possess. Those at present naviga-\\nted by the whites, are the Osage, Kansas, and Platte. All\\nof them are extensive. The waters of the latter, as well\\nas those of the Yellow Stone river, interlock with some\\nof tlie branches of the rio Bravo, which washes the eas-\\ntern boundary of New Mi xico. The names of the most\\nconsidiral)lc branches of the Missouri from the south\\nwest, or west, their breadth at their junction, their dis-\\ntance in miles from the Mississippi, and their respective\\nlatitudes, so far as they have been ascertained with any\\ntol-rable exactness, will be CAplained, among other objects,\\nin the following table", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "362\\nSKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nDistance\\nYards\\nfrom the\\nW. Longi-\\nJ^mies.\\nin\\nMissis-\\nJ\\\\ Latitudes.\\ntudes from\\n-Mtdth.\\nsippi.\\nGreen-Mcfi.\\ndeg.\\nmin\\nsec.\\nmin. deg.\\nThe Gasconade\\n157\\n103\\n38\\n44\\n35\\nGreat Osage River\\n397\\n137\\n38\\n31\\n16\\nKansas River\\n230\\n364\\n39\\n5\\n25\\nBig ne-ma-har River\\n80\\n510\\n39\\n55\\n56\\nBald pated Prairie\\n569\\n40\\n27\\n7\\nRiver Platte\\n600\\n630\\n40\\n54\\n35\\nLittle Scioux River\\n80\\n763\\n41\\n42\\n34\\nRapid River\\n152\\n1026\\nWhite River\\n300\\n1148\\nTe on River\\n70\\n1280\\nShark River\\n400\\n1327\\n44\\n19\\n36\\nWe-ier-hof) River\\n120\\n1432\\n45\\n35\\n5\\nCannon-ball River\\n140\\n1511\\n46\\n39\\nMandan Indians\\n1610\\n47\\n21\\n47\\n101 25\\nLittle Missouri\\n1700\\nYellow Stone River\\n858\\n1888\\nM.iscle-shell River\\n110\\n2270\\n47\\n24\\nFirst great falls\\n2575\\n47\\no\\n10\\nRt) ky mountains\\n2668\\nThree great forks\\n2848\\n45\\n22\\n34\\nSource of N. fork.\\n3096\\nThe junction of the two great rivers of Louisiana is in\\nnorth latitude thirty eight degrees forty seconds, and forms\\nan interesting spectacle. The two islands in the mouth of\\nthe Missouri oblige him to pay his tribute to what is deno-\\nminated the father of rivers through one large, and two\\nsmall channels. As if he disdained to unite himself with\\nany other river, however respectable and dignified, he pre-\\ncipitates his waters nearly at right angles across che Missis-\\nsippi, a distance of more than twenty five hundred ards.\\nThe line of separation between them, owing to the dif-\\nference of their rapidity and colors, is visible from each\\nshore, and still more so from the adjacent hills. The\\nMississippi, as if astonished at the boldness of an intru-\\nder, lor a moment recoils and suspends his current, and\\nviews in silent majesty the progress of the stranger. They\\nflow nearly twenty miles before their waters mingle with\\neach other.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 263\\nThe Missouri is much larger, and affords more water,\\nthan the Mississippi. Geographers and other writers have\\nconsidered it as a branch of the latter whereas it is the\\nmain river, and the Mississippi a tributary stream only.\\nThe obstructions in the navigation of the Missouri are\\nsimilar to those in the lower Mississippi, which will be\\nmore particularly noticed in the sequel.\\nBy the Indians the Mississippi was called Meate C/iassi-\\npi, which in their language signifies the ancient father of\\nrivers. This noble river has its source in upper red cedar\\nlake in north latitude forty seven degrees forty two mi-\\nnutes, forty seconds, and longitude ninetv five degrees eight\\nminutes west from Greenwich. Six miles only from this\\nLike are some of the waters which fall into Hudson s bay.\\nThe navigation of the upper part of the Mississippi is ex-\\ntremely difficult, owing in part to the scarcity of water,\\nand in part to numerous shoals, rapids, and other obstruc-\\ntions one of which is the great fall of Packagama.\\nThe country above the falls of St. Anthony will never\\nattract the attention of agriculturists. It is mostly of a\\ncold and steril nature. The face of it presents sandy rid-\\nges, either covered with shrub oak, or pitch and other\\npine some rich bottoms, covered with elm, cotton wood,\\nash, oak, and the sug ^^r tree prairies, covered with a long\\ncoarse grass and swamps filled with hemlock. It is also\\nchequered with numerous small lakes and rivers. Indi-\\ngenous berries and fruit of various kinds, are common.\\nThe zizania aquatica^ known by the name of wild rice,\\ngrows in this part of the country, as well as below the falls\\nof St. Anthony, which affords the Indians a wholesome\\nnutritive food. With the exception of one or two short\\nportages, a navigable water communication exists between\\nlake Superior and the heads of the Mississippi, and be-\\ntween the latter and the upper parts of the Missouri\\nand this communication is exclusively frequented by the\\nCanadian traders.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "364 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nPerhaps no part of Louisiana is better adapted to agri-\\nculture than that between the falls of St. Anthony and the\\nmouth of the Missouri. This portion of it is of a rolling\\nnature, and affords many charming and sublime views\\nThe soil in general is rich, and calculated to yield all\\nkinds of grain, grass, and vegetables, and the climate\\nhealthful. Prairies of any considerable extent seldom ap-\\npear, except in the upper part of this tract. Timber of all\\nkinds is plenty, as also calcareous and other rock. The\\nrichest lead mines in Louisiana are situated in this quar-\\nter, though only partially opened j as also a sufficient num-\\nber of salines, or salt springs, to supply a crowded popu-\\nlation with salt. The bottoms along the Mississippi are\\nseldom inundated, and not less prolific than those on the\\nMissouri. Among the trees common to the country may\\nbe noticed plenty of cedar and black walnut.\\nThe falls of St. Anthony, according to the best calcu-\\nlations, are situated in about north latitude forty four de-\\ngrees fifty minutes. The climate is as temperate here as\\nin the heart of New England. The river below the falls\\nis less than three hundred yards wide, and above them\\nmore than six hundred yards. The water is precipitated\\nover a perpendicular rock of about eighteen or twenty\\nfeet, and then forms a rapid of more than two hundred\\nand fifty yards below it. In the middle of the fall, and\\nnear the top of the rock, is an island of about fifteen\\nyards long, and thirteen broad, bearing some shrubs, and\\na number of spruce and hemlock trees and at the foot\\nof the rapid is another small island, covered with a beau-\\ntiful growth of oak But it is almost inaccessible on ac-\\ncount of the velocity of the current. The country about\\nthese falls is finely checquered with prairies and copses of\\nwood and these, together with a view of the distant hills,\\nafford a prospect not only delightful, but in some degree\\nsublime.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 355\\nAbout sixty miles below the falls, there is a remarkable\\ndilatation of the river, called Lake Pepin on the borders\\nof which are some ancient fortifications and tumuli.\\nThe Fn nch more than a century ago opened some\\nmines in this quarter, and procured no small quantity of\\nvirgin copper. The Indians, however, were troublesome,\\nand obliged them to abandon their establishments, as well\\nas their prospects of mineral wealth. They neglected to\\nrepeat the experiment, though there is good reason to be-\\nlieve, that abundance of copper may be obtained at no\\ngreat distance from the banks of the Mississippi.\\nThe navigation of this river, between the falls of St.\\nAnthony and the mouth of the Missouri, is attended with\\nno difficulty in the season of high water but subsequent\\nto about the first of July, the numerous islands, shoals,\\nand rapids, obstruct the progress of boats, particularlv\\nabove Prairie des Chiens, and in many places prove ex-\\ntremely dangerous to them; it requires experienced pilots\\nto trace out the winding channel. The most remarkable\\nrapids commence just above the mouth of the river des\\nMains, extending from twelve to fourteen miles up and\\ndown the INIississippi, at the head of which stands Fort\\nMadison in about north latitude forty degrees thirty two\\nminutes. These rapids are formed by successive ledges or\\nshoals, which cross the bed of the river in a variety of\\nplaces and in passing them the greatest caution is re-\\nquisite to avoid the numerous rocks amid the strung and\\nirregular currents.\\nThe banks of the Mississippi are in general stable, and\\nfor the most part exhibit plenty of rock and gravel. These\\nmaterials, also, are spread over the bed of the river. The\\nwater is froe from impurities, though rather insipid to the\\ntaste, and much less lively and agreeable than that of the\\nIMissouri. Plenty of excellent springs flow from the banks,\\nand from the adjacent high grounds.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "366 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\nThi part of the Mississippi is fed by numerous tribu-\\ntary screan-is; but the greatest number, particularly those\\nof the largest size and extent, penetrate its left bank. This\\ninequality is owing to the comparative narrow tract of\\ncountry between the Mississippi and Missouri: Yet this\\ntract contains some considerable rivers, iand a vast num-\\nbt r of other water courses, affording a boat navigation for\\nsome distance into the country calculated in other re-\\nspects to be of infinite advantage to an agricultural peo-\\nThe river St. Pierre joins the Mississippi from the\\nwest about ten miles below the falls of St. Anthony. At\\nthe junction of tht se rivers a fine site for a garrison pre-\\nsents itself, and the Indians have ceded to the United\\nStates nine miles square of land for that purpose. The\\nSt. Pierre is navigable to the lake, out of which it flows,\\nsituated about four hundred miles from its mouth. Sevtral\\nbands of the Scioux reside on this river and its waters,\\nknown under different names, and not always at peace\\nwith each other. The English from Canada carry on a\\nprofitable trade with them. It is no great distance (some\\nsay not more than seven miles) from one part of this river\\nto the waters of the Missouri.\\nThe river des Mains is of some note, and calculated to\\nafford great facilities to internal commerce. It joins the\\nMississippi from the west about two hundred and thirty\\nmiles above the mouth of the Missouri, and in about north\\nlatitude forty degrees twenty minutes. The source of it\\nis said to be within two days travel of the Mississippi\\nand as it is known to flow nearly parallel to the latter\\nriver, its length may be computed at about four hundred\\nand fifty miles, though the Indian traders make it much\\nlonger. In its progress it is fed but by few streams so\\nthat the size of it is nearly the same for several hundred\\nmiles. Part of the lowas live on this branch and thev", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 357\\nare neighbors to the Sacs and Foxes, who reside on, or\\nnear the west bank of the Mississippi.\\nSome of the other branches from the west, are, Salt river,\\nthe Buifaloe, the Jaffraon, the Wyaconda, the Turkey river,\\nthe Yellow river, the Iowa river, the Cannon river, the Rock\\nriver, together with a variety of others. All these afford\\nan inland navigation, some of them from one hundred to\\ntwo hundred and fifty miles, and their shores are bounded\\nby large tracts of excellent land. Lead and salt, and pro-\\nbably copper, exist in great plenty on their borders.\\nThe Ouisconsing is one of the easterly branches of the\\nMississippi but as it is the great thorough- fare of trade\\nbetween Canada and Louisiana, it is necessary to take\\nsome notice of it. Its confluence with that river is about\\nsix hundred miles above the mouth of the Missouri, and\\nin north latitude forty two degrees forty minutes. About\\none hundred and seventy five miles from its mouth is the\\nportage between it and Fox river, which is less than two\\nmiles over and in the season of high water a good boat\\nchannel extends from one to the other. From the por-\\ntage to Green bay, an arm of Lake Michigan, is about\\none hundred and eighty miles, and from thence to Michi-\\nlimakinak about two hundred and thirty miles. A great\\nproportion of the Canadian trade passes this way, especi-\\nally in the dry season, as at that tune the Illinois affords a\\nmuch less safe navigation. The Ouisconsing forms the\\nupper boundary of the lands ceded to the United States\\nby the Sacs and Foxes in 1804. Those nations at that\\nsame time ceded a small tract on the right bank of the\\nMississippi, directly opposite to the mouth of the Ouis-\\nconsing, under the expectation that a garrison and factory\\nwould be erected on it.\\nOn the left bank of the Mississippi, and three miles only\\nabove thr junctio:. just mentioned, is situated the village\\nof Prairie des C/iiens. This village, containing about\\ntwenty dwellnig houses, is situated on what may be called", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "368 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nan island, as it is separated from the main land by a ravine,\\nwhich is connected both with the Mississippi and Ouis-\\nconsing, and which is filled with water in the time of the\\nfreshe;-. About twenty other houses are scattered about\\nthe neighborhood, and the whole population may be esti-\\nmated at about three hundred souls. The habitual resi-\\ndents cultivate the land, and in some years dispose of\\nabout eighty thousand pounds of flour to the Indians and\\ntraders, exclusive of large quantities of beef and pork.\\nThe Canadian traders annually rendezvous at this place,\\nvhere they divide their goods, and despatch them to their\\nseveral stations where also they receive their returns in\\npeltries, which are sent to Canada, These circumstances\\ndraw an immense number of Indians to the village from\\nfive to six hundred at a time So that in the course of the\\nsummer from five to seven thousand of them visit that\\nplace. Here is a fine site for a garrison and a factor}-,\\nwith a detachment of troops, would be able in some mea-\\nsure to regulate the trade ot the Mississippi above it, and\\nlikewise that by way of tht- Ouisconsing.\\nThe Illinois river joins the jMississippi from the north\\neast about eighteen miles above the mouth of the Missou-\\nri. It is navigable to where it approximates to Lake Mi-\\nchigan, a distance of about four hundred and sixty miles.\\nThe isthmus between the Illinois and Chicago, is low and\\nlevel, and eight miles in breadth In the season of fresh-\\nes a good boat navigfUion exists across the portage from\\none to the other and from the head of the usual naviga-\\ntion on the Chicago down to Lake Michigan is four miles-\\nRoats and their cargoes, in the dry season, are transport-\\ned across the portage I)y teams, which are kept there for\\nthe purpose. Hence it is easy to perceive, that a good\\nnavigable canal may be constructed at this place, and at no\\ngreat expense.\\nThe length of the rivers in Louisiana is determined by\\nestimation only. This estimation was made by the first", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 369\\nexplorers of them, and the distances established by them,\\nwhich are uniformly over-rated, have been regarded by\\nsubsequent mercantile adventurers as sufficiently correct.\\nOthers again, who have paid more attention to the subject,\\nand were better qualified to ascertain distances, have pro-\\nbably fallen into the opposite extreme they were not\\ncareful to make proper allowances for the meanders of the\\nrivers. From a comparison of the most correct itinera-\\nries, it appears probable that the source of the Missis-\\nsippi is about seven hundred and fifty milts above the\\nfalls of St. Anthony, or one thousand six hundred and\\nthirty five miles above the mouth of the Missouri so\\nthat the whole length of this river may be computed at\\ntwo thousand nine hundred and ninety nine miles. Hence\\nit is perceived, that the jMissouri is one thousand four\\nhundred and sixtv one miles longer than the Mississippi j\\nor ninety seven miles longer than the latter river from its\\nsource to the gulf of Mexico\\nThe lower Mississippi presents a rugged aspect. The\\nchannel is crooked and deep, and often winds from one\\nside of the river to the other. The annual changes in\\nthis great river are remarkable. New islands are formed,\\nand old ones swept away new channels opened, and old\\nones closed the banks in many places either fall into the\\nriver and draw after them a multitude of trees, or are en-\\nlarged and strengthened by new accretions. The river\\noften leaves its old bed, and assumes another at some dis-\\ntance from it. The vestiges of several derelictions of\\nthis nature present themselves to the traveller; particular-\\nly one near the Yazous, two between Natchez, and the\\nmouth of Red rivt-r, and another at Point Coupee. The\\none at the latter place has shortened the distance about\\nthirty miles, and the one just above the mouth of Red\\nriver has proportionably increased it. Numerous points\\nor tongues of land exist, which cause the river to form a\\ncircuit of twenty or thirty miles, when at their upper ex-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "arO SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ntremities or gorges, the channels above and below them\\nare divided from each other by tracts of land of only a\\nfew hundred yards wide. Hence it may be easily con-\\njectured, that this river forms many curvetures in its\\nprogress.\\nPerhaps the most dangerous obstructions in the Missis-\\nsippi arise from the different and fixed positions of a mul-\\ntitude of large trees, which are constantly precipitated\\nfrom the banks into the water. These, by means of their\\nroots, become firmly fixed in the bed of the river. Some\\nof them are called planters^ because they are immoveable,\\nand constantly expose their pointed shafts above the water.\\nOthers are denominated saxvyers^ because their elastic\\nlimbs, by the action of the current, alternately rise above,\\nand fall below, the surface with great force. It is dange-\\nrous for boats to run on either of these and the best way\\nof avoiding them in descending the river is to keep in the\\nchannel, where thev seldom make their appearance. The\\nnumber of them visible to the eye is greater or less, ac-\\ncording to the high or low state of the water. The Mis-\\nsissippi between the mouth of the Missouri and that of\\nthe Arkansas, is filled with these and other obstructions.\\nBelow the latter river they become less numerous and\\ndangerous, and gradually diminish in both, the nearer the\\ngulf is approached. In the season of high water the sur-\\nface of the river is sometimes almost covered with float-\\ning trees of all dimensions Thousands of them are vo-\\nmited from the Missouri some of them lodge on the is-\\nlands, and the shores others sink to the bottom of the\\nriver, and the remainder are precipitated into the sea.\\nIn the season of low water, numerous banks of a kind\\nof quick-sand appear in both the great rivers and the\\nbeaches along the shores are sometimes composed of the\\nsame materials which are, a very fine flinty sand, inter-\\nmixed with a substance of an unctuous quality, precipita-\\nted from the Missouri. These banks and beaches are so", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS 01 LOUISIANA. ^^1\\nhard as to resist the first pressure of almost any M eight\\nbat if a man remains stationary on either of them a few\\nminutes only, the water will begin to ooze from the sand\\nin a circle of six or eight feet round him, till iit length the\\nfoundation under his feet trembles like a jelly, and soon\\nabsorbs whatever be placed on its surface. Some of these\\nbanks, as they yielded to the pressure on them, have\\ndrawn boats under water by the remarkable suction they\\noccasion. Bunks and beaches of this description, though\\nnumerous, are of small extent; and are usually attached\\nto others of common sand, dry and compact in their tex-\\nture.\\nThe strength of the current in the Missouri is conside-\\nrably greater than that in the lower Mississippi. Perhaps\\nthe velocity of the latter may in some measure be ascer-\\ntained by the progress made by boats in descending it.\\nWhen the water is low, a boat will float from forty five to\\nfifty miles in twenty four hours in a middle state from\\nsixty to seventv miles and in the season of freshes from\\nninety to one hundred miles in the same period of time.\\nThis statement applies only to that part of the Mississippi\\nabove the Arkansas for below this, a small dilatation oc-\\ncurs, and the swamps also receive a vast body of water;\\nby which means the current becomes less rapid. As soon\\nas the river enters the Delta another check is evident no\\ndoubt owing to the diffusion of its waters into various\\nsmall channels. From this to New-Orleans no variation\\nis perceived. Between the Arkansas and the Delta the\\nvelocity of the current is diminished nearly one third;\\nfrom this to the sea about one half.\\nPerhaps the rivers in our western regions have a great-\\ner rise and fall than those of most other countries. The\\nrise of the Ohio is frequently from forty to fifty feet\\nthe Cumberland sometimes ninety feet, as is attested by\\nthe inhabitants, who live on its banks. The swell of the\\nMississippi near the sea is only three feet at New-Or-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "(-2 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nleans twelve feet at Baton Rouge twenty five feet at\\nFort Adams, and generally between that place and the\\nOhio, about fortv five feet between this and the mouth\\nof the Missouri thirty five feet the upper Mississippi\\nfrom eighteen to twenty two feet and the lower part of\\nthe Missouri about forty feet. The swell is greater in\\nthe narrow parts of the river, than in places where it is\\nbroad.\\nIt is difficult to ascertain the general width of the IMis-\\noissippi. That part of it bet\\\\veen the falls of St. Anthony\\nand the Illinois varies from three hundred to nine hundred\\nyards, and in some instances exceeds two thousand yards.\\nAt the mouth of the Missouri it is about two thousand\\nfive hundred yards at St. Louis, eighteen miles below,\\none thousand four hundred and fifty seven yards on an\\naverage between this and the Arkansas about fifteen hun-\\ndred vards from thence to the mouth of Red river\\nabout sixteen hundred yards, except at Fort Adams,\\nwhere it is contracted to nme hundred yards; at New-\\nOrleans rather less than fifteen hundred yards though\\nthe general width of it along the Delta is somewhat less.\\nIt is still more difficult to ascertain the average depth\\nof the channel of the Missis?sippi. At New-Orleans and\\nbelow it in dry seasons, it is about one hundred and twen-\\nty feet it is said to be more than two hundred feet at the\\ndistance of one hundred miles above that city from\\nthence to the Arkansas it may average nearly fifty feet\\nanfl between that and the Missouri from twenty five to\\nthirty five feet, in the lowest state of the water. The dif-\\nference between this and high water is very great, espe-\\ncially above the mouth of Red t ivgy. The higher the\\nIMississippi is ascended from Natchez, particularly from\\nabout the thirty third degree, the more winding and nar-\\nrow the channel and at the same *ime containing more\\nobstructions to navigation. It is observable, that the\\nfreshes in the Ohio, and other tributary streams, have", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. sy^\\nbut little effect on the rise of the water in the lower Mis-\\nsissippi. The same observation applies to the Missouri.\\nThese great rivers seldom have any considerable rise, ex-\\ncept in the montlis of May and June, when the waters\\nfrom the vast mountains about their sources, are precipi-\\ntated to the ocean.\\nSuch is the rapidity of the current in the Mississippi,\\nthat no craft will be able to ascend it above Natchez by\\nmeans of sails only. Most of our boats make use of sails,\\nwhen the wind is favorable; but this is merely occasional.\\nOwing to the zig-zag course of the river, and the great\\nelevation of its banks, except in time of freshes, the wind\\nis seldom favorable. Soon after the late Indian war, one\\not our gun boats was about eighteen months in ascending\\nfrom Natchez to the Ohio. Many of the boats or barges\\nconcerned in the trade between New-Orleans and L pper\\nLouisiana, and the settlements on some of the branches of\\nthe IMississippi, are from thirty to forty tons burthen It\\nis customary to employ one oarsman to every three thou-\\nsand weight so that the freight of goods to the upper\\nsettlements on our great rivers is very considerable. At-\\ntempts have been made, and are now making, to lessen\\nthe labor of this inland navigation by the substituti n of\\nmachinerv, worked by horses but the succeiis ol them is\\nat least problematical. To contrive an adequate substi-\\ntute for manual labor, has now become a subject of en-\\nquiry and the successful projector will be amply reward-\\ned for his expense and trouble.\\nAs.the Missouri and Mississippi are extremely winding,\\nthe current is forced from one point of land to another, or\\nrather from each successive point into each successive\\nbend on the opposite side of the river. The greatest pro-\\nportion of the water rushes into the bends, where also the\\nI hannel winds its way, and where the current is always\\nmuch more rapid than in any other part of the river in-\\ndeed it often presses so strongly on the islands and shores,", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "374 SKlilCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthat boats are only kept from them, and preserved from\\ndestruction, by means of oars. Most of the produce of\\nthe upper country is floated to market in what are called\\nKentucky flats, or arks. These are of various sizes, ge-\\nnerally from forty to sixty feet long, and from twelve to\\nfifteen broad, with roofs of thin boards to secure their\\ncargoes from the water. They onlv require from three\\nto five men each to navigate them. By means of oars the\\ncrews are generally able lo avoid obstructions, and to bring\\ntheir boats in safety to land. They are seldom suffered to\\nfloat in the night time above the Arkansas, unless the\\nmoon affords a good light, the water be high, and the\\nweather calm. These flats or arks are not calculated to\\nlive in rough water and therefore when the wind blows\\nhard, or a storm approaches, they are taken under some\\npoint, into the mouth of some creek, or safely moored\\namong the willows. They are built of timber and plank\\nand on their arrival at the market, are dismantled and\\nsold.\\nBoats of a different construction only, and calculated\\nfor a number of oars, can ascend the Mississippi andlNlis-\\nsouri. A description of them is given in another place,\\nand need not be repeated here. Keel boats, however\\nstrongly manned, cannot possibly ascend to any great dis-\\ntance in the middle of the current; in some places, in-\\ndeed, they cannot make head against it. They are ob-\\nliged not only to ply along the shore, where the water is\\nless rapid, and where counter currents or eddies frequent-\\nly prevail, but they also find it necessary to keep on the\\nside opposite to the bends. Hence they cross the river at\\nthe lowtr vxtremitv of every bend, which can seldom be\\ndone without falling down with the current about half a\\nmile, It is said by old boatmen, that they are obliged to\\ncross the l^Iississippi three hundred and ninety times on\\nascending from New-Orleans to St. Louis. If we admit\\nthe river to average three fourths of a mile in breadth,", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. r,75\\nand the loss of half a mile at each traverse, on account of\\nthe velocity of the current, it is evident, that the track of\\nthe hoat, hetween the two points just mentioned, exceeds\\nin distance the direction of either shore, more than four\\nhundred miles. These traverses are also necessary on\\noiher principles. Greater and more numerous obstructi-\\nons appear in the bends than opposite to them. The banks\\nlikewise along the bends are generally concave, and con-\\nstantly giving way in large masses, sometimes by several\\nacres at once, which render a passage near them danger-\\nous while the banks on the opposite side project with a\\nsloping beach, usually covered or fringed next the land\\nwith willows, and therefore safe of approach. It is uni-\\nversally the case that, where the banks cave in and waste\\naway on one side, those on the othtr increase by the de-\\nposition of new matter. Boats usually ascend from four-\\nteen to twenty miles in a day. The labor of pr )pelling\\nthem is excessive it requires great exertion to move\\nthem against the current and boatmen find it necessary\\nto rest every hour, at least at every traverse. The river\\nis so winding, that the daily progress of boats to their\\ndestination, is very inconsiderable. In one instance they\\nare obliged to stem the current for fifty four miles to gain\\nfive in another thirty miles to gain one and a half; and\\nsimilar instances, though of less magnitude, occur in the\\ncourse of almost every fifteen or twenty miles.\\nA variety of branches join the lower Mississippi from\\nthe west but five of them only are properly denominated\\nrivers, and claim particular notice :n this place.\\nThe first is the Merimeg, which joins the Mississippi\\nabout fifteen miles below St. Louis. It is about sixty\\nyards wide at its mouth and in the season of high water\\naffords a small craft navigation for nearly one hundred\\nmiles. It flous through a fine country, much of which is\\nunder cultivation. The salt works and mills on its bor-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "JTG SKETCHES OF LOUlSlAJfA.\\nders are of great advantage to Upper Louisiana, and to\\nthe settlements in the Illinois territory.\\nThe second is the river St. Francis, which is cursorily\\nnoticed in another place. It joins the Mississippi about\\nthree hundred and five miles below the Ohio, and is two\\nhundred yards wide at its mouth. The source of it is\\nabout fifty iive or sixty miles back of St. Genevieve. It\\niirst washes a rolling country, and then passes over a large\\ntract of inundated land and the whole length of it may\\nbe computed at about four hundred and sixty miles.\\nWealthy settlements are already formed about some of its\\nhead branches, as also on its borders in the districts of\\nCape Gerardeau and New Madrid. This river gradually\\nconverges to the Mississippi, and in some places flows at no\\ngreat distance from ii. Rafts and other obstructions a-\\nbound in it but it is not difficult to remove them. The\\nperiod is at hand when our population will be so much\\nincreased as to render the navigation of it of the utmost\\nimportance.\\nThe third is White river, which penetrates the right\\nbank of the Mississippi about three hundred and ninety\\nseven miles below the Ohio, by a mouth of three hundred\\nand fifty yards wide. The source of this river is rather\\nmore than one hundred miles due west from that of the\\nSt. Francis and Indeed these two rivers flow nearly pa-\\nrallel to each other. The length of White river has ne-\\nver been accurately ascertained it is probably about se-\\nven hundred miles It has been navigated six hundred\\nmiles, and the distances carefully estimated by an intelli-\\ngent officer of the Artillerists. This river is somewhat\\ncrooked it rolls through an elevated country, which a-\\nbounds in lead. The channel is deep, and generally free\\nfrom obstructions. About three miles from its mouth, in\\nthe season of high water, a boat communication exists be-\\ntween it and the Arkansas, by means of a bayou or oudet,", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "OF THE r.IVERS OF LOUISIANA. 3^7\\nwhich intersects the latter river about twenty miles from\\nthe Mississippi. Boats on ascending to the upper coun-\\ntry usually pass up the Arkansas, and through this bayou,\\nwhere there is seldom any current, and thereby avoid\\ntwenty two miles of strong water in the Mississippi.\\nThe fourth is the Arkansas, which flows into the Mis-\\nsissippi, about twenty two miles below White river, or four\\nhundred and nineteen miles below the mouth of the O-\\nhio, in north latitude thirty three degrees forty minutes.\\nIt is about four hundred yards wide at its mouth, and the\\nlength of it is found to be about fifteen hundred miles.\\nThe source of it is in the Mexican mountains in about\\nnorth latitude forty degrees and it is in the vicinity of\\nthe waters of the river Platte on the one hand, and of\\nthose of the Rio del Norte^ or JRio Bravo^ on the other.\\nThe general direction of it is nearly south east and north\\nwest. This river has a rocky bed, and the navigation of\\nit in dry seasons is much obstructed by rapids and\\nshoals. The extensive country through which it rolls is\\ndiversified by some mountains, numerous elevations, and\\nfruitful vallies, especially along the water courses bv\\nscattered groves and copses of wood, and by prairies or\\nnatural meadows of great extent, where immense flocks\\nof various kinds of wild animals resort to graze. On this\\nriver, and the branches of it, lead, salt, and nitre, are\\ncommon; and the water is so strongly impregnated with\\nthe two latter articles, that it is not potable at the Arkansas\\nvillage, forty five miles only, from the Mississippi. No\\ndoubt the country about this river is pregnant with other\\ntreasures, which time and an industrious pursuit will dis-\\nclose to our view. Some of the early French discover-\\ned both gold and silver in this quarter but their igno-\\nrance of the mineral kingdom, more particularly the difli-\\nculty at that time of penetrating into the wild recesses of\\ninterior regions, cast a cloud over their prospects of speedy\\nopulence. They were chained by poverty to an unpro-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "378 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nfitable drudgery, and all their time was necessarily devo-\\nted to the acquisition of a precarious subsistence.\\nThe fifth is Rouge or Red river. It joins the Missis-\\nsippi just below the thirty first degree, and two hundred\\nand forty three miles above New Orleans. Near its mouth,\\nit is about five hundred yards wide but for many hun-\\ndred miles, it seldom exceeds three hundred, and in some\\ninstances it is contracted to less than two hundred and fifty\\nyards. The main branch of this noble river has its source\\nin the Mexican mountains to the eastward of Santa Fe,\\nand in about north latitude thirty six degrees. It runs\\nnearly one hundred miles in a north east direction, when\\nit unites itself with another large branch from the north\\nwest, and then makes a sweep round to the south east,\\npursuing this course to the Mississippi the whole length\\nof it must not be computed at more than one thousand\\nfour hundred and fifty miles. The country about the\\nheads of this river has never been explored, except by\\nSpanish and French hunters and from their accounts, it\\nvery much resembles that about the upper parts of the\\nArkansas. It is almost destitute of wood, except along\\nthe various streams. Prairies or natural meadows spread\\nover the greatest proportion of it, filled with wild horses,\\nand every species of game incident to our western regions.\\nThere is also good reason to believe, that it abounds in\\nsilver. It certainly contains large bodies of mineral salt,\\nas thf, Indians, and our hunters when in that quarter, ea-\\nsily collect what is necessary for their use and an alum\\nbank of considerable magnitude is known to exist on the\\nriver near the ihirtv third degree of north latitude. The\\nwater is so strongly impregnated with them, that it cannot\\nbe used at Nachitoches, especially in the dry season.\\nPerhaps the saline quality of the water, not only in Red\\nriver, but in all the numerous lakes and bayous connected\\nwith it, contribute to the health of the inhabitants. At\\nany rate, the climate on that river, above the Mississippi", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "OF TIIK RIVERS OF LOULSIANA, S79\\nand black river swamps, is extremely healthful, though\\ntiiore than six tenths of the settled country, especially a-\\nbout Nachitoches, is constantly covered with water*\\nThe country about the lower half of Red river has been\\npretty well explored, and it is found to be equal in ferti-\\nlity to any other portion of Louisiana of the same extent^\\nexcept for about fifty mile s near the Mississippi, which is\\nannually deluged in water. The cotton and tobacco rai-\\nsed about Nachitoches and the rapids are of the first qua^*\\nlity, and command the highest prices in the market. Corn,\\noats, and vegetables, are produced in abundance among\\nthe settlements and at some distance above them, the\\nlands are suitable for wheat and other grain. Cattle and\\nswine fuid a plentiful subsistence, at all seasons of the\\nye:ir, along the rivers and lakes, and in the swamps and\\nnnillitudes of them are owned by the inhabitants.\\nlu the season of high water, which is generally front\\nFebruary to June, loaded boats may ascend this river*\\nabout nine hundred and fifty miles; but in the dry season^\\nthe channel is obstructed by rocks, banks of sand, and pe-\\ntrified trees, particularly above the great raft, a description\\nof which we have given in another place.\\nRed river, by a division of its waters, forms several\\nlarge islands, on which are to be found some of our most\\nwealthy settlements. One branch leaves the main stream\\nabout four miles above NachitocheSj and flows to the left\\nit joins the river about seventy miles below. Just belovr\\nthat village another branch winds to the right, and joins\\nthe middle branch at the distance of about thirty three\\nmiles. The island formed by the two latter branches, was\\ncalled Nachitoches, by the ancient Indians, and on it are\\nformed the most wealthy settlements in this part of the\\ncountry. The middle branch is usually navigated, though\\nthe distance is much greater than by either of the other^\\nand the current extremely rapid but thi; rafts and other\\n.3", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "380\\nSKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nobstructions in it are less numerous, and less clifHcult to\\npass.\\nIt unfortunately happens on Red river, as on some parts\\nof the lower Mississippi, that the best, and in some in-\\nstances, the only lands suitable for tillage, are along the\\nmargins of the stream, and of an inconsiderable depth\\nthey regularly descend from the river, and soon terminate\\nin lakes and swamps. The high grounds on the opposite\\nside of these, whatever be their quality, are of no great\\nuse to the planters they prefer the rich bottoms, on which\\nthey build their houses, and which alone they cultivate.\\nA cypress swamp usually intervenes, and obstructs the\\npassage between the river and the hills.\\nIt may appear almost incredible, and yet it is too true,\\nthat near seven tenths of Louisiana to the south of the\\nparallel of Nachitoches and Natchez, is either constantly\\nor periodically covered with water. No doubt a consi-\\nderalile proportion of this tract may eventually be redeem-\\ned, but not without more labor and expense than is in the\\npower of the present generation to bestow.\\nThe most frequented and ready communication between\\nthe Mississippi and the Mexican dominions, is by way of\\nNachitoches and the period certainly approaches when a\\nmore frequent and sociable intercourse will be opened be-\\ntween the two empires.\\nThe bed and banks of Red river are composed of a\\nbright red sand, mixed with gravel and clay of the same\\ncolor, and they communicate the like color to the water.\\nThe whole country about this river, particularly to the\\nwestward of it, whether elevated into hills, or depressed\\ninto vallies, exhibits the same complexion. The banks of\\nthe Chafalia are composed of the same materials and\\nthis affords almost conclusive evidence, that the commu-\\nnication between Red river and the Mississippi is of no\\nvery ancient date j more particularly as the earth along the", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA, 33!\\nlatter river, and its various other branches, is universally\\nof a different color. The probability is, that the Chafalia\\nis the old bed of Red river, and that the dereliction in\\nquestion was wholly owing to the versatility of the Mis-\\nsissippi. This is confirmt- d by another circumstance. Just\\nbelow Fort Adams, the Mississippi makes a sweep of ma-\\nny miles to the right, till it intersects Red river, and then\\nsuddenly inclines to the left, forming more than two thirds\\nof a circle. An old bed of the Mississippi, covered with\\nlofty willows, is at this time visible across the gorge or\\nupper extremity of this bend, with one or two elevated\\nislands in it the length of which is only five miles\\nwhereas by the course of the river it is fifty four miles.\\nHence Red river once found a much nearer way to the\\ngulf than at present and if the formidable obstructions\\nin the Chafalia were removed, the Mississippi would be\\nlikely to pursue the same way, as it now presses its whole\\ncurrent into it, apparently in search of a passage. Such\\na change in the Mississippi is certainly among possible\\nevents and the time may come when we may deem it\\nnecessary to accelerate it.\\nThe Washita, although it may be deemed a branch of\\nRed river, deserves notice. This river heads in the high\\ncountry between the one just mentioned, and the Arkan-\\nsas, and eventually unites with the Ocatahola and bayou\\nTenza and from thence to Red river, a distance of se-\\nventy miles, this confluent stream is known by the name\\nof Black river. The Washita has been explored five hun-\\ndred and nine miles; and the probability is, that it maybe\\nascended much further.\\nThe right bank of the Mississippi from the district of\\nCape Gerardeau to the gulf, a distance of about twelve\\nhundred miles, presents to the eye an immense level. No\\ngentle elevations, nor any kind of stone or gravel, appear\\nto diversify the scene. The whole of this tract, for some\\ndistance back of the river, is composed of alluvion, partly", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "38ii SKETCHES OF LOT ISIANA.\\ncovered with cane breaks, and various liiiidb of trees.\\nThe left bank of that river affords a different aspect al-\\nluvions regions, interspersed with hills and rockv clifts,\\nalternately arrest attention, and excite pleasing emotions\\nin the rnind of the traveller.\\nThis chain of hills and clifts commences near the Illi-\\nnois river, and extends down the Mississippi (in some places\\na good distance from ii) to the neighborhood of Baton\\nRouge. The iron and chalk banks, the four elevated clifts\\nbetween them and the Chickasaw bluffs, wher the United\\nStates have a garrison, the bluffs at what are called great\\nand little gulfs, the one at Natchez, at the mouth of the\\nriver St. Catharine, at Fort Adams, and at Baton R )uge,\\nsuccessively rise and approach the river at some distance\\nfrom each other, and relieve the mind from the dull mo-\\nnotony of an extensive level. The crests of these eleva-\\ntions are in some places seventy fivej in others more than\\ntwo hundred feet above the surface of the river. Some\\nof them extend half a mile, and others more than double\\nthat distance, along the bank. Many of them exhibit the\\nappearance of rock but this substance, when carefully\\nexamined, is found to be extremely porous, and composed\\nof a hard indurated sand, by no means strongly com-\\nbined, easil}- broken, or crumbled in pieces. Others of\\nthem are solid banks of sand of various colors, intermixed\\nwith laminas of iron ore, ochre, and argillaceous earths.\\nAt the bases of some of them, numerous trees of various\\ndimensions are found converted into stone, by the petrify-\\ning quality of the springs about them. It must be re-\\nmarked that, in most instances, where these bluffs or rid-\\nges appear, the ^Mississippi approaches them with great\\nforce, nearly at right angles, as if in search of a passage\\nmore to the left. They cross the Ohio at a place called\\nthe Grand Chain, about twelve miles from its niouth.\\n^Vhoever reflects attentively on this great river, will be\\nant to suspect, that it has disrupted large portions of the", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "OP THE RIVERS OF LOUISIAN A 333\\nenuntry on each side of it, and even attempted in some\\nof its capricious frolics to work a wondeiful change in the\\nface of nature. Large trees are often found from twenty\\nto twenty five feet under ground in some of the extensive\\nbottoms, and from four to six miles from the channel.\\nAdd to this, the trunks of large trees at the same depth\\nappear in a horizontal position near the bases of the banks\\nalso in the sides of the banks newlv caved in, trees in a\\nperpendicular position are cqipstantly seen, whose shafts\\nabove their roots are sunk from twenty to twenty five feet\\nbelow the surface of the ground. These facts affcird con-\\nclusive proof, that the immiCnse bottoms along the IMis-\\nsissippi have been formed by alluvion that this river has\\noccasionally changed its bed and that it has washed in\\nthe course of time the whole of the extensive valley boun-\\nded by the distant high grounds on each side of it.\\nV/hat alterations or revolutions have taken place in this\\nvalley in the course of ages, can onlj- be conjectured yet\\nthere are two or three facts of sufficient importance to at-\\ntract the attention of philosophers.\\nThe banks of the river are composed of alluvious stra-\\nta, and in places where they newh cave in, the dif-\\nferent layers are easily distinguished. The banks be-\\ntween the Ohio and INiissouri have generally, in a low\\nstate of the water, an elevation of more than forty feet,\\nand exhibit to the eye about nine hundred distinct la^\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ers.\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\\nV hat conclusion results from this fact Most certainh\\ntliat these alluvious banks have been accumulating during\\na period of nine hundred years and probably much\\nlonger, as the freshes since the first discovery of the coun-\\ntry have not risen over them more than once in about\\ntwenty years. No doubt the number of layers is precise-\\nly the same as that of the freshes. These freshes never\\noccur more than once a year j they are wholly occasioned\\nby the melting of the snows at the breaking up of winter\\nabout the sources of the great rivers; the rains have little", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "384 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAInA.\\nor no effect on the Mississippi above the mouth ot the\\nOhio.\\nAnother fact is that, in the season of freshes, the water in\\nmany places is as deep in the centre of the swamps as in the\\nchannel of the river, particularly below New Madrid. This\\nseenris at first blush to give countenance to the conjecture,\\nthat the valley of the Mississippi was once a lake because,\\nprior to the elevation or formation of the banks, there wa\\nnothing to prevent the expaijsion of the waters. But has\\nnot the bed of the river been gradually elevated as well as\\nthe banks The more the banks rose, the more the water\\nwas confined within them of course less alluvion was\\nprecipitated over them and of course also, the more of\\nit, especially the heavy sandy particles, subsided to the\\nbottom, and elevated the bed of the river. If this was\\nthe process, however, it would seem that, instead of nine\\nhundred annual layers, as many thousand may exist.\\nThese hints are merely suggested to excite reflection.\\nIntelligent and speculative men have contended, that\\nthe valley of the Mississippi was once a lake, and that its\\nwaters were drained off by means of some convulsion of\\nnature, or by a passage formed by gradual abrasion. If\\nsuch a lake ever existed, where was its southern bounda-\\nry One place only is known below the mouth of the Mis-\\nsouri, which seems to render the existence of a lake even\\npossible, and it requires no small degree of credulity to\\nattach any weight to the evidence it affords.\\nIn the neighborhood of Kaskaskia, the gap or opening\\nbetween the high grounds on each side of the Mississippi\\nis not more than from four to six miles in breadth. Be-\\nlow this point the high grounds gradually diverge from\\nthe river, particularly on the west side of it, and leave a\\nspace between them of about forty miles in width. If\\never the waters were so much obstructed at these narrows\\nas to form a lake, still they must have had an outlet to\\nthe ocean, and a great river existed; for it would be idle", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVF-ll9*Or LOUISIAXA. 385\\nto suppose, that the copious and united streams of the\\nMississippi and Missouri above them were wasted by e-\\nvaporation and absorption. The two rocky chains or rid-\\nges, which skirt the valley above the narrows, and whose\\ncrests are elevated about two hundred feet above the low\\ncountry, exhibit regular horizontal lines, as if formed by\\nihe attrition of a strong current; and the advocates for\\nthe existence of such a lake adduce these as the strongest\\nproof in favor of the hypothesis. As well might they\\ncontend, that the ocean once covered the Andes, because\\nbeds of petrified oysters, and other marine shells, have\\nbeen found on their summits that the Appennine moun-\\ntains, the territories of jMantua, and the canton of Berne,\\nwere once immersed in the same clement, because some\\nparts of supposed petrified vessels, and even sea weeds^\\nhave been discovered enveloped in their rocky protuber-\\nances, or buried in their sandy plains and that even Dal-\\nmatia was once a bed of the sea, because an anchor was\\nonce accidentally discovered ten feet under ground. Per-\\nhaps mountains, by some powerful agency of nature, have\\nbeen elevated from the great deep but that the valley of\\nthe Mississippi was ever a lake, cannot be supported by\\nany rational proofs. Some indeed maintain, that a great\\nlake, or inland sea, once existed, which covered the whole\\ncountry between the Allegheny and Mexican mountains.\\nThis lake, then, must have been about two thousand two\\nhundred miles in length, twelve hundred miles in breadth,\\nand in the middle not less than five hundred fathoms iu\\ndepth It is needless to waste time on such a subject.\\nWere they disposed to suggest, that the ocean at some\\nformer period extended several hundred miles more in-\\nland than at present, and that the apparent redemption of\\nthe Delta from the water is more owing to the gradual\\nreflux of the sea than to the deposition of alluvions sub-\\nstances, they would not be destitute of arguments, at least\\nplausible, to support and illustrate the hypothesis.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "385 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nThe 3Iississippi differs from all the other rivers known\\nto us, except perhaps the Nile and Kian-ku, not only in\\nits length, but particularly in the uniformity of its width\\nand di pth fur many hundred miles. Neither of the three\\ngreat rivers of South America appears to be of equal\\nlength, though each of them presents an estuary of one\\nhundred and fifty miles in breadth. The breadth of one\\nof them, the Oronoco, about one hundred and fifty mile:5\\nabove its mouth, is seven thousand yards and yet the\\nwhole length of this river docs not exceed fifteen hundred\\nmiles Perhaps the Mississippi furnishes less than half\\nthe quantity of water but its breadth and depth conti-\\nnue nearly the same to the mouth of the IMissouri, a dis-\\ntance of about thirteen hundred and sixty four miles so\\nthat a good boat navigation extends by way of the first\\nmore than twenty two hundred miles, and by way of the\\nsecond more than four thousand miles to which may be\\nadded several hundred miles of practicable navigation\\nnear the sources of each. These advantageous traits pre-\\nsent themselves in no other rivers, with whose geography\\nwe are acquainted.\\nMaps never afford accurate data for the length of r t-\\nvers the intermediate windings and deviations are too\\nminute to be delineated and yet geographical writers\\nseldom have any other materials to aid them in their cal-\\nculations The consequence is, that the length they allow\\nto most great rivers in each of the hemispheres is much\\ntoo limited. The Niie is said to be two thousand miles\\nlong the Kian-ku two thousand two hundred milt^s the\\nGanges fourteen hundred miles the Burrampooter iour*^\\nteen hundred miles the Rio de la Plata nineteen hun-\\ndred miles and the Amazons, or rather Maranon, two\\nthousand three hundred miles. Now it is v/ell known,\\nthat the latter river, following its windings, is three thou-\\nsand three hundred miles long and it seems pro-per to\\nallow a proportionable number of miles to the length o^", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "OF THE RIVERS OF LOUISIANA. 33\\nthe othei-s. Even after this allowance is made, it will be\\nfound, that the Mississippi, or rather Missouri, is much\\nlonger than either of them probably longer than any oth-\\ner river on the globe.\\nla whatever light we view this majestic river, It appears\\nof more real importance than any other kno wn to us.\\n^Fost of the different cUmates, soils, and productions, in-\\ncident to the new world, are found on its borders and it\\nseems destined at some future period to form the boun-\\ndary, if not the centre, of an extensive empire. It opens\\ntwo or more communications with the Pacitic on the one\\nhand, and with Hudson s bav and Canada on the other\\nalso with various territories and states in the union, af-\\nfording to all the facihties of a ready and profitable com-\\nmerce. By means of this river, and its tributar\\\\- streams,\\ntlie surplus produce of more than a million of industrious\\ninhabitants is at this time carried to a ready market and\\nby the same means the valuable products of India, of Eu-\\nrope, and the islands, are received by them in return.\\n\\\\Miat will be the increase of population and opulence at\\nany future given period from this, would be presumptu-\\nous to conjecture yet, if the United States remain for\\nany considerable time at peace, and enjoy the freedom of\\nthe seas, the vast regions on the Mississippi will exhibit\\nsplendid tokens of industrj- and commerce populous ci-\\nties and towns will rise in the yet unexplored waste\\nthe arts and sciences cherished moral philosophy, ci-\\nvil and political liberty, dilTused among numerous so-\\ncieties of human beings, disposed to cultivate harmony\\nand social intercourse with each other, and with distant\\nnations. It is not extravagant to suppose, that our popu-\\nlation will eventually extend to the sources of the Missou-\\nri, and that such a communication will be opened between\\nthat river and the Pacific as to draw to it a portion of the\\nwealth of tlie Indies. Neither the Xile, the Ganges, the\\n\\\\:::;er, nor ths Gambia of the old world nor any of those\\nD", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "388 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ngreat rivers in the southern parts of our coRtinent, yield\\nso many natural advantages. It may be even safely doubt-\\ned, whether any of them are calculated to afford a popu-\\nlation equal to what may be expected to exiat on the Mis-\\nsissippi and its waters. There is alsathis important dif-\\nference between them IMost of the former are, and will\\nlong continue to be, inhabited by savage nations the per-\\npetual and bloody conflicts provoked and maintained a-\\nmong themselves, added to the cruel and disastrous poli-\\ncy of their more civilized neighbors, serve in a great\\nmeasure to interdict inland navigation and commerce\\nwhereas the regions about the latter are likely to be occu-\\npied by an enlightened race of men, peaceable and indus-\\ntrious in their pursuits, prone to enterprise and the acqui-\\nsition of wealth, solicitous only to elevate the aborigines\\nof the forests in the scale of human beings, and to make\\nthe best use of the advantages, which a kind and benevo-\\nlent Providence has designed for thenu", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nCHAPTER XA\\niSIINERAL RICHES\\nTHE varieties of soil and climate, the numerous\\nproductions they afford, and the great and important fa-\\ncilities yielded to CDmmerce, conspire to give Louisiana a\\nplace among the fairest portions of the globe. This coun-\\ntry is doubtless equally valuable from the mineral riches\\nit contains, which are gradually unfolded, in most instances\\nrather by accident than labored research; and from their\\naccessibility, where they are known to exist, we have a\\nright, to conclude, that industry and enterprise will be\\namply rewarded in pursuit of them. Our knowledge on\\nth s subject is extremely limited especially when com-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "390 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\npared with the probable plenitude of the mineral king-\\ndom. The discoveries already made ax-e few in number\\nand in most instances the details of them are extremely\\nconfused, and partake of the marvellous So that all we\\nare able to do is, to select and arrange with caution the\\nheterogeneous materials before us not to admit as autho-\\nrity what appears to be spurious and incredible nor to\\nmanifest too much incredulity where a great variety of\\ncircumstances unite to control it.\\nMost probably the bowels of the earth in Louisiana con-\\ntain many articles of convenience and wealth, of which\\nwe are still, and shall long remain, ignorant. This we\\nhave the more right to expect, as symptoms of mineral\\nwealth abound in various places. A considerable quanti-\\nty of silver was obtained from a mine opened in 1719 on\\nthe borders of the Merimak and the pursuit of it was\\nabandoned, as it is said, more from want of skill in the\\nworkmen, than an apprehension of the scarcity of it.\\nThere is testimony to prove, that silver so pure as to be\\nmalleable has been found on the Arkansas. Silver mines,\\nit is said, exist about the head waters of the Washita\\nmore particularly about some of the head branches of Red\\nriver. Some French hunters and traders, near the close\\nof the Spanish government, procured in that quarter, and\\nproduced to the Spanish authorities, several specimens of\\nthis metal but on account of the known curiosity and\\nenterprise of the English Americans, the pursuit of mine-\\nral riches on the rivers just mentioned was expressly pro-\\nhibited, especially as they admitted of an easy access.\\nAn old French author and ti-aveller declares, that he ga-\\nthered a quantity of gold dust at the mouth of a rivulet\\non the Arkansas, which the rains precipitated from the\\nmountains. The Spaniards have opened no mines in the\\nneighborhood of our claims. The celebrated ones of Ca-\\ntorce are the nearest to them but these are a long dis-\\ntance to the south west of Red river.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "MINERAL RICHES. 391\\nThe source of the Washita is a considerable distance to\\nthe eastward of the Mexican mountains. On its borders\\nare found beds of martial pyrites, large bodies of chrys-\\ntalized spar, and hexagonal prisms, which are known to\\ncontain no small portion of the precious metals. Perhaps\\nas our researches are multiplied and extended, new sour-\\nces of wealth will present themselves and the evidence\\nof their existence is sufficient to awaken a spirit of enter-\\nprise, and to promise success.\\nOn Red river in north latitude thirty three degrees, one\\nhundred and forty six miles due west from the Mississip-\\npi, an alum bank has been recently discovered which,\\nfrom appearances, is calculated to yield large quantities of\\nthat article. Aluminous symptoms, indeed, abound in\\nvarious places on that river; and these, together with the\\nsalt rolled from the numerous springs about the country.\\nImpregnate the water to such a degree as to render it un-\\nfit for use. Limestone abounds on this river, as likewise\\na sort of rock, from which the inhabitants manufacture\\ngood mill and grind-stones. Petrifactions are common\\nand above the great raft a multitude of trees are constant-\\nly seen wholly converted into stone. A metal exists on\\nthe west side of Red river, which exhibits the appear-\\nance, and seems to contain some of the properties of Pla-\\ntina but no satisfactory experiments have been made on\\nit. This metal possesses a shining appearance it is known\\nto receive a polish almost equal to that of a mirror, and\\nvegetable and some other acids will not corrode it. The\\nmagnet, however, seems to have some power over it; but\\nmay not Platina contain a mixture of iron? It is ductile,\\nthough extremely hard, and infusible in a common fur-\\nnace.\\nStone or pit-coal is an article of some importance. It\\nalready begins to form in the Delta. A large body of it\\nexists near the mouth of the Missouri, and it is found in\\nvarious places on the east side of the Mississippi, parti-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "392 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\ncularly between Cahokia and Kaskaskia. It frequently\\nmakes its appearance on the Washita, the Sabine, and Bed\\nriver, particularly on the borders of a lake in the neigh-\\nborhood of Xachitoches. This article is of use to smiths\\neven at this time, and its importance will increase as the\\ncountry becomes more populous, and the villages enlarged;\\nand the more so as various tracts, of great extent, are\\nthinly covered with wood. To forges and furnaces it will\\nbe indispensible, and the inhabitants in some of the vil-\\nlages must eventually resort to it. Some of this coal,\\nhowever, especially that on the Missouri, is said to con-\\ntain such a quantity of sulphur as to render it less worthy\\nof notice.\\nThe western country, generally, furnislies plenty of salt\\npetre which is found, in some instances, almost pure in\\nits native state. The banks of the Arkansas in many\\nplaces are incrusted with it, and at some seasons exhibit a\\nwhiteness nearly equal to that of snow. What the adja-\\ncent country contains, is not ascertained but from the\\nquantity already discovered, and the places where it is\\nproduced, it is reasonable to conclude, that it yields an\\nabundance of that article. Considerable quantities of it\\nhave been taken from the rocky caves and apertures, in\\nthe ridges and bluffs, along the Missouri and its waters.\\nThe powder-makers have used it in its crude state and\\nsome of it by refining did not lose more than four pa\\ncentum. This in time will become an article of exporta-\\ntion, and prove a source of wealth to the country.\\nNear Cape Gerardeau there is a substance, which, when\\nground in oil, affords an excellent brown paint, equal in\\nbeauty and durability to the imported Spanish brown.\\nMany of the inhabitants on the Mississippi paint their\\nbuildings with it. This substance appears to be inexhaus-\\ntible, and may eventually prove of great utility to the peo-\\nple of the western countrv.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "MINERAL RICHES. 393\\nOn the rivers St. Piprre and des Moins^ branches of\\n-he Mississippi from the west, is found a singular species\\nof black hard clay likewise a blue clay a curious kind\\nof red soap stone of a very fine texture and also an e-\\nqually curious fine white clay. From the first the Indi-\\nans manufacture their household utensils from the second\\nthey make a sort of paint, which, when mixed with pul-\\nverized red-stone, affords a beautiful color, capable of ma-\\nny shades from the third they construct the bowls of\\ntheir pipes and calumets and it is conjectured by good\\njudges, that the last will produce a ware not much inferior\\nto that of China. The French, on their first arrival in\\nthe country, collected a considerable quantity of this clay,\\nand sent it to France.\\nThey also, about the same time, opened some copper\\nmines at no great distance below the falls of St. Anthony,\\nwhere they found virgin copper. It is even said by one\\nof their journalists, concerned in the transaction, that they\\nprocured a pigce of native brass, weighing sixty pounds;\\nbut in what way the copper came to be united with zinc,\\no as to produce this extraordinary mixture, is not easy to\\nonjecture; especially as that part of the countr} seems\\nnot, as in some parts of South America, to have been agi-\\ntated by subterranean fires. At any rate, the Indians drove\\nthe French away, and the acquisition of mineral v/ealth\\nin this quarter has never been resumed.\\nIt is dovibted whether the lead mines in Louisiana, both\\n-is to number and capacity, and the purity of their trea-\\nure, are not superior to those of any other country. Ko\\nmines of this nature, at least none of any consequence,\\nhave been discovered below the Arkansas those with\\nwhich we are acquainted, and which are worked, are si-\\ntuated in Upper Louisiana. In these regions various lead\\nmines have been discovered; but the number and value\\nof them cannot be ascertained with any degree of precis\\n5ion. Much oi the inhabited part of the distj-ict of St,", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "394 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nGenevieve, is embraced by them. They are found along\\nthe Merimak, and its tributary streams, and on both sides\\nof the Mississippi, more than four hundred miles above\\nthe mouth of the Missouri. They are numerous on the\\nSt. Francis and White river some of them have been\\nworked and proved productive. They discover them-\\nselves in the country of the Osages, and in the territories\\nof several other Indian tribes. Mineral lead is in such\\nplenty, that fragments of it are scattered about in some of\\ntheir villages and it is considered of no more value than\\nthe same quantity of coarse granite, or lime stone rock.\\nSome of these mines were opened and worked by the\\nFrench more than a century ago and, strange as it may\\nappear, they were not ambitious, till a late period, of ex-\\ntending the manufacture of lead beyond their own con-\\nsumption. Ten valuable mines in the neighborhood of St.\\nGenevieve were worked in 1804, and several others have\\nbeen opened since that period. The mineral is found in\\nveins of various sizes, which generally extend in a hori-\\nzontal direction, and usually from four, to six feet under\\nground. Some of them soon terminate others are of.\\ngreat extent, and yield large quantities of mineral. Now\\nand then, however, the veins take a direction downwards,\\nand descend to a considerable depth. Wherever mineral\\nexists, certain indications of it, vulgarly called blossoms,\\nare found on the surface of the ground; so that those in\\npursuit of that article ai-e at no loss where to dig for it.\\nAn experiment, perhaps not altogether correct, was\\nmade on this mineral in 1804. The specific gravity\\nof it was found to be 7. 53. The color of it is shining\\nand brilliant and it appears to be mixed with a small\\nproportion of sulphur, and a still smaller proportion of\\nthe oxyd of iron. As the country abounds with cal-\\ncareous rock, the matrix of these mineral veins appears\\nto be mostly composed of the carbonate of lime. This\\nmineral is by no means the richest in Upper Louisiana", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "MINERAL RICHES. 395\\nhut It yields, when properly manufactured, about seventy\\nper centum.\\nSuch indeed is the quantity of mineral lead, that very\\nlittle care is taken in the manufacture of it. It is the o*\\npinion of many, that regular machinery for the purpose is\\nlistless, and that the quantity of lead saved by it would\\nnever defray the expenses of it. They usually place the\\nmineral on a confused heap of burning logs, and other\\nwood, and in this way smelt it. The lead is precipitated a-\\nmong the ashes and dirt, where no small proportion of it\\nis lost. Notwithstanding this singular and awkward pro-\\ncess, the manufacturers are satisfied with the profits it\\nyields them, and consider a maciuncry as an injury rather\\nthan a benefit.\\nThis inattention to the regular manufacture of lead a-\\nrises in part from the poverty of the manufacturers, who\\nare not able to pursue an expensive process, but much\\nmore from the great quantity of mineral, the little labor\\nrequired to obtain it, and the prolific nature of it. On ac-\\ncount of the water the mineral is usually taken from the\\nground between the first of August, and the last of No-\\nvember and during this period a great number of labor-\\ners, sometimes as many as three hundred, resort to the\\nmines in the neighborhood of St. Genevieve. They dig\\nand dispose of the mineral, and receive in payment goods\\nand other articles for the support of their f.jmilies. Some\\nof them have been known to earn thirt) dollars per day\\nfor several successive weeks but such occurrences are\\nrare, and never happen, unless the laborers are so lucky as\\nto find veins of mineral of considerable size and extent\\nthough the profits of procuring that article are undoubt-\\nedly great.\\nThe dealers m lead, who are also in most instances the\\nmanufacturers of it, generally adopt two methods to ob\\ntain the mineral they either purchase it, or hire laborers\\nto dig it for them, i he details of this pursuit were fur*\\n3 H", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "396 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nnished the author of these sketches in 1803 by the owner\\nof a mine in the district of St. Genevieve, and they stand\\nthus Were he to hire twenty five nnen to dig mineral du-\\nring the four months already mentioned, they would fur-\\nnish about two hundred thousand weight and as it yields\\nseventy per centum,, the produce of the whole would be\\none hundred and forty thousand pounds for the market.\\nThe wages and food of twenty five laborers for the above\\ntime, and the expenses of transporting the lead from the\\nmines to New-Orleans, would amount to three thousand\\nsix hundred and fifty dollars and were it to sell in mar-\\nket for nine dollars per hundred, the proceeds would a-\\nmout to twelve thousand six hundred dollars so that, af-\\nter deducting the expenses, the sum of eight thousand nine\\nhundred and fifty dollars would be left for the proprietor\\nor dealer, which may be considered as the net profits.\\nThese, however, wholly depend on the price in market,\\nwhich varies according as commerce fluctuates, or as war\\nor peace prevails in Europe. In time of peace, lead sel-\\ndom sells for more than six dollars per hundred during\\nthe European war it sometimes rises to twelve dollars,\\nthough the average price in market may be stated at nine\\ndollars. Those dealers in lead, who receive mineral in\\nexchange for goods, are supposed to make the greatest\\nprofits. They fix themselves about the mines, and pur-\\nchase the mineral of the laborers at two dollars per hun-\\ndred, and make their payments in merchandize at an en-\\normous advance. They smelt the mineral, and carry the\\nlead to market and as they are not obliged to deal on\\ncredit, the profits of this barter-trade are very consider-\\nable.\\nThe proprietor, to whom we have just alluded, planted\\nhimself among the lead mines in 1797, and obtained from\\nthe Spanish government a grant of a league square of\\nland, most of which is impregnated with mineral. He is\\nthe owner of the only regular machinery in the country", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "MINERAL RICHES. 39r\\nfor making lead. He manufactures bar and sheet lead, as\\nalso great quantities of ball and shot But it is doubted\\nby some whether the more simple and awkward mode of\\nmanufacturing lead as practised by the itinerant pursuers\\nof this. metal, is not equally profitable; especially as they\\nsmelt the mineral on the ground where they obtain it, and\\nare not at the trouble and expense of removing it to a dis-\\ntance for this operation.\\nThe richest mineral known in the country is procured\\nfrom two mines, situated on the west bank of the Missis-\\nsippi, nearly five hundred miles above the mouth of the\\nMissouri, which were opened some years ago by a French-\\nman one of them yields eighty four^ and the other nine-\\ntzuo pounds of pure lead to each hundred weight of min-\\neral though from the manner of smelting, no more than\\nseventy five is actually realized. The owner covered these,\\nas well as other mines, in 1796, by a complete grayit from\\nthe Spanish government, embracing a tract of one hun-\\ndred and sixty nine thousand three hundred and forty four\\narpents, now recognized as valid by the laws of the Unit-\\ned States. The mineral is found here, as in other places,\\nin veins but these generally descend at an angle of about\\nthirty four degrees. Two of them have been pursued\\nnearly two hundred and fifty feet beneath the base of a\\nsteep hill. At their extremity, in summer, the air moves\\nwith such rapidity, that a candle cannot be kept lighted,\\nand is at the same time so cold as to prove uncomfortable\\nto the workmen but in winter a considerable degree of\\nheat prevails, and a small portion of air only is found\\nto be in circulation.\\nIt is impossible to say what might be the avails of this\\narticle, were the manufacture of it carried to its full ex-\\ntent. It wants the hand of industry only, joined to a\\ncompetent knowledge of the nature of lead, to prepare\\nany quantity of it for market. Lead, while the Europe-\\nan wai* lasts, will command a high price and Upper-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "393 SKETCHES OF LOUISLAISA.\\nLouisiana probably contains in its bosom a quantity, ade-\\nquate to the consumption of all the belligerent powers in\\nChristendom. To those unacquainted with that country,\\nthis may seem an exaggeration but when they are told,\\nthat the banks and beds of some of the small rivers pre-\\nsent to the traveller large masses of mineral lead, and that\\nextensive tracts of country exhibit it in plenty, they will\\nnot presume to set bounds to the quantity.\\nThere is no way to ascertain the quantity of lead annu-\\nally manufactured in Upper Louisiana but it is much\\nmore considerable than a mere superficial observer would\\nbe willing to admit. The mines in this quarter supply\\nseveral Indian tribes, as also the extensive settlements on\\nboth sides of the Mississipjii, and those on the Ohio and\\nits waters. In addition to this, large quantities of lead are\\nsent to New-Orleans and Pittsburgh, where part of it is\\nconsumed the remainder finds its way to the Atlantic\\nand European markets. The want of capitals, and the\\nstill greater want of industry among the inhabitants on\\nthe Mississippi, especially the Creoles, operate as power-\\nful checks to the manufacture of lead. When necessity\\ncompels them, they will labor with spirit till the means of\\na few months subsistence are obtained they will then\\nretire, and indulge their indolence, till necessity again ur-\\nges them to resume their laborious occupations. Even\\nthe few capitalists in the country, who purchase mineral,\\nand manufacture lead, complain of this as an obstacle to\\ntheir success; they are obliged to wait for the nioment\\nwhen the victims of poverty and want deposit with them\\nthe fruits of their exertion.\\nMost nations, who own lead mines, derive a public re-\\nvenue from them. How can the United States iivail them-\\nselves of this advantage If the country contained a given\\nEiumber of theiu only, and it required great labor, expense,\\nand an intricate process, to obtain the lead, no difficulty ot\\nconsequence would probably occur. But when mineral", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "MINElRAL nrCHES. 399\\nlead is found scattered here and there over the surface of\\nan extensive territory, and also deposited in the bowels\\nof the earth, at all times easy of access, it appears impos-\\nsible to secure an exclusive privilege. If the people be\\nprohibited from taking it in one or more places, they will\\nresort to others. All the troops in service would not be\\nable to guard this treasure and those disposed to purloin\\nit, would laugh at legal restraints. Some of the mines,\\nindeed, are private property but the number and extent\\nof these bear no proportion to those included in the pub-\\nlic domain. The discoverer of a mine, under the Span-\\nish government, was entitled to a grant of land of suffici-\\nent extent to embrace it or he was at liberty to occupy\\nand work it, provided he rendered one tenth of the produce\\nto the crown.\\nIf the lead mines may be considered as productive of\\nindividual wealth, and at the same time of great national\\nadvantage, no less can be said of the mines or masses of\\nsalt found in almost every part of Louisiana. This arti-\\ncle is even more general than that of lead, at least a wider\\nextent of country is impregnated with it, and it is exhi-\\nbited in a variety of forms it appears in springs and o-\\nther streams, in and on the earth, in thin strata, and in so-\\nlid masses i\u00c2\u00a3 is likewise incorporated with vast bodies of\\nrock found in the interior, and in some instances is easily\\nseparated from the useless substances connected with it.\\nThe country about the Washita, and Red river, affords\\nmany instances of salt, where a sufficient quantity of that\\narticle may be obtained to supply a crowded population.\\nThree salt pits or salines on the former river have been\\nnccurately examined. The specific gravity of the water\\nin the first, when compared with that of the river, is\\ni. 02jr20; that of the second 1. 02104; that of the third\\n1.0176. The water of the two first, is of the same\\nstrength as that of the ocean along our coast and double\\nstrength of the water yielded by some of the best licks", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "400 yKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\nin Kentucky. Ten quarts of the water, taken from one\\nof the first, will afford, by evaporation, eight ounces of\\ngood salt.\\nSeveral salt springs have been been discovered about the\\nSabine and an excellent one is known to exist near the\\nOcatahola lake.\\nThe saline in the vicinity of Nachitoches, and on the\\nnavigable waters of Red river, promises to be productive.\\nThree wells only have been sunk they furnish water for\\nthirty kettles, whose contents are six hundred and sixty\\ngallons and as the water is nearly saturated, these ket-\\ntles attended by seven laborers, produce about two hun-\\ndred and forty barrels of salt per month, at an expense of\\none hundred and forty dollars. The salt is equal in good-\\nness to that imported from Liverpool. To what extent\\nthis manufacture may be carried is uncex tain perhaps\\none hundred wells of equal value may be sunk. It is pret-\\nty evident, that the proprietors will soon be able to supply\\nall the settlements about Red river, as also those in the\\nMississippi territory, at a cheaper rate than can be done by\\nway of New Orleans.\\nThe water in some of the branches of Red river is too\\nstrongly impregnated with salt to be potable. Hunters\\nhave discovered silver ore in many places about the head\\nwaters of Red river, as also great quantities of mineral or\\nrock salt. This is likewise found on some parts of the\\nWashita, together with several springs as salt as the ocean.\\nThe accounts, however, received of these several instances\\nof salt, are extremely vague and indistinct; not calculated,\\nindeed, to afford us any other than a confused idea of\\nthem. Cathartic salts, and magnesia, may be manufac-\\ntured in the neighborhood of Nachitoches articles of\\nsome consequence in a country, where certain diseases are\\nendemical.\\nSalt springs exist on the Arkansas and Missouri, and\\nare scattered over the country situated between them.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "MINERAL RICHES. 401\\nThey aflbrd salt in different proportions; in some it is\\nhardly perceptible to the taste while in others it is forc-\\ned bvthe saturated water in small particles from the earth,\\nwhich, as the water spreads, and the rapidity of it abates,\\nare deposited in concrete masses on the ground. In the\\nvicinity of one of them, the Osages have a hunting camp.\\nXo less than four tribes of Indians, who inhabit the wa-\\nters of the Kansas and Platte rivers, derive their sup-\\nplies in part from similar depositories, and in part from\\nthe salt springs with which the country abounds.\\nOne spring of this nature, remarkable for its size, and\\nfor the productive quality of its water, deserves to be no-\\nticed in this place. It is situated on Grand river, which\\nis an easterly branch of the Arkansas, and at a very little\\ndistance from the latter river. This spring forms a foun-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2tain or bason at its source of about forty feet diameter. It\\nthen suddenly disappears under a rock of about forty yards\\nin extent, the top of which is flat and smooth, and great\\nquantities of salt are formed on it, though it is not fit for\\nuse, as it is apparently mixed with sulphur, or some other\\noffensive substance. The water is nearly saturated the\\nIndians and Indian traders procure their salt from it and\\nthey say, that eight gallons of it will yield by evaporation\\none gallon of salt. About four hundred Osages, living\\nnear the mouth of Verdigris river, a short distance only\\nfrom this spring, obtain their supplies of salt from it\\nand as it is situated on a navigable stream, it will probably\\nvery soon become of importance to the manufacturers of\\nsalt among the whites.\\nThe salines just below St. Genevieve are productive.\\nThe inhabitants on both sides of the Mississippi derive\\nmost of their supplies from them and no small propor-\\ntion of the salt is boated up the Ohio. The salines on\\nthe Merimak are also valuable Thev supply in part the\\nsettlers on the east side of the Mississippi nearly all those\\nof the district of St. Louis and a proportion of those in", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "402 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe district of St. Charles, There are also some salines\\non what is called Salt river, in the neighborhood of the\\nupper settlements on the IMississippi, which bid fair to be\\nproductive.\\nIn addition to these springs and salines, Upper Louisi-\\nana furnishes some extraordinary appearances of salt, a\\ndescription of which will now be attempted with as much\\naccuracy as the materials before us will allow.\\nNear the source of one of the easterly branches of the\\nArkansas, and in a westerly direction from the Osage vil-\\nlages, is situated what is called the salt prairie. This is\\nannually visited by some of our traders. Two of the most\\nrespectable characters in the country have repeatedly vi-\\nsited it, and made themselves fully acquainted with every\\nparticular concerning it. This prairie, according to them,\\nis about twenty five miles diameter, (others say nearly for-\\nty) composed of a dark colored indurated sand, free from\\nherbage, and surrounded by lofty hills. As soon as the\\nheat of the sun begins to exhale the moisture of the sand,\\na thin coat of salt is gradually formed on the surface.\\nThe quantity of salt thus produced wholly depends on the\\ndegrees of heat and frequently during the hottest days in\\nsummer, it accumulates to the thickness of nearly an inch\\nand a half. In some places it has the appearance of\\nfine table salt, and may be swept or gathered into heaps\\nin others it forms an incrustation, and resembles vast\\nsheets of thin ice. The dev/s dissipate it. The rains oc-\\ncasionally precipitate large bodies of it into the branch al-\\nluded to, where part of it concretes, and is deposited a-\\nlong the shores. The author has several times seen salt\\ntaken from the prairie and branch That from the first is\\nfree from impurities, very white, and sufficiently fine for\\ntable uses That from the last is mixed with more or less\\nsand, collected ffom the bed and sides of the stream, and\\nexhibits the colors of the several strata of earth where it.\\nis deposited. No estimate can be made of the quantity", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "MINERAL RICHES. 403\\nof salt, which might be annually obtained from this prai-\\ntie but it would yield sufficient to excite our surprise and\\nadmiration. The branch, on which it is situated, is navi-\\ngable at the season of high water But no benefit can be\\nexpected from it at present, as the Indians claim the coun-\\ntry, and generally prove troublesome to those of the\\nwhites, who venture to hunt or to reside in it.\\nAbout forty miles from this prairie, there are two mines\\nof genuine fossil salt. This article is found in solid mas-\\nses in the earth, and exhibits different colors That taken\\nfrom one of the mines approaches to a blue That taken\\nfrom the other is nearly red. The extent of them is un-\\nknown, though from a cursory examination they are sup-\\nposed to be inexhaustible.\\nA little to the southward of these mines, and on a\\nbranch of the Arkansas, nature furnishes a singular phe-\\nnomenon. On the side of a small hill five holes or basons\\nmay be seen sunk in a horizontal rock, which are always\\nfull of salt water, but never overflow. When water is\\ntaken from them, they instantly fill again. About ten feet\\nbelow them a large spring of pure fresh water flows from\\nthe same hill.\\nThere is another extraordinary appearance of salt, de-\\nnominated by some the salt mountain, though its position\\nand extent have been variously related It is supposed to\\nbe situated at the head of one of the western branches of\\nthe Arkansas. This mountain, if it may be so called, has\\nbeen visited by Indians only, and on them we are unfor-\\ntunately obliged to rely for a description of it.\\nThe Osages are well acquainted with this place. While\\nthe Spanish government existed they made frequent ex-\\ncursions to the borders of New Mexico, partly to obtain\\nwild horses, and partly to depredate on the Indians in that\\nquarter. From this mountain they obtained theh; supplies\\nof salt, though it is situated about twenty five miles out\\nof their common route. They uniformly describe a high", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "404 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nbluff or mountain composed of a solid mass of fossil salt,\\nand covered with a thin stratum of earth at the base of\\nwhich issues a large salt spring, sufficient in size to be na-\\nvigable soon after it reaches the plains and this, from\\nthe concurrent testimony of those Indians, appears to form\\none of the principal western branches of the Arkansas.\\nThey first remove the earth, and then break the salt into\\nsuch fragments as are convenient to be carried on their\\nhorses. Of the extent of this saline mass they are totally\\nignorant nor are they able to state any other particulars\\nconcerning it. Salt rock, and salt springs are common in\\nthis country. In the winter season, the salt oozes from\\nthose rocks facing the sun, and forms an incrustation on\\nthem. Salt springs so hot as to boil fresh meat are some-\\ntimes found and for this purpose they are visited by the\\nIndians and other hunters.\\nThe existence of such a salt bluff or mountain as is\\nmentioned is partly confirmed by the following facts. Du-\\nring the winters of 1771 and 1772 a gentleman now living\\nat Vincennes pursued the peltry trade on the Arkansas.\\nlie ascended that river about eight hundred miles, and\\nthen entered what is called the western branch of it the\\nwater of which was as red as vermillion, and as salt as the\\nocean. The freshes in the spring inundated the bottoms\\nalong the branch, and when the waters subsided the sur-\\nface of the earth thus deluged, was found to be covered\\nwith a sheet of salt, from three to five inches in thickness\\nThis relation, so far as it respects the color and saline qua-\\nlities of the water, is fully attested by an officer, who, in\\nthe spring of 1806, explored the lower half of the Arkan-\\nsas under the orders of the government. The fact is, that\\nin the season of freshes, the water of that river is of a red\\ncolor, and so salt as nut to be potable at the settlements\\nnear its mouth. This saline quality is occasioned bj^ se-\\nveral branches, which have their sources either in ground\\nstrongly impregnated with salt, or flow through a country", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "MINERAL RICHES. 4O5\\nwhere this article presents itself in more solid masses.\\nMineral salt, taken from the country about the Arkansas,\\nhas been seen among the Indians about nine hundred miles\\nup the Missouri.\\nAnother extraordinary instance of salt remains to be\\nmentioned. The adventurer, Philip Nolan, who visited\\nthe borders of New Mexico about the year 1796, where\\nhe eventually lost his life, constructed a map of one of his\\ntours, on which he delineated a salt mountain, and beneath\\nthe delineation wrote here your friend encamped three\\nxvceks. The gentleman, to whom he presented the\\nmap, questioned him relative to what appeared a phenom-\\nenon, and he declared with the strongest asseveration, that\\na mountain of fossil salt actually existed a little to the\\nsouthward of the sources of Red river. This map has\\nbeen inspected by the author of these sketches.\\nTo those unacquainted with the existence of salt in a\\ngreat variety of forms in other parts of the globe, the ac-\\ncounts of that article in Louisiana may appear incredible\\nperhaps some may be inclined to consider them as fabulous\\nand without foundation. If, however, they will consult\\nthose authors, both ancient and modern, who have des-\\ncribed the appearances of salt in general, their incredulity\\nwill vanish they will even admit the probability, that\\nLouisiana contains great quantities of that article. Pliny,\\nthe naturalist, has left us an account of the several exam-\\nples and kinds of salt known in his time. Dr. Shaw speaks\\nof several salt mountains in Barbary. Three scientific\\ntravellers, Watson, Townsend, andKirman, have describ-\\ned a salt mountain in Spain, which is about five miles in\\ncircumference, and above five hundred feet in height\\nThe depth of the salt below the surface of the adjacent\\ncountry is not known this article is transparent, and of\\nA less copious account of the salt found in Louisiana was pub.\\nllshed by the author, in 1806, in the Medical Repository.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "^06 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe rock kind, and extremely pure. Other mountains of\\nsalt are said by the same travellers to exist in Calabria, in\\nthe province of Astracan, and in the states of Tunis, and\\nAlgiers. In the isle of Ormus are 7nountains of salt\\nfrightful to look at:\\nSicard and Volneyhave described some remarkable in-\\nstances of salt in Egypt to the west of the Delta. Ac-\\ncording to the last author, the whole continent of Africa\\nis either composed of salt, or calculated to produce it.\\nSalt rock is found in England and France, from which\\nvast quantities of salt are manufactured. Perhaps the Bos-\\nnia and Wiliska salt mines in Poland are the most remark-\\nable of any on the globe*. Mines of a similar nature, and\\nThe mine of Bosnia was opened in 1251, and has been constantly\\nworked since that period. The salt is taken from a vein or seam of\\nten thousand feet in length The depth of this mass is unknown,\\nthough more than half a century ago it had been penetrated twelve\\nhimdred feet below the surface of the ground the breadth of it at\\nthat time was seven hundred and fifty feet. The salt obtainc d here\\nis drj easily broken in pieces, and put into casks. The mine ut Wi-\\nliska is situated directly under the town, and the inimense weight o-\\nver it is supported by vast pillars of salt. Tliis vein has been opened\\nmore than two thousand feet in length, upwards of six hundred feet\\nin breadth, and eight hundred feet in depth at least such was the\\nprogress made sixty years ago. This vast pit or mine contains a kind\\nof subterranean commonwealth, and the members of it are govern-\\ned by their own policy and laws many of those born in these dreary\\nabodes never see the light of tlie sun, and many of those who enter\\nthem as laborers seldom return to the reat world again. Spacious\\ngalleries and chapels are excavated from the solid rock salt, as also\\nstore -houses and other buildings. They are constantly lighted, and\\nthe rays of light reflected from the luminous and various colored-salt,\\nafford to the eye a multitude of singular and pleasing images. The\\nsalt is procured here in larg-e shapeless masses, from winch blocks\\nare cut, nieasuring in some instances more than one hundred square\\nfeet; it is of various kinds and colors, green and coarse, white and\\nfine, and frequently crystallized and when this last kind is taken\\nfrom the rock it breaks into cubes and rectangular prisms. The an-\\nnual produce of this mine is about six hundred thousand pounds, f^ee\\nfrom impurities. What is remarkable a spring of fresh -water breaksi\\nout in this mine, and runs through it.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "MINERAL RICHES: 40^\\nof equal magnitude, are said to exist in Moldavia and\\nWoUachia.\\nInstances occur where salt is found on the surface of the\\nground, like that on the salt prairie already noticed.\\nLarge tracts of country in California are occasionally\\ncovered with fine salt, formed by the heat of the sun.\\nAnother singular instance of the kind occurs on the con-\\nfines of Dancala and Tigra in Abyssinia, where there is\\na large plain four days journey in extent one side of\\nwhich is incrusted all over with a pure white salt in\\nsuch quantities, that some hundreds of camels, mules,\\nand asses, are constantly employed in fetching it from\\nthence. In Persia whole plains, about ten leagues\\nlong, and six or seven broad, are covered with a white\\nshining salt of good flavor.\\nSouth America, likewise, furnishes many extraordina^\\ninstances of salt. That part of the Andes, says the\\nAbbe Molina, corresponding with the provinces of Ca-\\npiapo and Coquimbo (in Chili) contains several vioiin-\\ntains of fossil salt dispersed in strata or layers, crystal-\\nlized in transparent cubes, frequently colored with yel-\\nlow, blue, and red. This able writer was a native of\\nChili and to men enjoying this advantage, wc have the\\nmore right to look for faithful descriptions.\\nThose who give credit to these historical relations, need\\nnot wonder at the existence of similar instances of salt in\\nLouisiana. Of their existence, indeed, we have sufficient\\nevidence but the nature and extent of them, as also the\\nbenefits to be expected from them, are much less accu-\\nrately ascertained, and therefore to future discoveries we\\nmust look for a more competent knowledge of thcm\u00c2\u00bb", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "SlCETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\nOF THE ABORIGINES.\\nTHE number of Indian nations in Louisiana, and the\\naggregate number of their inhabitants, cannot be ascer-\\ntained with any degree of accuracy. Many of them have\\nnever been visited by the whites, and most of the accounts\\nof those already known, are extremely defective. They\\nare dispersed over an immense tract they inhabit the\\nrocky or shining mountains, the borders of North Mexico,\\nthe shores of the gulf, and the islands near the coast. Per-\\nhaps our western travellers may detail the number and si-\\ntu-^ t on of those on the Missouri and Columbia with suf-\\nficient certainty but these, however numerous, form on-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "410 SKETCHES OF LOUISlAXxV.\\nly a small proportion of the whole. Years must roll away,\\nunless a greater spirit of enterprise is manifested, before\\nany accurate account of the aborigines can be obtained^\\nIt cannot be expected, that the government will aid the\\nexploration of all the parts of a wild and extensive coun-\\ntry. The learned and curious in other countries project,\\nand carr} into execution, land and sea voyages of discove-\\nry, and derive no benefit from them, except what apper-\\ntains to science in general. No doubt the interior regions\\nof Louisiana contain objects of sufficient value to reward\\nthe labor of investigation. They would excite the ingenu-\\nity of the botanist, and chymist, particularly of the metallur-\\ngist and mineralogist and the discoveries in the power\\nof such men to make, would prove useful to mankind.\\nThe citizens of the United States are not deficient in en-\\nterprise but this is excited among them more from the\\nhopes of wealth, than from a disposition to extend the\\nfield of information. They voluntarily traverse the most\\ndistant seas and oceans, and mind not the hardships they\\nsuffer, nor the dangers to which they are exposed but they\\nappear solicitous to avoid land peregrinations, not because\\nthey want hardihood, courage, or perseverance, but be-\\ncause they expose themselves to certain expenses without\\nany tempting prospects of remuneration. Under these\\ncircumstances, all that can be expected at present is, some\\nbrief relation of the most prominent traits in the character\\nand manners of the Indians.\\nThe Indians are now what they were when America\\nwas first discovered by the Spaniards, except those who have\\nhad any considerable intercourse with the whites, which\\nhas invariably tended to debase and corrupt them. In their\\nmanners and characters, the several nations differ from\\neach other in some essential particulars. Perhaps this\\ndiversity is in a great measure occasioned by their differ-\\nent origins, and in some measure by the varieties of cli-\\nmate.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "or THE ABORIGINES. 411\\nThe peculiar circumstances of the Indians, in some de-\\ngree, denote their character. Hunting and war consti-\\ntute ahnost their only exercise* These require great cau-\\ntion and dexterity, particularly the latter. Hence they\\nbecome grave and sedate, and seldom speak more than a\\nftw words on any otcasion, except when awakened to it\\nby considerations of magnitude. When the hunting sea-\\nson is over, and they have a stock of provisions on hand,\\nand not engaged in war, they are weighed down by inac-\\ntivity and lassitude. They indulge themselves in hardly\\nany amusement, except that of dancing j and this exercise is\\nusually pursued in the evening. An Indian conceives it be-\\nneath his dignity to labor in the field. This is almost in-\\nvariably imposed on the women, who, on long marches,\\nare also loaded like pack-horses, though they do not think\\nthemselves degraded while the men walk at their ease\\nwith only their guns, or bows and arrows in their hands;\\nand the greatest recommendation a wife can possess is, that\\nshe is healthy, strong and capable of bearing fatigue. Perhaps\\nthis is a dictate of nature j but the tyranny exercised by\\nhusbands over their wives, cannot be reconciled to any\\njust or necessary principles. The women are the mere\\nslaves of the men, not their companions they must ei-\\nther submit to their whims and caprices, or be punished\\nat the discretion of their vindictive and cruel masters.\\nIn some nations, the husband has an absolute power over\\nhis wife, and he either kills, or punishes her as he plea-\\nses. The exercise of this power, especially among the\\nletans, has so reduced the number of females, that it bears\\nno proportion to that of the other sex. M my of the wo-\\nmen are disfigured; some appear without noses and ears;\\nand others again without hands. The Scythians and\\nGoths imposed heavy burdens on their women but in\\nother respects they treated them as equals. They ex-\\nacted a fine from him who injured a man; and for the\\nsame injury done to a woman, a double fine was imposed.\\n3 G", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "412 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAxV A.\\nEquality reigns among the Indians, and no one has any\\nexclusive pre-eminence, except what arises from age, or\\nfrom personal or mental endowments. Education and\\nwealth never fail to create distinctions in civilized society;\\nand even those possessed of the latter only, are frequently\\nelevated to important offices in the state, without one vir-\\ntue, or useful qualification to recommend them. Among\\nthe Indians the custom is different. They are destitute\\nof what we call education their lands are in common\\nwhat they separately acquire in the chase excites no envy\\nor jealousy; the plunder obtained in war devolves on him\\nwho first seizes it, and he who acquires the most of it, is\\nusually most applauded for his prowess and dexterity. In\\nsome instances, they have a kind of hereditary nobility:\\nBut in time of war and danger they take the advice of\\ntheir old men, put themselves under the authority of their\\nbest military chiefs, elevated to office in consequence of\\ntheir bravery and skill and these in difficult times are\\nimplicitly obeyed, though during the existence of peace\\ntheir authority is merely nominal, except in some rare in-\\nstances.\\nThe different nations of Indians are uniform at least in\\ntwo particulars innocence and simplicity prevail among\\nthem. To strangers they are humane and docile every\\nfamily is solicitous to welcome them, and to afford them\\nprotection. When a stranger enters one of their habita-\\ntions, the best things it affords are set before him. If he\\nvisits all the habitations in the town, the same hospitality\\nis successively repeated and he must taste of the food\\nset before him, or he is sure to give offence, as the Indi-\\nans are led to believe that he despises them, and studious-\\nly slights their friendly offices. When a white man of\\nrank visits them, they study to receive him with the\\ngreatest marks of respect. They usually meet him at\\nsome distance from the town, spread a buffaloe robe or\\nother skin before him, in which he places himself; and in", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 413\\nthis manner is carried to their habitations. These are\\ntraits similar to those observed among many of the nor-\\nthern and eastern nations at this day.\\nSuch indeed are the simple manners of the natives,\\nand so unsuspicious in the common concerns of life, that\\nthey indulge many habits, which, to the more civilized\\nand refined, appear to border on vice. Each dwelling\\nor cabin, has seldom more than one room, and the size\\nof it is in proportion to the number of individuals in the\\nfamily. When an Indian marries his daughter, he usu-\\nally takes her husband to his house so that a family or\\nlodge sometimes contains thirty or forty persons. The\\nfloor or ground is covered with mats or skins, and the\\nmembers of the family repose themselves on them. If a\\nstranger visits them, he sleeps among the rest; and in-\\nstances have occurred where white visitors have reposed\\nby the side of the unmarried daughters of their host,\\nwithout the least suspicion, that they would indulge\\nthemselves to the dishonor of the family.\\nThe ceremonies of courtship and marriage are by no\\nmeans uniform they are somewhat singular among the\\nIndians on the east side of the Mississippi. When a\\nyoung man is desirous of obtaining any particular female\\nfor his wife, he explains his intentions either to her real or\\nadopted uncle. The bargain once completed, and the\\npreliminaries settled, the groom builds himself a fire or\\nhut sepai-ate from the rest and in the evening commen-\\nces playing on an instrument, something in the form of a\\nwhistle. The bride advances slowly behind him, and\\ntickles his nose with a leaf or blade of grass. He starts\\nas from a profound reverie, and manifests great surprise,\\nwhile she leaps into the dark, and indulges a kind of tit-\\ntering laugh. This farce is frequently repeated, till at\\nlength the groom wraps himself in his blanket, lays down,\\nand pretends to be in a sound sleep. The bride si-\\nlently approaches his feet, and tickles them, and he is", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "414 SKETCHES OF LOUISIA^A.\\nagain awaked to a seeming surprise. She makes hev\\nescape as before. This is also frequently repeated, till\\nthe fire becomes extinguished, and the Indians have re-\\ntired to rest, when she silently lays herself down by the\\nside of her husband.\\nIf the Indians are humane and hospitable in peace,\\nand practice some of the milder virtues, in time of war\\nall their implacable passions appear to be awakened, and\\nthey excite terror and dismay among those unaccustomed\\nto their modes of warfare. Considerable preparations\\nare necessary before a war be undertaken. The old men\\nare consulted on the propriety of it, and their advice ta-\\nken in what manner to proceed they at the same time\\nendeavour to persuade other nations either to participate\\nwith them, or to maintain a perfect neutrality during the\\ncontest. They practise many superstitious and religious\\nceremonies consult the eclipses and their jugglers or\\npriests and endeavour to discover some omens in their\\ndreams, on which they place great hopes of victory, or\\ndespair of success.\\nThese preparations are kept a profound secret as their\\nobject is to surprise their enemy. AVhen they are pro-\\nperly prepared, they march to the attack, not in the man-\\nner of the whites, but in the manner the best calculated\\nto draw their enemy into ambuscades, and to destroy or\\ncripple him before he is able to defend himself. Hence\\ntheir warfare is rather predatory than systematic. They\\nseldom keep in large bodies, except when opposed by an\\narmy of whites, but divide themselves into small bands\\nperhaps in some measure for the purpose of obtaining\\nprovision. In this way they depredate on each other.\\nThe weaker party usually makes a precipitate retreat.\\nThis draws after it no disgrace, as it enables them the\\nbetter to practise the stratagems of war. If they happen\\nto kill any of their enemies, they risk almost every dan-\\nger to obtain their scalps, while the friends of the slain", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 415\\nendeavour to prevent it they conceive it a disgrace to let\\nthem fall into the hands of the victors and on such oc-\\ncasions a furious and bloody combat frequently happens.\\nAll their onsets are accompanied with yells of defiance,\\nsufficient to intimidate those not familiarised to such\\nscenes.\\nDuring the continuance of the war, various modes of\\nattack are concerted. Among others, for instance, is\\nthat contrived by some war chief; and to obtain warriors\\nto carry it into execution, he proceeds thus He erects\\na large post in some conspicuous place proclamation is\\nmade for the warriors to attend, and he developes to them\\nhis plan. He then walks up to the post, and sticks his\\ntommahawk into it all those in favour of the measure,\\nand disposed to share in the enterprise, follow his ex-\\nample. If there be a sufficient number of volunteers to\\npromise success, they immediately move to the scene of\\naction. The chief who proposed the expedition assumes\\nthe command. The one who stuck his tommahawk into\\nthe post next after him, is considered as the second offi-\\ncer, and so of the rest.\\nAfter the acquisition of a victory, however insignifi-\\ncant, the conquerors usually set out for their homes,\\nwith their prisoners, scalps, and articles of plunder. AYhen\\narrived in sight of them, they commence a loud and\\nmournful lamentation, which serves as a signal to the\\ndistant spectators, that some of their friends and relatl\\nons have been killed. They are soon met by all the wo-\\nmen, who set up loud cries, pluck out their hair, and\\neven their flesh, in token of their undissembled sorrow.\\nWhen arrived in the midst of the village or camp, an\\nuniversal silence is proclaimed, when one of the warriors\\nrelates all the circumstances of the expedition. The wo-\\nmen, who have lost any relations or kindred, again com-\\nmence their melancholy wailing; and the^ sometimes\\nwork themselves into such a rage, that they fall on the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "416 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nprisoners, and massacre them on the spot. No one dares\\nto interfere, or to plead in favor of the victims; for they\\nconsider this female sorrow as sacred, and the least in-\\nterruption of it a crime of the deepest dye.\\nIf however, the prisoners are not thus disposed of, an-\\nother fate awaits them. The women have a right to take\\nthem, to supply, in part, the places of their lost friends,\\nand in this case they are reduced to slavery. If this\\nright be waved, the prisoners are doomed to a terrible\\ndeath. They are usually conducted to an open plain, or\\nsome other suitable place, when they commence their death\\nsongs. They are either fastened to stakes, or placed on\\nstages or scaffolds and the most refined tortures are in-\\nvented on the one hand, while on the other the most he-\\nroic fortitude is collected to sustain the terrors of the last\\nscene. The nation assembles as on a festival, and both\\nold and young, both male and female, feast with pleasure\\non the work of death before them. The nails of the un-\\nhappy victims are plucked out; their flesh is gradually\\ntorn from their bodies hot irons are forced into them\\nmatches of lighted wood are stuck about them and\\nsometimes the flesh taken from them is greedily devoured\\nby the spectators. In this way they suifer five or six\\nhours, and frequendy for two or three days; and in\\nthese dreadful sacrifices the women act a more conspicu-\\nous part than the men. During all this time, not a groan\\nescapes the victims, nor are their featm-es distorted.\\nThey upbraid the conquerors for their ignorance explain\\nto them more exquisite modes of torture repeat their\\nexploits, and boast of the number they have killed, par-\\nticularly of the victor nation. In this particular they re-\\nsemble the ancient Cantabrians, who chanted their songs\\neven at the moment they were dying by the hands of the\\nRomans. Education and religion teach better things and\\npcjhaps the ti^ne may come when the great family of man-\\nkind will be equally under their benign influence.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "OF THE ADORIGINKS. 417\\nThe Indians are not more implacable in their resent-\\nments than tender in their friendships they carry both\\nto an extraordinary excess. While they are friends they\\nwill omit no opportunity to serve you, and even rist\\ntheir lives to protect you. The remembrance of a favor\\nexpires not with him who I eceived it it is frequently\\nhanded down from one generation to another, and if an\\nopportunity occurs they will return it. A remarkable in-\\nstance of this appears in the early history of one of the\\neastern states. The Indians attacked a village of whites,\\nand were repulsed with considerable loss. Two or more\\nof the wounded were secreted and protected by a poor\\nwidow, who eventually cured them of their wounds, and\\ngave them instructions in what manner to return in safety\\nto their nation. Nearly half a century afterwards, the\\nsame village was again attacked by the same nation of\\nIndians, when they massacred all the whites they were\\nable to secure except the relations and descendants of\\nthe poor widow, who were treated with kindness, and\\nnone of them plundered of their property. Such instan-\\nces of gratitude are not rare among them and if the\\nwhites are more destitute of this noble quality, perhaps\\nit is because their virtues are less founded on nature than\\non the dictates of a false education.\\nWe must therefore, admire the stability of Indian\\nfriendships, and at the same time condemn the duration\\nof their resentments. They will brood over them no\\ndistance of time or p ace wHl obliterate them they care-\\nfully conceal them and when an opportunity offers they\\nwill ext^reise their vengeance. During all this time,\\neven when filled with rage, they preserve their features\\nunchanged; andmq pne can possibly suspect from their\\nconduct, that they.da^ditaCe, any thiug extraordinary. la\\nfine, it is a characterbUc trait anqiong the Indians, never\\nto be movci any", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "418 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nsudden and unexpected event except, perhaps, In time of\\nwar.\\nLet no one infer, from what has been said, that the\\nIndians are really more passionate than the whites. The\\nfact is, they are much r,ss given to passion, and may be\\nsaid to be almost destitute of it. The boisterous and\\nvengeful spirit exhibited by them in time of war, cannot\\nproperly be called by this name. They perform many\\nactions from principle, and in a dispassionate manner, at\\nwhich the whites revolt with horror, and never attempt\\nto achieve, except to gratify the most vindictive resent-\\nment.\\nTheir lives are apparently wretched, yet, perhaps,\\nthey are the most happy people on earth. They exhibit\\nin their manners a strong mixture of the fiercest and most\\ngentle features the imperfections of brutes, and the best\\nqualities of human nature.\\nThey appear to have no form of government, nor to\\nacknowledge any law yet they actually live under the\\nfirst, and voluntarily submit to the latter. They have es-\\ntablished principles and customs among them, from which\\nthey seldom depart. These are derived from their an-\\ncestors, and many of them appear to be founded in wis-\\ndom. The glorious prerogatives of independence and\\nfreedom, in a particular manner, belong to them, and\\nthey view with horror the exercise of despotic power.\\nThey are extremely impatient under any kind of restraint.\\nReason produces more subordination among them, than\\namong civilized nations and their almost total exemption\\nfrom quarrels, factions, and discords, is a manifest proof\\nof it.\\nThey always respect a man whom they esteem; but\\nthis esteem is not easily imbibed. They rely much on\\nphysiognomy, and their conduct proves, that they are\\nnot wholly ignorant of the science.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 4i^\\nNo considerable number of people can be suppo. ^ed to\\n^xist without some kind of government, and at the same\\ntime destitute of municipal regulations: Otherwise every\\nman would be his own judge and avenger the exercise\\nof these dangerous prerogatives would soon disperse the\\nmembers of the society. Hence it is, that all rude nati-\\nons are governed by, at least, unwritten laws, preserved\\nby tradition and these are more or less certain in their\\noperation, according to the personal authority of those\\nappointed to carry them into effect, or according to the\\nlight in which crimes are viewed by the multitudec, The;\\nancient Irish had their Brehons, or heriditary judges, on\\nwhom devolved the preservation, interpretation, and exe-\\ncution of their traditionary laws, which remained in full\\nvigor till the time of the conquest. Other nations m\\nEurope had their Druids, and the Indians of America\\nhave their Priests and civil chiefs.\\nThe rights of property among the Indians are not of a\\nvery^complex nature, and few disputes occur concerning\\nthem. Contests of this description are generally adjust-\\ned and determined in a satisfactory manner, by the old\\nmen and chiefs, who are the customary judges on suck\\noccasions.\\nBut the crimes and punishments among them are more\\ncomplicated, and are so different among different nations,\\nthat the several grades of them are hardly susceptible of\\ndefinition, With some the /ex talio?iis prevails; while^\\nwith others, punishments for most offences are averted by\\ncomposition.\\nThey are also extremely ununiform with respect ta\\ntheir conception and definition of crimes. Among some\\na murder committed by a drunken man is not deemed\\ncriminal, but only a misfortune; they transfer the guilt\\nfl-om the man to the cause of his ebriety. Others admit\\nof no excuse, except self defence and unavoidable neces-\\nsity, and the destruction of the murderer ensues. Cri^\\nH", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "420 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nminals of this description, in some nations, undergo a\\nkind of trial and condemnation. In others they no soon-\\ner commit capital offences, than the laws are supposed to\\ncondemn them without trial, and it belongs to those the\\nmost concerned to carry the sentence into execution. If\\nthese neglect it, the chiefs will sometimes interpose their\\nauthority, and become the avengers of justice. Among\\nsome nations the murderer is delivered over to the near-\\nest relation of the deceased, who has a right to kill him,\\nor to compound with him, as was the case among the an-\\ncient Saxons. The same practice prevails in Turkey.\\nIn some other parts of the east, particularly in Abyssiniaj\\nthe injured party has no power over the culprit till he is\\ndoomed to death by the judges, and then the right of pe-\\ncuniary composition attaches.\\nIt is wonderful with what fortitude, and even indiffer-\\nence, the Indians will face death not only in presence\\nof their enemies, but when doomed to it by their cus-\\ntoms and laws. Most of them conceive it a disgrace to\\nbecome the fugitives of justice, and therefore seldom at-\\ntempt to escape. They will even present themselves to\\nthose they have injured, and impatiently solicit the fatal\\nstroke. If these neglect or refuse to become their exe-\\ncutioners, the misery they feel drives them almost to\\nmadness and to release themselves from it they often\\nprovoke the hand of justice by the commission of new\\nand aggravated crimes. The faithful monitor within tells\\nthem, that they have forfeited their lives, and hence they\\nindignantly spurn the idea of existence. These senti-\\nments are seemingly delicate and elevated, and it is dif-\\nficult to account for them. Perhaps they may be traced\\nin part to their religion, and in part to the veneration\\nthey entertain for their civil institutions.\\nIn their last moments, when summoned to depart by\\nsickness, or the infirmities of age, they call their family\\nand frieuds about them, and impart their dying advice", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 421\\nwith as much serenity of mind as if uttered in health,\\nand in a council of chiefs. Their patience never forsakes\\nthem and perhaps this, as well as their intrepidity in\\nthe hour of danger, is derived from the expectation of a\\nhappy existence in another world.\\nThe sick, when pronounced incurable by their physi-\\ncians, are often put to death by their friends and relatiti\\nons and even the old and infirm, when no longer able\\nto support themselves, are doomed to share the same\\nfate. The first preliminary to this tragedy is a feast.\\nThey usually kill a number of dogs, whom they instruct\\nto proclaim to the spirits in the other world, that an ad-\\ndition will soon be made to their number. The carcases\\nof the dogs are greedily devoured; after which they\\ndespatch their victims, generally by strangling them.\\nPerhaps even this practice, so repugnant to our feel-\\nings, as also that of massacreing prisoners taken in war,\\nmay find some excuse or alleviation in the peculiar cir-\\ncumstances of the Indians.\\nAlmost their only sustenance is derived from the chase.\\nNone but the men are able to pursue it, and it often hap-\\npens that six or eight women and children depend on the\\nexertions of one man. This burden is still increased, if\\nthere be any sick or old to support. These, especially\\nthe latter, become tired of theh- lives when no longer a-\\nble to share the fatigues of war, or to procure game for\\nthemselves. They therefore voluntarily submit to a pre-\\nmature death and those who are bound by nature to\\nnourish them while they live, are also doomed to become\\ntheir executioners when unable to supply them with the\\nmeans of living. Besides, as the Indians are almost al-\\nways at war, they are obliged to move from place to\\nplace, and frequently with great precipitation and in\\nsuch an extremity, their sick and infirm old people must\\ncither prove an incumbrance, or fall into the hands of", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "42ii\\nSKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\ntheir enemies. Necessity therefore seems to dictate their\\ndestruction.\\nThey are much more excusable in kiUing their prison-\\ners. If they preserved their lives, who woald support\\nthem Were this difficulty removed, how could they\\nspare their warriors to guard them Situated as they are,\\nvulnerable on every point, prisoners would be liable to\\nmake their escape, or snatched from captivity by the\\nbold and successful exertions of their friends. They\\ncannot with safety release their prisoners such a step\\nwould increase the number and strength of their enemies j\\ntherefore to kill them is as much a dictate of self preser-\\nvation as of ferocity. The tortures inflicted on them,\\nare intended to familiarize the young to scenes of blood,\\nand to make warriors of them.\\nIt must be remarked, that an Indian cannot disgrace\\nhimself more than by suffering himself to be taken priso-\\nner. If he ever returns to his nation, it is to experience,\\nat least, a temporary degradation, to be habited like a\\nslave, to be exposed to public ridicule and contempt and\\nthe women and children are permitted to insult him as\\nmuch as they please he is even denied the rights of hos-\\npitality his former acquaintance and friends avoid him,\\nand he is obliged to herd and associate with domestic an-\\nimals. His military conduct, however, is ultimately in-\\nvestigated in a council of chiefs and if it be found that\\nhe manifested a suitable degree of courage and prudence\\nat the time he was made prisoner, he is restored to his\\nformer station in life though not without many solemn\\nceremonies, which in part appear to be derived from their\\nreligion, in some parts of Europe, a disgraced soldier\\nis restoied to his former respectability by passing u\u00c2\u00abder\\nthe flag of his regiment.\\nPerhaps this disgrace is somewhat aggravated by the\\n\\\\iotion, that eternal happiness awaits those who fall in", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 42 A\\nI ontest with their enemies. Such a sentiment unquesti-\\nonably tends to make men brave. The Saracens never\\nfeared death on such occasions because they believed,\\nthat all those who perished in battle were admitted to the\\njoys of paradise. The Romans and Lacedaemonians en-\\ntertained nearly the same notions. All those denominat-\\ned priests among the Indians, inculcate this doctrine.\\nThis religious order is probably coeval with the first set-\\ntlement of America; for Clavigero says, that at the time\\nof the conquest of Mexico, about a million of this des-\\ncription of men existed in that empire.\\nTheir religion, as may be supposed, is such as simple\\nnature points out though in some it appears much more\\nrational than in others. A confused notion of a Supreme\\nbeing, and of a future state of retribution, prevails a-\\nmong all of them j except those, perhaps, within the arc-\\ntic circle. They all believe in the immortality of souls\\nbut they have different ideas relative to their station and\\nemployment in the other world. Some conceive, that\\nthe good are whelmed in such pleasures as suited them in\\nthis life while all admit, that the wicked are miserable.\\nOthers again seem to believe the existence of a purgato-\\nry, or middle state, for a longer or shorter time, and\\nthen are admitted to the fruitions prevalent in the abode\\nof the great spirit. It is common with them to bury\\nsuch things with the dead as they were pleased with be-\\nfore their departure. They also deposit with them their\\ntommahawks, their bows and arrows, or muskets, and\\nsome venison for they apprehend, that the journey is\\nlong and difficult, and that, without these articles, they\\nwill suffer by the way. Some nations, indeed, bury all\\nthe property of the dead with them, Avithout regard to\\ntheir debts, or the wants of their families. The ancient\\nCanarians deposited jars of milk and wine with their\\ndead, as necessary provisions for their journey. And Ce-\\ncar says, that the Celts, or Celtce, who burned their dead,", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "424 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nplaced such things, and even animals, on the funeral\\npile, as the deceased were most delighted with.\\nThe general iisceptacles of the dead are not always in\\nthe vicinity of their villages and towns. Some bury their\\ndead immediatelty after death, and leave them in their\\ngraves till the flesh falls from the bones, and then are ta-\\nken from the ground. Others place their dead on scaf-\\nfolds, erected for the purpose, till their bones are in a\\nlike condition. At stated periods all their bones are col-\\nlected, and scraped and cleaned with great care. The\\nwhole nation assembles to bear them to the general ma-\\ngazine of corruption, and this ceremony is called the\\nfeast of souls. At these periods they open the tombs of\\ntheir fathers and friends, and for a while indulge their\\ntender pity and affection. The new collection of bones\\nis carefully deposited, and the tombs closed after which\\nthey return to their homes.\\nThe Indians believe in the existence of good and\\nevil spirits, which roam, unperceived, the regions of the\\nair; and this belief is general from Greenland to Pata-\\ngonia. Hence on occasions of importance, they endeavor\\nto deprecate the wrath of the one, and to invoke tht- pro-\\npitious smiles of the other. This ceremony is perform-\\ned by their physicians, who are also their priests or jug-\\nglers it consists of a variety of grimaces and contorti-\\nons; and in their profound reveries, they are supposed\\nto converse with the spirits. Almost the same methods\\nare pursued by some in the cure of those diseases, which\\nhave baffled their medical skill. The more northern In-\\ndians practice incantations and charms while those in\\nmore temperate climates much oftener trust to the effica-\\ncy of medicinal plants. In all these occult attempts, the\\njugglers are expert in their tricks, and usually perform\\nthem in a naked and exposed posture. Hearne saw one\\npretend to swallow a bayonet, the hilt of which only ap-\\npeared out of the mouth. Another made an attempt to", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 425\\nswallow a broad piece of wood, as large as a barrel\\nstave, and shaped like it, one end of which was exposed\\nin the same manner. Both of them walked about among\\nthe spectators with the articles apparently in their throats\\nnor was it in the power of llearne to detect the decepti-\\non. The author of these sketches has seen an Osage\\njuggler swallow an arrow, eighteen inches long, and there\\nwas no deception in this instance.\\nThe Indians have likewise much faith in dreams, by\\nwhich they pretend to the knowledge of future events\\nnor are they less sanguine in their prognostications, groun-\\nded on certain occurrences in their wakeful moments.\\nAn loway chief who accompanied the author of these\\nsketches to the seat of government in November 1805,\\nwas possessed of a very curious kind of shell, in which\\nhe carried his tobacco. In Kentucky a citizen took a\\nfancy to it, and requested it of him. He readily parted\\nwith it after which he turned roimd, and addressed his\\ncompanions thus: I have given away my tobacco shell,\\nand this circumstance puts me in mind that I shall die\\nin a few days. Four days afterwards he expired\\nwithout any apparent previous indisposition, except a\\nhard struggle for about an hour, while in the agonies of\\ndeath.\\nThese traits sufficiently discover, that the Indians are\\nextremely superstitious. They behold eclipses with ter-\\nror, and are apt to draw the most fatal prognostics from\\nthem. Columbus foretold an eclipse to the inhabitants\\nof one of the islands who had refused him provisions,\\nand threatened them with destruction unless they grati-\\nfied him. The eclipse happened as predicted; which so\\nterrified the Indians, that they furnished him with the\\nprovisions he wanted. Mango Capac founded the Peru-\\nvian empire, by means of superstition and many hundred\\nyears afterwards, when Pizarro invaded that country, the\\nPeruvians recollected an ancient prophesy relative to their", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "426 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nfate, and submitted without opposition. Montezuma lest\\nhis throne and kingdom in the same manner.\\nThe Indians in general have very imperfect ideas of\\nthe rights of property. This is the reason why some\\nparticular tribes are so much given to theft. They can-\\nnot conceive, that any one has an exclusive right to the\\ngoods of providence and therefore believe it just to\\nsupply their wants from the stores of those, who are fa-\\nvored with a profusion.\\nThe southern or Mexican Indians differ in their fea-\\ntures and complexions from those of the northern tribes\\nin the first place they are more feminine, and in the se-\\ncond much fairer. They are also more moderate in their\\nfood, and more feeble in their frames, more timid and\\nirresolute in their dispositions with them the fatigues of\\nthe chase are generally exchanged for the cultivation of\\na few plants, and the avails of their manufactures, to\\nwhich they have long been attached. They are likewise\\nmore refined in their manners not, however, from any\\nintercourse they have had with the whites. Perhaps rigor\\nous climates are, in some degree incompatible with re-\\nfinement, and the growth of the more amiable qualities.\\nThe Indians within the arctic and antarctic circles, re-\\nsemble each other in their habits and manners; and this\\nhas led some to conclude, that the difference observable\\namong the natives in different quarters, mostly arise?:\\nfrom the effect of climate.\\nA perceptible difference exists, even among our wes-\\ntern Indians. Those who inhabit the low grounds are\\nknown to be rather under size, and of swarthy complex-\\nions; while those who inhabit and range the elevated\\ncountry, are of much larger forms, and their skins are\\nnot tinged \u00e2\u0096\u00a0svith so dark a hue. Perhaps the effect of\\nclimate is here still more manifest.\\nIn some instances the customs of the Indians on oppo-\\nsite sides of the Mississipni. difler from each other", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "dF THE ABORIGINES. 40^\\nJ hose to the eastward of it hunt, travel, and go to war,\\nmostly on foot; while those to the westward of that river\\nusually kill their game, and fight their battles on horse-\\nback. These own a prodigious number of horses some\\nthey raise, and others are obtained wild from the woods.\\nThey are rather small, but fleet and hardy, and wholly\\nsubsist on the spontaneous productions of nature. Those\\nwho fight mounted, generally resort to the open grounds;\\nwhile their brethren of the east prefer impenetrable woods\\nand recesses, and take more advantage of circumstances\\nto surprise their enemies. Perhaps thi? difference of\\nwarfare may be ascribed more to the nature of the coun-\\ntry, than to any primitive custom among them. The\\ncountry in the interior of Louisiana abounds in extensive\\nprairies, which spread over at least tvv^o thirds of it:\\nwhile on the east side of the Mississippi the grounds are\\nraore undulated, more rocky, and almost wholly covered\\nwith forests, except in the neighborhood of that river,\\nand therefore not so well calculated for the use of horses.\\nHence historians and other writers ai*e mistaken when\\nthey contend, that there is a striking similitude in the\\nform of their bodies, and in the qualities of their minds\\nthat their color and features are the same that they are\\nsmall eaters and that nature has denied them beards, as\\nlikewise hair on other parts of their bodies. From these\\nsupposed general traits they infer diat all the Indians on\\nur continent may be traced to one common origin. These\\n:iors were propagated by the early Spanish writers, whose\\niformation of the Indians was not only very limited, but\\n.vhose object was to degrade them below the order of hu-\\nman beings.\\nNotwithstanding some of the traits before mentioned\\nwere produced by adventitious causes; yet it requires\\nno great knowledge of the Indians to perceive, that tjiey\\nare radically as dissimilar in their features, complexions,\\nsi^e, and language, %s the vj^rious nations on the other\\n3 I", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "42g SKETCHES OF. LOUISIANA.\\ncontinents. Some are remarkably large in their frames.;\\nwhile others cannot boast the usual stature of men; some\\nof them possess strong intellects, while those manifested\\nby others are much less vigorous some are prone to war,\\nothers are more peaceable and they as little understand\\nthe different languages among themselves, as they do\\nthose of Europe. These are national traits: Perhaps\\npart of them may be attributed to the influence of cli-\\nmate for the powers of both body and mind are much\\nless conspicuous in warm countries than in colder ones,\\nin low marshy districts than in mountainous regions but\\nsome of them are unquestionably primitive. If the Spa-\\nniards found a people of weak intellect in the islands, and\\nin the Mexican dominions, they witnessed another in\\nChili of very extraordinary capacities.\\nThe Auraucanians, though not numerous, proved a\\nmatch for them in bravery, and in the fertility of inven-\\ntion and they remain unsubdued to this day. It has\\nbeen remarked in other parts of this work, that the com-\\nplexions of the Indians are by no means the same that\\nsome tribes or nations are much fairer* than others, and\\nthat even some of them have red or sandy hair. We\\nare assured by a native of Chili in a late valuable history\\nof that country, that the Boroanes, who live in the\\nmidst of the Auraucanian provinces, in the thirty ninth\\ndegree of south latitude, are fair and ruddy, have blue\\neyes, and red hair, and are as well formed as the nor-\\nthern Europeans. The Auraucanians have long black\\nhair, and their complexion is of a reddish or coppery\\nbrown. Nothing (continues the same author) appears\\ntQ me more ridiculous than the assertion of several\\nwriters, that all the Americans resemble each other,\\nand tliat from seeing one, you are able to judge of the\\nwhole. A Chilian is as easily distinguished from a\\nPeruvian, as an Italian from a Ge-Tman, I have seen\\nnatives of Cujo, of Paraguay, and of thq straits o\u00c2\u00a3", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES 409\\nMagellan and I can confidently affirm, that their\\ncountenances present a very striking difference. IF\\nthose in the same quarter of the country be thus distin-\\nguishable from each other, how much greater the differ-\\nence between those inhabiting the various regions and\\nclimates on the continent A wide difference exists be-\\ntween a Sac and an Osage, and a still greater difference\\nbetween either and an Esquimaux.\\nNothing is more unfounded than the assertion, that\\nthe Indians in general are small eaters. This is proba-\\nbly the case with those who live in warm climates, where\\nvegitables, and the spontaneous productions of the earth,\\nare usually preferred to animal food. The Indians in\\nall parts of Louisiana, as also those on the east side of\\nthe Mississippi, are known to be voracious eaters j and\\nthis truth can be illustrated by a thousand examples, one\\nof which follows When the author of these sketches\\nconducted about thirty Missouri chiefs to the seat of go-\\nvernment in 1805, as before stated, the first three hun-\\ndred miles of the way was too thinly inhabite d to furnish\\nthem with regular meals so that it became necessary to\\npurchase fresh beef for them, of which they devoured\\non an average, three hundred and fifty pounds per day,\\nor nearly twelve pounds per man\\nBeards are as natural to the Indians as to any other\\npeople and nature also furnishes their bodies with the\\nusual proportion of hair; but, like the Tartars, they pluck\\nthem out as fast as they grow, because they deem it more\\ncleanly and by pursuing this method for a number of years,\\nthey appear as if nature had denied them these badges of\\npuberty. They always carry about them a small looking\\nglass and tweezers, which are very often employed, espe-\\ncially when they are about to receive, or to appear among\\nstrangers. The Tunisian women follow the practice of\\nthf squaws of America.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "4jy SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nAmong the differences manifested by the various In-\\ndian nations, that of intellect is not the least. Equally\\nwithout education, blessed with the light of nature only,\\nand exposed to the same physical evils, to what shall we\\nascribe this inequality That there is a very great ine-\\nqu^ilitv, is evident to the most superficial observer. It\\nwtll known to travellers, that those Indians, who live in\\ngenial climates, particnlarly in mountainous countries, arc\\nmuch more vigorous in body and intellect, than the inha-\\nbitants of warm climates, who inhabit a Lss salubrious\\nair. This distinction is manifested in their eloquence, in\\ntheir hostile preparations and in their bloodv rencoimtres\\nand it is evident, from a variety of considerations, that\\nthey are inuch less under the influence of moral than\\nphysical impulses.\\nIf it be supposed, as some able men actually do sup-\\npose, that they have one common origin, on what prin-\\nciple shall we account for the great variety of languages\\namong them Had the European nations, like them, re-\\nmained in their barbarous state, they would have pi-eser-\\nved their ancient dialects. This sentence, written so late\\nas the third Henry, He nees othes xvorthc that es cncs gijl-\\nty of oth^broken^^ may be considered as a good specimen\\nof the English language at that day. The gradual inno-\\nvations it has experienced, is ascribable to the introducti-\\non of the arts and sciences. The Indians are probably\\nnow, what they were ten centuries ago it is even diffi-\\ncult to assign plausible reasons for mutations in their dia-\\nlect*, except we admit occasional admixtures and these\\nmost likely are not numerous, as in general they are scru-\\npulously cautious to preserve their own, and to oppose\\nthe introduction of foreign idioms. It will, therefore, be\\ndifficult to trace the varieties in their languages, to this\\nsource Those the best acquainted with them, perceive\\nli radical difference, betv.-ccn thcn^. An Os^ge and a", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "OF THE AnORIGlVES. 431\\nShawnee understand each other no better than an English\\nAmerican, and a Spaniard.\\nSome of the most reprehensible customs of ihe Indi-\\nans, as they are so opposite to our moral sentiments, must\\nnot be omitted in a work of this natnre. They permit\\nand sanction polygamy among them. The men are at li-\\nberty to take as many wives as they can support, but not\\nwithout the approbation of the old men and chiefs. A-\\nniong some nations a husband has a right to repudiate\\nhis wife, or to sell or kill her as he pleases. Among o-\\nthers, neither of these steps can be taken without the san-\\nction of public authority. Adultery and fornication are\\nviewed in different lights by different nations. Among\\nsome it is customary for the chief to present his youngest\\nwife to his stranger guest, and if he refuses to sleep with\\nher, it is considered as an affront. Among others, thf\\nchief presents his daughter, or some other unmarried fc\\nmale relation. This custom is similar to one prevailing\\nin Abyssinia and Arabia, where a stranger of distinction\\nsleeps with the sister, daughter, or some other female re-\\nlation of his host. In some nations of Indians, adulter-\\nis punishable with death, and fornication permitted. la\\nothers, fornication is a capital offence, and adultery i?.\\npractised with impunity. But in some tribes, these crime?\\nare not regarded. Mothers and daughters have beer\\nknown to grant their favors in presence of each other\\nand they are always ready to prostitute themselves, par-\\nticularly with the whites, whenever they are able to ob\\ntain a pecuniary reward for it.\\nMuch has been said and written on the subject of In\\ndian eloquence. They express themselves, especially ii.\\ntheir public speeches, in a bold figurative style and ii.\\nthis particular they resemble the orientals. Their ges\\nlures, though somewhat wild and extravagant, arc rathei\\ngraceful than awkward. They s^eak I roin nature, and\\nnot from education. They utter what their subject in", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "4.J2 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\ntipires, and never advert to approved models as their stan-\\ndard. Their language is barren; and hence they are ob-\\nliged to resort to metaphor, or to use much circumlocu-\\ntion in the expression of their sentiments. This is doubt-\\nless the practice of all illiterate nations. All languages\\nare figurative in proportion to their barrenness and this\\nis more pleasing and powerful than the smooth harmony\\nof studied periods: Art will do much, but nature\\nmuch more, Pcrrhaps a profound knowledge of Ro-\\nman and Grecian literature would have obscured the ge-\\nnius of Shakespeare. Who at this day, except the untu-\\ntored sons of nature, can utter the language of Ossian\\nand Homer What man, trammeled with thii forms of\\nmodern art, can speak like Logan, mentioned in the notes\\non Virginia The language of nature can alone arrest at-\\ntention, persuade, convince, and terrify and such is the\\nlanguage of the Indians. They use many figures, which\\nhave an appropriate and technical meaning and hence\\nthose unacquainted with their eloquence are apt, either to\\nmisapprehend the m, or to consider them as destitue of sense.\\nMany instances of the sublime might be collected from\\ntheir speeches but one specimen only must suffice. A\\n3Iiami chief in 1802, set out on a visit to the president.\\nHe called on the author of these sketches, at one of our\\nwestern garrisons for money and horses but as he was\\nnot furnished with a passport, these wt-re denied him till\\nthe pleasure of the secretary of war was known on the\\nsubject. This was soon obtained, and it proved unfavour-\\nUible. The chief then made a long speech on the import-\\nance of his mission, and concluded in this manner If I\\ncould only see my great father, and obtain from him one\\nword declaratory of justice to my nation, it would be\\nlike the beams of the sun breakiug through a cloud af-\\nter a storm. Classic erudition, connot invent a more ap-\\nposite and sublime sentence than this. The speeches, in-\\ndeed, of all the Indian orators are generally full of shining", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "OF TIIE ABORIGINE S. 4 J. 3\\npassages, which would have been applauded in the asseua\\nblies of Greece and Home.\\nThere is a wide difference in the sounds of the Indian\\nlanguages. Some, as spoken by the tribes on both sides\\nthe Mississippi are full of guttural sounds others are\\npregnant with a disgusting monotony. Some are harmo-\\nny to the ear, while others are dissonant, and extremely\\ndisagreeable. The Huron language is said to have copi-\\nousness, energy, and sublimity that of the Algonquins\\nto have sweetness and elegance and that of the Scioux,\\nthough harsh, to be very expressive. These are unques-\\ntionably radical languages. The two first are spoken a-\\nbout the upper lakes, and extend to the western ocean.\\nThe latter is prevalent between the Mississippi and Mis-\\nsouri, and has been traced westward to the rocky or shin-\\ning mountains.\\nThat the Indians were once much more numerous than\\nat present, will not admit of a doubt; and it seems hard-\\nly credible, that the destruction occasioned by wars a-\\nmong themselves, and v/ith the whites, though very great,\\nshould have made such a wonderful reduction in their\\nnumber. Henuipin says, that when he first visited the\\nMississippi, (in 1680) the Osages had seventeen villages;\\nthat the Panimahas (probably the Mahas, at this time a-\\nbout nine hundred miles up the Missouri) had twenty two\\nvillages, the least of which contained two hundred cotta-\\nges. If these numbers be correct, they must have con-\\ntained about ninety thousand souls This nation is now\\nreduced to less than fifteen hundred. Many other nati-\\nons were equally numerous, particularly the Panaossas,\\nPanelogas, Matotantes, and Panas. The three first na-\\ntions are unknown at this time, at least by the names giv-\\nen them by the early writers. Marquette states that (in\\n1674) the Chuoanous lived on the river Ouabouskigou\\n(the Kaskaskias) in eighty eight villages. If he means\\nthe nation at this time known by the name of the Kaskas-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "434. SKETCHES Oh LOUISIANA.\\nkias, u liich was very powerful when the French first set-\\ntled in the country, it is now reduced to about sixty per-\\nsons. Many other powerful nations, who nhabited the\\nwest bank of the Mississippi, have either become extinct,\\nor now exist in some of the more interior regions. The\\nArkansas have endeavored to maintain their ground bui\\nfrom a numerous nation they are now reduced to a few\\nin number, and have exchanged their proud martial spirii\\nfor the most contemptible pusillanimity. War and ardent\\nspirits have wasted the population of our continent.\\nWhen and by whom America was first peopled, has\\nperplexed the learned for several centuries. Conjecture,\\nin part, must supply the place of historical facts and by\\na comparison of circumstances, and from the dim lights\\nemitted by tradition, we must approach as near the truth\\nas possible. That the Indians have different origins, is\\npretty evident from the dissimilarity of their features,\\nlanguage, and customs. Perhaps on enquiry it may be\\nfound probable, that we are indebted to all the other con-\\ntinents for our population.\\nIt is remarked by travellers and voyagers, that the in-\\nhabitants of all the islands in the oriental seas, however\\nwidely dispersed, have a greater affinity with each other,\\nthan with the people of the continent, in their manners,\\ncustoms, language, and features. Columbus found the\\nthe natives of all the West India islands to resemble each\\nother in the same particulars, except that each island had\\na language of its own. The same cannot be said of the\\nIndians on the continent the difference between them,\\nand those of the islands, is very considerable, but not\\ngreater than that among themselves. The inference is,\\nthat their intercourse with the other continents, and the\\njslandswe have mentioned, ceased at such a remote pe-\\nriod as to give them the appearance of a distinct people.\\nThe nations of Europe, in the days of Julius Cesar,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0r- ^cmbled our Indians in many particulars, perhaps even", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "dp THE ABOlllGINES. 4J5\\n?n their Qolor. They had the same confused notions of\\nreligion; they painted their bodies the pursuit of game\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^vas their chief active employment their modes of war,\\ntheir civil regulations, their customs and manners, were\\nsimilar in most respects to those of the aborigines of A-\\nmerica. The conquests made by the Romans, though\\nprolific of blood, served to introduce the arts and sciences,\\nand to extend and to embellish the sociabilities of life.\\nEven at this day, the Tartars and Russians, the progeny\\nof the ancient Scythians, and other northern nations, can-\\nnot well be distinguished from some American tribes.\\nThey exhibit the same modes of life. They are divided\\ninto tribes or clans, under innumerable petty chiefs; their\\ncivil polity, and their warfare, bespeak a very great re-\\nsemblance to those traits manifested on our borders.\\nFrom these several agreements, it is reasonable to con-\\nclude, that the relationship between the inhabitants of the\\nold and new world, is much less problematical, and in-\\ndeed much nearer than some have conceived.\\nIt is well known that several of the ancients circurhna-\\nvigated Africa. It is even said that a colony of Phenici-\\nans passed into Ireland. Certain it is, that they built\\nCornwall in England, and Gadez, or Cadiz in Spain,\\nwhere they carried on a considerable commerce in tin,\\nand other articles. The Carthaginians discovered the Ca-\\nnary Islands. In the time of Plutarch the Fortunate Is-\\nlands were inhabited, and much celebrated for their fer-\\ntility. When Columbus first visited Guadaloupe, and\\naome other islands in the West Indies, at that time unin-\\nhabited, he found the ruins of buildings, and the frag-\\nments of ships. The Egyptians and Phenicians were\\nthe first to make discoveries by sea. The Persians be-\\nfore the days of Alexander, on the authority of Herodo-\\ntus, fitted out vessels, which navigated the river Indus,\\nand even passed into the Red Sea. It is highly prob ^.ble,\\ntherefore, that, in a course of ages, some of the Egyp-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": ".^36 SKETCHES OF LOtJlSIANA.\\ntian or Phenician vessels, were driven among the islands\\nby the trade wuids, which begin a litde to the southward\\nof the straits, and continue for at least nine months in\\nthe year. Most likely the vessels in those days, were not\\ncalculated for adverse winds, the mariners little skilled\\nin the art of navigation, and perhaps still less acquainted\\nwith the nature and duration of the trade winds. If any\\nof them were driven westward, they never returned; and\\nthat this actuTjUy happened in the course of time, is much\\nmorc^ than probable. It is natural to conclude, that they\\nfirst landed on s -m of the islands and if they after-\\nwards committed themselves to the waves, perhaps to pass\\nfrom one island to another, the same winds necessarily\\nforced them on our continent. In some of the first voy-\\nages of the Spaniards, a small colony of negroes was\\nfound in the gulf of Darien. No doubt these Africans\\narrived there in small craft and this is as credible as the\\nvoyages made by the Indians in the tropical seas, as men-\\ntioned by Cook and other navigators.\\nThe aborigines of America unquestionably derive their\\norigin fi omsome other country, and the claims on this point\\nof the other three quarters of the world are nearly equal.\\nPerhaps in early time the four continents were much nearer\\nto each other than at present, but have since been more\\nwidely separated by some violent shock of nature, or by\\nthe evulsion of the winds and tides.\\nIt may be proper to add here, that many of the Indi-\\nans practise the rites and ceremonies of the ancient Jews.\\nSome of them observe the feasts of the first fruits, regu-\\nlarly perform ablution, and occasionally separate seven\\ndays from thtir women. When Magehan first discovered\\nthe southern extremity of this continent, the Indians in\\nthat quarter made the sign of the cross at their meals,\\nand on other occasions. Cortez remarked the same thing\\namong the Mexicans when he seized on their empire.\\nThese traits, however, if they actually existed, werQ", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 4-;-\\nprobably accidental, and no inference of weight can be\\ndrawn from them.\\nThat a colony from Wales arrived in this country in\\n1170, is much more than probable: But this subject re-\\nquires a copious detail, and must be reserved for a sepa-\\nrate chapter.\\nMany of the Indians have a confused notion of their\\norigin though in the course of ages their traditional ac-\\ncounts have become obscured, and in most instances un-\\nintelligible. The Delawares have kept a register of the\\ntime since they first established themselves on the river\\nof their name, and it amounts to upwards of four hun-\\ndred years. This was done by putting a bead of wam-\\npum on a string, kept for the purpose, every year since\\nthat period a circumstance to prove, that the Indians\\nhave the means of computing time, and of preserving\\nthe memory of events. The keeper of the Natchez tem-\\nple was once asked, whether his nation was originally of\\nthe country it then inhabited His reply was, that the\\nNatchez once lived to the westward, when warriors of\\nlire came among them from towards the rising sun, in\\nfloating villages, which caused the earth to tremble that\\nthey were bearded white men, who carried arms that\\ndarted out fire with a great noise, and killed at a great\\ndistance. When questioned relative to the origin of the\\nNatchez, he again replied, that their ancient speech did not\\npoint out the country, but that their fathers followed the\\nsun, and came with him from the place where he now ri-\\nses; that they were a longtime on their journey, and suf-\\nfered extreme hardships; -and that they were brought\\ninto the country without their seeking It;\\nThis clearly favours the idea, that they were of foreign\\norigin. The Phenicians planted colonies on the coast of\\nAfrica, and were almost the only adventurers in early\\ntimes, who passed the pillars of Hercules. They, and\\nthe Natchez, resembled each other in many respects.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "4,38 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nBoth worshipped the eternal fire the custom of scalping\\ntheir enemies was common to both and the language of\\nthe Natchez, says Du Pratz, contained many figurative\\n^nd bold Synac expressions. There is also a passage in\\nDiodorus Siculus, which is quoted by authors to prove\\nthat America was originally peopled from Africa and it\\nis thus translated.\\nTo the west of Africa is situated a very large island,\\nand distant many days sail from that part of our c mti-\\nnent. Its fertile soil is partly plain and partly moun-\\ntainous. The plain country is sweet and pleasant, wa-\\ntered every where with rivulets, and navigable rivers\\nit is beautified with many gardens, planted with all kinds\\nof trees, and the orchards are watered with many\\nstreams. The villages are adorned with houses built\\nin a magificent style, with parterres, ornamented with\\narbors, and covered with flowers. To these the inha-\\nbitants retire during the summer to enjoy the fruits,\\nfurnished by the country in great abundance. The\\nmountainous part is covered with large woods, and\\nwith a variety of fruit trees the vallies are watered\\nwith rivulets, where the inhabitants find every thing\\ncalculated to render life agreeable. In a word, the\\nwhole island, by its fertility, and the abundance of its\\nsprings, furnishes the inhabitants with every thing ca-\\npable of flattering their wishes, and of contributing to\\ntheir health, and strength of body. By huntmg they\\nsupply themselves with an infinite number of animals\\nso that in their feasts they have nothing to wish for, in\\nV regard e-ither to plenty or deUcacy. Besides, the sea,\\nwhich surrounds the island, supplies them plentifully\\nwith all kinds of fish, and indeed the sea in general is\\nvery abundant. The air of the island is so temperate,\\nthat the trees bear leaves and fruit almost the whole\\nyear round. In a word, this island is so delicious, tlpr.?.\\nit seenc^^ rather the abode of gods than of nien.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 439\\nAnciently, on account of its remote situation, it was\\naltogether unknown but it was eventually discovered\\nby accident. It is well known, that, from the earliest\\nages, the Phenicians undertook long voyages in order\\nto extend their commerce, and that, in consequence of\\nthese voyages, they established several colonies in Af-\\nrica and the western parts of Europe. Every thing\\nsucceeded to their wish and, as they soon became\\npowerful, they passed the pillars of Hercules, and en-\\ntered the ocean. In the neighborhood of these pillars,\\nand on a peninsula in Spain, they built a town, which\\nthey called Gadez. There, among the buildings proper\\nfor the place, they erected a temple to Hercules, to\\nwhom they instituted splendid sacrifices, after the man-\\nner of their country. This temple is held in great ve-\\nDeration at this day, and several Romans, who have\\nrendered themselves illustrious by their exploits, have\\nperformed their vows to Hercules for the success of\\ntheir enterprises.\\nAfter the Phenecians had passed the straits of Spain,\\nthey sailed along Africa, when, by the violence of the\\nwinds, they were driven out to sea, and the storm con-\\ntinuing several days, they were at length thrown on this\\nV island. They were the first who became acquainted\\nwith its fertility and beauty, and therefore published\\nthem to other nations. The Tuscans, when they were\\nmasters of the sea, designed to settle a colony on this\\nisland but the Carthaginians found means to frustrate\\ntheir object. In this they were influenced by two mo-\\ntives. The first was, they were fearful that their citl-\\nzens, tempted by the charms of the island, would pass\\nover to it, and thereby weaken their own country.\\nThe second was, they considered it a secure asy-\\nlum, for themselves, if ever their republic should expc-\\nrience anv terrible disaster.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "440 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nThus much of Diodoras Siculus, the Greek historian.\\nHe was contemporary with Julius Cesar, and flourished a-\\nbout sixty years before the christian era. If he had not\\nsaid, that the place in question was surrounded by the sea^\\nwe should be tempted to conclude, that it was on some\\npart of our continent, because it contained navigable ri-\\nvers. The vessels of the ancients, however, cannot be\\nsupposed to have much exceeded in size some of our mo-\\ndern row boats.\\nHanno mentions an island by the name of Cerne^ situ-\\nated to the west of Africa, on which he built a fort, and\\nestablished a colony. It was the depot of the Carthagi-\\nnians on the south of Africa. The situation of this island\\nis not ascertained by ancient writers, nor is it known how\\nlong the Carthaginians maintained themselves on it. Whe-\\nther this is the island described by Diodorus Siculus, may\\nadmit of question. It may be proper to remark, that the\\nCarthaginians were of Phenician origin.\\nIt is said and believed by many, that our western regi-\\nons were once inhabited by a more civilized people than\\nthe present aborigines and as an argument in favor of it,\\nthey ask, how is it possible for illiterate savages to con-\\nstruct fortifications on strict mathematical principles It\\nmust be admitted that the old fortifications in the western\\ncountry, where they can be sufficiently traced and identi-\\nfied, manifest in their angles and other particulars, a con-\\nsiderable degree of skill and precision. Many of them\\nhave regular bastions, and are constructed according to\\nthe rules of art. The figures or plans of the works are\\nvarious but in whatever shape they appear, they are al-\\nways suited to the nature of the ground, and calculated\\nfor the best defence. Are they not the remains of the\\nWelsh, who are said to have passed into America more\\nthan three hundred years before the days of Columbus\\nThey serve at least, to illustrate and to countenance that", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 441\\nidea. The fortifications successively erected in England\\nand Wales, by the Romans, Saxons, Danes, and Nor-\\nmans, must have been familiar to the Welsh in 1 1 70, and\\nif they ever landed on our shores, the science of attack\\nand defence, was probably the last to escape their remem-\\nbrance Their situation doubtless exposed them to war,\\nand frequent practice enabled them to preserve for a long\\ntime, the arts of it. They must likewise have retained\\nthe science of building for a considerable time perhaps\\nthis was never lost till after the conquest of Mexico by\\nthe Spaniards. What the Welsh were in the twelfth cen-\\ntury, the Mexicans were in the fifteenth and sixteenth\\ncenturies; and these circumstances, together with some\\nothers soon to be mentioned, seem to support the conclu-\\nsion attempted to be drawn in the next chapter.\\nAVhen Columbus visited Cuba, he was surprised to\\nfind a wall of stone, which displayed skill and durability:\\nIn 1517, Valasquez landed on the continent, within the\\ndominions of Montezuma, and was delighted with the\\ntraits of civilization found among the natives. They had\\nmade considerable progress in the useful arts they lived\\nin houses of stone, and their structure manifested skill\\nand design. This indeed was the case in all the provin-\\nces under the jurisdiction of the Mexican monarch. The\\nsame was observed by the Spaniards when they entered\\nthe city of Mexico the natives were rempte from bar^\\nbarism they were refined in their manners, intelligent,\\nand in some degree learned. Like the ancient Egypti-\\nans, they knew with precision the annual revolution of\\nthe sun They fixed the year at three hundred and sixty\\nfive days, nearly, and divided it into eighteen parts.\\nTheir constitution was founded on the broad basis of re-\\nligion and law. Their cities displayed magnificence in\\narchitecture, and opulence in their decorations. The pa-\\nlace of Montezuma had thirty gates, which communica-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "442 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nted with as many streets. The front was composed ol\\nred, black, and white jasper, beautifully polished; and\\nin a large shield over the gate were represented the arms\\nof Montezuma, AGri^nxvith expanded wings holding\\na Tijger it), its talons\\nThat an aboriginal king or chief, should have a regular\\ncoat of arms, appears rather singular; and it must be\\nleft to the learned to determine the origin of the one just\\nmentioned. It may be proper, however, to remark, that\\ncoats of arms were used by the great in the early times\\nof Europe, and that they, as well as crosses, served for\\nsignatures before writing became prevalent. There is the\\nmore ground to believe, that the one of Montezuma was\\nof European origin, as the Mexicans reported, and the\\nreport was confirmed by him, that their rulers were des-\\ncended from a strange nation, which came among them\\nfrom a distant country.\\nM. de Guignes is of opinion, that the Chinese in the\\nseventh century extended their trafic to the north west\\ncoast of America, particularly as the promontory ofKam-\\nskatka, under the name of Ta-Shan, is mentioned in\\ntheir books of travels. It is also said that California was\\nknown to them, because the Spaniards, when they first\\nvisited that part of the country, found the wrecks of Chi-\\nnese vessels on various parts of the coast.\\nAnd Barrow says, that the natives of Brazil resemble\\nthe Chinese in their features, particularly in the confor-\\nmation of the eye. The natives of Chili have a tradi-\\ntion among them, that some of their ancestors came from\\nthe west, perhaps from the south of Asia and there are\\nthose v/ho perceive evident traces of Maylayan and other\\nAsiatic dialects, among them, as v\u00c2\u00bb U as among the inha-\\nbitants of the islands in the Indian and Pacific oceans. One\\nauthor has discovered upwards of twenty greek and latin\\nWords in the Auraucanjan language, v/hich is common to\\nChili.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "OF THE AT^ORIGTNES. 44.3\\nIt is admitted that Greenland was settled as early as\\n9S2, some say by the Norwegians; others by a colonj\\nfrom Irehind or England, as they were christians, and\\nhad among them some Irish books, bells and crosiers,\\nGreenland is separated from America by a narrow strait\\nonly, nor is it certainly known that any such separation\\nexists.\\nThe north of Asia and America are divided by a strait\\nof about forty miles in breadth and the Indians in that\\nquarter have a tradition among them, that, about two\\nhundred years ago, this strait was much less dilitated than\\nat present, and that the natives at low tides, vrsrt able to\\nwalk from one continent to the other.\\nIt is now well knov/n, that a chain of islands extends\\nalong the intermediate tract, over the Atlantic, between\\nthe coasts of Brazil and Africa, a distance of about fif-\\nteen hundred miles and that another chain extends from\\nsome other parts of South America, across the ocean,\\nto southern Asia. These islands are mostly inhabited\\nand who will venture to say, that they were not in former\\ntime much larger, and more numerous, than at present\\nWho is ready to pronounce, that an easy communication\\ndid not once exist between them and the continents And\\nlastly, who will deny the probability, that in ancient time\\nthe four continents were less divided from each other\\nthan they now appear to be\\nIt is therefore likely, that America derived its popula-\\ntion from various sources; partly from the north and\\nsouth of Asia partly from Africa and partly from the\\nnorth, and perhaps from soaie other regions of Europe\\nThe features, niannei s, and customs of the Indians, seem\\nto resemble in many respects, those displayed on the other\\ncontinents, the most contiguous to them and certain it is,\\nthat they have several primitive languages among them.*\\nThe Esquimaux and Greenlanders, exhibit the features\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Inca, among man} tribes in Louisiana, is the word fop father or chief.\\n3 L", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "444 is KETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nand manners of the Laplanders of Europe, and the Sa-\\nmoides of Asia. Many animals are likewise common to\\nAmerica and Asia j the buffaloe of the former is the bi-\\nson of the latter.\\nThe exertions formerly made to civilize and christian-\\nize the Indians, produced no good effects. This was\\nmore owing to the wrong methods pursued, than to the\\nimtractable dispositions of the natives. The first settlers\\nof New England, made great efforts to propagate their\\nreligion among the Indians but they labored in vain.\\nWhen Dartmouth college was founded bv royal charter,\\nin 1769, provision v/as made for the education and in-\\nstruction of Indian youth. Several have been admitted to\\nthat seminary but the moment they were liberated from\\nit, they assumed the mode of living practised by their\\nnations or tribes; and the knowledge they obtained served\\nonly to give them a keener relish for vice, and to enable\\nthem the more readily to invent ingenious expedients to\\ngratify their propensities. In former times the French\\nmissionaries in Canada, and along the Mississippi, ob-\\ntained and preserved an influence over the Indians, and\\npersuaded many of them to embrace the catholic religi-\\non. The only permanent effect these missions had, was\\nto reconcile the Indians to thr French. In other respects\\nthey were more vicious and dishonest than those less ac-\\nquainted with religion and civilization. Even to this day\\nthe French have an almost unbounded influence over\\nthem. The Indians still remember and speak of the old\\nFrench government in Louisiana, and manifest a strong\\nattachment to it. The French have been less at war wjth\\nthem, than either the English or Spaniards. Their mode\\nof life, the long intercourse, and many intermarriages\\nbetween them, have established a reciprocal friendship,\\nand they consider each other as brethren. The house of\\na Frenchman is always open to an Indian, and they are\\never ready to supply the wants of each other.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 445\\nThere is a striking difference between those Indians,\\nwho live in the neighborhood of the whites, and those\\nwho reside at a distance from them. The former, espe-\\ncially if accustomed to a long intercourse, have wonder-\\nfully degenerated. They have gradually imbibed all the\\nvices of the whites, and forgotten their own virtues.\\nThey are drunkards and thieves, and act on all occasions\\nwith the most consummate duplicity. The traders and o-\\nthers, who are obliged to visit them, and to reside among\\nthem, never feel themselves safe, though they take the\\nprecaution to have their stores and dwellings strongly\\nstockaded.\\nTraders are obliged to credit out their goods among\\nthem in winter, and wait till spring for their pay. It is\\nusual for one or two chiefs to become responsible for the\\npayment but notwithstanding this, particularly in seasons\\nunfavorable for the acquisition of skins and furs, many\\nof the Indians cannot discharge their debts others re-\\nfuse to make any payment at all. Nothing so much of-\\nfends an Indian as to be requested to pay his old debts.\\nIf, says he, I deliver you my peltrifs to pay for the\\ngoods I received last season, my family must suffer, and\\nperhaps starve.\\nThe Indians who live at a distance from the whites,\\nyield to the same principle, and for the same reason but\\nin other respects, they generally conduct themselves up-\\nrightly. If by accident any property of a stranger falls\\ninto their hands, they preserve it with the greatest care,\\nand when an opportunity offers, readily restore it to the\\nowner. Among them we discover the genuine simplici-\\nty of nature. Their countenances are noble, indicative\\nof health, cheerfulness, hospitality, and friendship. When\\na white, especially one of note, arrives in their towns, he\\nis received with marked attention. He is bidden welcome\\nto every cabin, and each is emulous to have him for a\\ngues^ though in this particular the principal chief gene-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "446 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nrally claims a priority of right. These Indians are large,\\nand infinitely more active than those in the neighborhood\\nof the whites. When employed on any particular busi-\\nness, they seldom prove treacherous and to serve their\\nemployer they will encounter the greatest hardships.\\nTheir manners are simple, modest, and inoffensive though\\nwhen abused, and awakened to anger, they are not readi-\\nly appeased.\\nAs most of them believe in the existence of a supreme\\nbeing, they easily comprehend the nature of an oath,\\nsome of the Missouri Indians when called to testify, sxuear\\nby the great spirit above^ and by the earth beneath. They\\nare obstinately attached to their own religious opinions\\nand to depart from them would, in their view, trouble the\\nrepose of their f^uhers. In 1804, a pious christian in Phi-\\nladelphia presented a large bible to a Missouri chief, and\\ntold him, that it contained the only true religion. The\\nchief made him this acknowledgment: Brother, I ac-\\ncept of your book, because you offer it to me, and because\\nthe pictures in it will please my children and people^\\nBut I cannot promise to utter your words to them, or to\\nexplain to them your religion. We have a very good\\nreligion already, which our fathers handed down to us.\\nWe all believe in it, and it makes us happy and united.\\nNow, were I to explain your religion to my people, per-\\nhaps some might be so foolish as to embrace it, which\\nwould create disputes and quarrels. Now a religion,\\nwhich produces quarrels, and makes men unhappy, can-\\nnot be a good religion. ^This is the language of na-\\nture and were it adopted as a substitute for the fiery zeal\\nof enthusiasts, perhaps mankind would be less disposed to\\ndisturb the peace of each other.\\nFew of the interior nations have any knowledge of ar-\\ndent spirits, and it is not for the interest of the traders to\\ncarry any among them. In 1804, when a party of them\\nwas at St. J^Quis, one of them, on a visit among his ac-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 44.7\\nquaiDtance about the town, was persuaded to drink some\\nspirits, which intoxicated him. On his return to his com\\npanions, he was supposed to be in a fit of madness, and\\ntherefore was seized, and tied fast to the ground all night\\nThe next day, when the cause of his madness was known,\\nthe chief made a serious complaint to the civil authorit5%\\nand demanded, that he who had misbehaved to one of his\\npeople should be punished. We are informed by Ulloa,\\nthat formerly inebriating liquors were carried among the\\nIndians in Chili, which rendered them lazy and debauch-\\ned, and precipitated them into crimes. This practice was\\nfinally abolished by the government so that the Indians\\nsoon resumed their former habits of honesty, sobriety, and\\nindustry. A trader now is seldom defrauded though he\\nsuddenly distributes all his goods among them in propor-\\ntion to their wants, and means of payment then gives them\\nnotice of the time of his intended departure, which seldom\\nexceeds ten days, when all of them cheerfully cancel their\\ndebts agreeably to contract.\\nTo judge from the past, we may safely pronounce, that\\nall attempts to civilize and christianize the Indians on the\\nprinciples formerly established, are illusive, and pregnant\\nwith evil. Instead of changing their moral or metaphysi-\\ncal sentiments and prejudices, we must change their occu-\\npations and modes of life, and then the end we have in\\nview will result of course. But this important change,\\nhowever desirable, can extend only to those nations, who\\nare contiguous to the whites, and who can no longer sub-\\nsist by the chase. They are better able to feel than to rea-\\nson, and many of them already experience the want of\\ngame. If by this experience they can be made fully sen-\\nsible of their wants, no doubt their attention will be drawn\\nto agriculture and household manufactures, their natures\\nin a manner changed, and their dispositions deprived of\\ntheir ferocious qualities. The remains of the ancient In-\\ndians in some of our populous states, may be adduced in", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "448 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nsupport of this declaration. Although they are incorrigi-\\nble drunkards, yet they live in harnt)ony among themselves,\\nand with the whites, and their savage natures have long\\nsince left them. Nearly a century ago the Jesuits obtain-\\ned permission to christianize the Indians in Paraguay, in-\\ndependent of the civil power, and no Spaniard or other\\nwhite man was allowed to visit them without the consent\\nof the fathers. The great object of these spiritual leaders\\nwas to change the occupations of the Indians, and to make\\nthem acquainted with agriculture, and the amenities of\\nsocial life. They at first gathered into one place about\\nfifty families accessions were gradually made to their\\nempire, and in the end, the amaging number of three hun-\\ndred and forty thousand families were collected :nto towns\\nand cities The policy of the fathers was of a masterly\\nkind. They unfolded to the Indians some of the plainest\\nprecepts of religion and morality such indeed, and such\\nonly, as were of a practical nature, and easily comprehen-\\nded. They explained to them the benefits of agriculture,\\nmanufactures, and an interior commerce. This vast num-\\nber of Indians in a short time resembled the Europeans\\nin their dress and pursuits, and many of them aspired to\\nthe elegant arts. The fathers infused a military spirit a-\\ninong them they made thtm acquainted with the modern\\nart of war, rendered them obedient to their officers, and\\nsubdued them to strict discipline. By these means an ar-\\nmy of sixty thousand men was formed, armed after the\\nEuropean manner and it more than once proved the sal-\\nvation of the Spanish provinces in the south.\\nWhat these Jesuits actually accomplished in Paraguay,\\nour government has attempted in part in the United States\\nand it is expected, that success will result from the mea-\\nsures in operation. The Creeks, Cherokees, Choctaws,\\nChickasaws, and some other nations within our juris-\\ndiction, have already resorted to agriculture, and to the\\nmanufacture of many indispensable articles. Some of", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "OF TIIE ABORIGINES. 449\\nthem have deserted their towns, planted themselves along\\nthe public roads, procured slaves, and turned their atten-\\ntion to the tillage of their fields, and the other usual oc-\\ncupations of hU(Sbandmen, Game is scarce among them\\nand they reflect with surprise on the little labor necessary\\nto secure them from want, and even to increase their\\nwealth When they followed the chase, their subsistence\\nwas precarious, and this alone consisted of wild meat.\\nThey now raise poultry, corn, and garden vegetables in a-\\nbundance. They also raise plenty of cattle and swine so\\nthat many of them are real farmers, and seldom resort to\\nthe chase, except to supply themselves occasionally with\\nskins for family use. Travellers find good entertainment\\namong them much better indeed than among the whites\\non the frontiers.\\nThis change of life has a tendency to wipe away their\\nsavage manners, to restore them to the dignity of human\\nnature, and to make them useful to themselves, and to the\\nworld. But this change, to be complete and permanent,\\nmust be -gradual it must be the effect of a steady policy.\\nThe Indians resemble children at school, whose manners\\nmust be formed before they can be graceful they must\\nbecome acquainted with language before they can under-\\nstand the force of it with the rudiments of science before\\nthey can attain to science itself.\\nThe United States, however, will never fully realize\\ntheir expectations, unless they review their present sys-\\ntem of Indian intercourse, and provide some new reme-\\ndies for the evils incident to it. The importance of the\\nsubject will authorize the cursory remarks we are about\\nto make.\\nWe certainly have it in view to improve the condition\\nof the Indians not simply from motives of charity and\\nfriendship to them, but from motives of security to our-\\nselves by obtaining a control over them, and rendering\\nthem dependant, we lessen the prospects of war. Other", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "450 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nimportant advantages would result from it, and we ara\\nurged by many public considerations to extend and per-\\nfect the system we have adopted. The greatest obstacle\\nto our success arises from the intercourse, which subsists\\nand is carried on between the Indians, and the English\\nand Spaniards and until this be removed, the success of\\nour exertions will be, in a great degree, partial and limit-\\ned. Foreign traders of this description introduce them-\\nselves into our territory on the Mississippi, Missouri, and\\nRed river; and perhaps it will be found on examination,\\nthat their trade may be greatly restricted, if not wholly\\ninterdicted.\\nThe English of Canada visit the Indians about the\\nsource of the Mississippi, and also those high up on the\\nMissouri, by means of lake Superior, and the waters con-\\nnected with it. Perhaps it is not in our power wholly to\\nprevent this intercourse and indeed it is of the less im-\\nportance, as the Indians with whom the English carry\\non a trade in those quarters, are too remote from our\\nsettlements to have any immediate or permanent con-\\nnexion with us, or to afford us any trouble, except what\\nresults from the murders and depredations committed on\\nour mercantile adventurers. The English likewise trafic\\non the Mississippi, and its tributary streams, below the\\nfalls of St. Anthony and also on the Missouri, about the\\nriver Platte and in the trade carried on at these two\\npointe, the United State? are deeply interested. If they\\nhave a right to trade with the Indians in our territory on\\nthe east side of the Mississippi, and even to navigate that\\nriver, thev cannot on any just pretence extend that trade\\nto the Indians of Louisiana. The United States v. ill find\\nit necessary to prohibit this trade, and happily they pos-\\nsess the means of doing it with effect.\\nThe Canadian tradcns, who visit this part of the Mis-\\nsissippi, are obligtd to pass over lake Michigan. This\\nlake affords only two communications with that rivei-.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0462.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 451\\nOne of them is down the Illinois but the- most eligible one,\\nand thatmost generally used, is by way of the Ouisconsing.\\nThe first joins the Mississippi about eighteen miles above\\nthe mouth of the Missouri, and the second about five hun-\\ndred and eighty two miles still higher up. Each of these\\ncommunications is obstructed by a short portage, except\\nin the wet season, when the waters of lake Michigan min-\\ngle with those of the Illinois by means of the Chicago, at\\nthe mouth of which we have a garrison. The portage be-\\ntween the Ouisconsing, and Fox river, which flows into\\nlake Michigan, is three miles.\\nThese traders, in passing from lake Michigan, seldom\\ndescend the Illinois because almost the only Indians be-\\nlow the Ouisconsing, and indeed below the falls of St. An-\\nthony, are the loways, Sivcs, and Foxes, who live on and\\nnear the river Des inoins^ in the neighborhood of whom we\\nhave lately established a factory and garrison. They will,\\ntherefore communicate with the Mississippi by way of the\\nOuisconsing, near the mouth of which they many years\\nago erected a small village called Prairie des Chiens, where\\nthey rendezvous at certain seasons, despatch thtir merch-\\nandize in various directions, but mostly up the river St.\\nPierre, and where also they ultimately receive the returns\\nof them. The Sacs and Foxes ceded to the United States\\nin 1804, a tract of land opposite to the mouth of the Ouis-\\nconsing, and on the right bank of the Mississippi, under\\nan expectation, that a garrison and factory would be erect-\\ned on it. This and Prairie des Chiens afford admirable\\nsites for establishments of this nature but neither of them\\nwould be fully sufficient to turn the current of trade, so\\nlong as the English are permitted to navigate the Missis-\\nsippi. They would enter the river St. Pierre, the mnuth\\nof which is just below the falls of St. Anthony, in about\\nforty four degrees north latitude, on whose banks are ma-\\nny bands of Indian^-, particularly the Naudowessies, and\\nsome others of the Scioux nation, whose trade is consider-\\n3m", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0463.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "45:2 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nable. Some parts of the St. Pierre approach the waters\\nof the Missouri so that the English traders transport\\ntheir goods to the latter with expedition and ease. An\\nestablishment, therefore, at the mouth of the St. Pierre\\nwould effectually destroy the English trade in this quar-\\nter: If foreign traders were excluded from that river, they\\nwould find it for their interest to abandon the country be-\\ncause this affords the only communication with the Indi-\\nans of Louisiana, inhabiting the country between St. Lou-\\nis and the falls of St. Anthony, except the Missouri and\\nriver Des mo ms and these are already sufficiently guar-\\nded. The mouth of the St. Pierre is about eight hun-\\ndred and eighty five miles above the confluence of the\\nMissouri and Mississippi, where the United States already\\nown a considerable tract of land, which was voluntarily\\ngiven them by the Indians.\\nThe plan, however, just suggested, is attended with one\\ndifficulty, which is not easily surmounted. Many of those\\nwhom we denominate English traders, are invested with\\nthe rights and privileges of citizens of the United States,\\neither by virtue of the treaty of 1783, or by subsequent\\nnaturalization. The merchants of Canada, to remove eve-\\nry obstacle to their intercourse with the Indians on the\\nMississippi, either formed connections, many years ago,\\nwith some of our citizens, or sent their clerks and others,\\nin whom they could confide, to reside at Michilimakinak,\\nwithin our jurisdiction. These are the English traders,\\nof whom we speak and the trade they carry on is osten-\\nsibly for themselves, though the interest they have in it,\\nis really no other than that of agents or partners. At any\\nrate, they derive all their supplies from English subjects,\\nwho are supposed, and not without foundation, to be almost\\nexclusively benefited by their labor and enterprise. The\\nduties paid at our custom-house on the Indian goods im-\\nported from Canada are of no value, when compared v/ith\\nthe evils inflicted by this meretricious commerce. Tak-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0464.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 453\\nhig into view the preceding circumstances, perhaps the\\nonly way to counteract or destroy it on the Mississippi, is\\nto prohibit the importation of merchandize from the Brit-\\nish provinces. This would probably inflict a temporary\\ninjury on some of our legitimate traders, particularly as\\nthey find it convenient to purchase their goods in Canada,\\nwhere also they find the most ready and profitable market\\nfor their peltries. But as long as this intercourse is per-\\nmitted, we have reason to conclude, that our views rela-\\ntive to the Indians will in a great measure be frustrated.\\nAnother conclusion is evident, that any competition in the\\nIndian trade, either by our citizens, or by the United\\nStates, while they have the English for their competitors,\\ncannot fail to terminate to their disadvantage Yet a gar-\\nrison and factory at the mouth of the St. Pierre, even if\\nthe Canadian trade was not prohibited on that river, would\\nbe of great public utility; because, in addition to the sup-\\nplies we should be able to furnish the Indians, such an es-\\ntablishment would serve to restrain their depi edations,\\nand to render the intercourse of foreigners less pernici-\\nous.*\\nThe English traders not only traffic with the Indians a-\\nbout the shining mountains, but they have extended it to\\nthe Mandans on the Missouri, and to several other tribes\\nboth above and below them. The Spaniards also from\\nSanta F6 occasionally traffic with the Indians about the\\nThe Sacs, Foxes, and lowas, have recently turned much of their\\nattention to the manufacture of lead. In 1810 they procured fourhun-\\ndred thousand pounds of this article, which they exchanged for goods\\nat our factories, or sold to our traders. The lead mines above them\\nin the vicinity of the Scioux, and other tribes, are equally abundant.\\nThe manufacture of lead will probably become general among them,\\nespecially as they find it much more profitable than the chase. Such\\nan occurrence would induce the Canadian traders to abandon the\\ncountry; with tiicna, in a. commercial point of view, lead is of no im-\\nportance.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0465.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "454 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nwaters of the Kansas, as likewise with those on the river\\nPlatte. These, and some others between them and the\\nMandans, stand in need of supplies, and they are able to\\nfurnish in return a vast quantity of valuable skins and furs.\\nIt is believed by good judges, that their trade, if once se-\\ncured, would be more productive than that of all the other\\nIndians, with whom we are connected. This renders it\\nprobable, that we should be more than indemnified for the\\nextraordinary expenses of an establishment in that quar-\\nter; and such indeed are the advantages to be justly ex-\\npected from it, that we ought to hazard the experiment.\\nThe mouth of the river Platte seems to be a central po-\\nsition, both as to territory and Indian population and in\\nother respects it affords an eligible place for a garrison\\nand factory. This is about six hundred and thirty miles\\nabove the mouth of the Missouri, according to the course\\nof the river, and in north latitude forty degrees fifty four\\nminutes. The Indians in this quarter procure merchan-\\ndize both from the English and Spaniards, and in some in-\\nstances from our own traders.\\nThe garrison and factory recently established on the\\nMissouri, is about three hundred and twenty five miles\\nup that river, and just below the Kansas river. This\\nestablishment is too remote from the Indians on the river\\nPlatte to be of any material advantage to them yet it is\\ncalculated to accommodate the Osages, as also occasional\\nhunting parties from the east side of the Mississippi, and\\nin some measure to obstruct the Canadian trade by way of\\nthe river St. Pierre it is likewise of importance in seve-\\nral other points of view.\\nIt is apprehended, that the factory at Nachitoches on\\nRed river is of little importance to the United States,\\nboth in a pecuniary point of view, and as it relates to the\\nconvenience of the Indians. No nation or tribe rendez-\\nvous at that place, except the small band of Caddoques,\\nand most of the peltries procured even by them are either", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0466.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 455\\ndisposed of to the upper settlers, or to the traders, who\\noccasionrilly visit them. The Indians about the upper\\npart of Red river, and between that and the Arkansas, find\\nit convenient to carry their pehries to the Spanish settle-\\nments. Hence it happens, that the trade carried on by\\nthe factory at Nachitoches is almost wholly confined to\\nstraggling parties of Chickasaws and Choctaws, and to\\nsome parties belonging to nations or bands near the gulf\\nin the Spanish province of Texas. An establishment\\nmade at such a distance from the Indian villages, and also\\nfrom their hunting grounds, cannot be very profitable nor\\ncan it have any other tendency than to involve us in ex-\\npense, and to increase the depravity of the Indians. Even\\nthe rations issued to them at Nachitoches authorize a con-\\nsiderable deduction from whatever profits may accrue from\\ntheir trade. These, and other considerations, warn us to\\nassume a new position.\\nAll circumstances considered, perhaps the most eligible\\nplace for a garrison and factory is on the left bank ol Red\\nriver in about north latitude thirty three degrees, which\\nforms the divisional line between the territories of Orleans\\nand Louisiana. The only obstruction to the navigation ol\\nthe river is the great raft but in seasons of high water a\\ngood channel exists round it by means of bayous and\\nlakes, connected with each other, and with the main\\nstream and indeed it would require no great eflfort to\\nremove such parts of the raft itself as at all times to af-\\nford a free communication. The Indians, who are now\\nobliged to trade at Nachitoches, would be equally well,\\nand perhaps better supplied at the proposed factory. In\\naddition to this, thePawnes and letans, and some other\\nIndians high up on Red river, and to the south west of it,\\nmight also obtain supplies from us, and thereby be prc-\\nThese are a different people from those of the same name on tl-.c\\nriver Platte.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0467.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "456 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nvailed on to break their connexion with the Spaniards. The\\nPawnes pursue no other game than the buffaloe, of which\\nthey kill an immense number. They, however, attend to\\nagriculture, and raise more than double the quantity of\\ncorn and vegetables than is necessary for their own con-\\nsumption, and furnish their neighbors with the surplus in\\nexchange for peltries so that their trade, which is now-\\nengrossed by the Spaniards, is deemed of considerable\\nvalue. A very little exertion on our part would enable us\\nto secure not only this, but nearly the whole of the Indian\\ntrade on and near Red river, particularly as we can af-\\nford greater supplies, and at a much cheaper rate, than\\nany of our Spanish neighbors. The Indians would soon\\nperceive the difference, and be induced to abandon their\\nformer connexions, and to shield themselves under the pro-\\ntection of the United States.\\nThe preceding remarks are mostly predicated on the\\nidea of profit. Other considerations of much greater\\nweight urge us to fix our trading establishments, protect-\\ned by a competent number of troops, more in the vicinity\\nof the Indian villages, and at a distance from our popula-\\ntion. The custom of inviting the Indians to some of our\\nlarge villages to receive their annuities, and to trade at our\\nfactories, is extremely pernicious to them, and detrimen-\\ntal to the whites. While they remain among us, they are\\nexposed to temptations, which they cannot resist. Their\\nlove of ardent spirits is well known and they will gratify\\nthis propensity at the expense of their present and future\\ngood. Unfortunately, many of our citizens contribute to\\ntheir destruction, by an open evasion or violation of the\\nlaws. The scenes of intoxication witnessed in most of\\nour frontier towns, furnish evidence of this melancholy\\ntruth. The Indians readily part with their goods, and e-\\nven with their ammunition, for ardent spirits. Their\\ndrunkenness terminates only with the means of it. They\\ngenerally return to their homes without clothing for them-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0468.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "OF THE ADORIGINES. 45/\\nselves or families, and without the necessary supplies of\\npowder and lead. The privations they suiFer in conse-\\nquence of receiving their annuities and other goods in our\\nsettlements, are of a serious nature, and demand our in-\\nterposition. Our citizens are often disturbed by their\\ndrunken revels, particularly those at Nachitoches, where\\nthe troops are frequently summoned to repress the riots\\nand disorders occasioned by them. The only apparent re-\\nmedy to these evils, is to remove the causes of them,\\nWere our factories placed more immediately in the vici-\\nnity of the Indians, or at least in positions less accessible\\nto the whites, our trade would be more profitable, the In-\\ndians more copiously supplied, their industry stimulated,\\nand the avails of it more readily appropriated to the re-\\nlief of themselves and families. This too would tend to\\nfacilitate the introduction of agriculture and manufactures\\namong them, to excite their indifference to the English\\nand Spaniards, and to make them friendly to the United\\nStates. No doubt the establishments recently made near\\nthe river Des tnoins, and on the Missouri, are parts of a\\ncomprehensive system, intended to afford security to our\\nfrontiers, and to improve the condition of the Indians.\\nThese objects will be attained with the less difficulty the\\nfurther we extend our intercourse up Red river, the Mis-\\nsouri, and the Mississippi.\\nThe effects of such extended arrangements would be\\nsensibly felt. A competition at this time exists between\\nour own and the Canadian traders on the Mississippi.\\nThe latter, in conjunction with those of the Spaniards,\\nalso contest the Indian trade with us on some parts of the\\nMissouri and the trade on lied river is almost exclusive-\\nly possessed by our Mexican neighbors. These com-\\npetitions are unfavorable to us; and the consequences\\nof our neglect and inattention will become more serious\\nthe longer we delay to provide against them. The inter-\\ncourse now carried on by the English and Spaniards vath", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0469.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "458 ^KETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe Indians in our territory if suffered to continue, will be-\\ncome more firmly fixed, frequent, and extensive. Their\\ninfluence, even at this time, is so considerable as to ren-\\nder the Indians unfriendly towards us: Oar traders are\\nsometimes murdered often driven from their pursuits,\\nand robbed of their property. If this influence be not\\ncounteracted, one effect will be, that numerous depreda-\\ntions will be committed on our frontiers, at least on our\\nmercantile adventurers, which are the usual precursors of\\nIndian hostihty. A second effect will be, that we shall be\\nwholly excluded from the upper parts of Red river, the\\nMissouri, and the head waters of the Mississippi for\\nif the English and Spaniards once obtain the power, they\\nwill unquestionably prevail on the Indians to forbid us the\\nnavigation of those rivers they have already made the\\nattempt, and the Indians have been threatened with pun-\\nishment for their seeming hesitation. A third, and a\\nmuch more important effect will be, that the English and\\nSpaniards will raise pretensions to the country about the\\nheads of our great rivers, and these will be powerfully\\nsupported by the auxiliary aids of the Indians. Should\\nsuch a crisis ever occur, and such a crisis is extremely\\nprobable, it will be difficult, and perhaps impossible, for\\nus to adjust, and to maintain our territorial rights, or to\\nguard our extensive frontiers against the hostile and bloody\\nincursions of our predatory neighbors.\\nThere is no position more true than this, that the In-\\ndians will readily yield their exclusive friendship to those\\nwhose power they dread, and who supply them the most\\nliberally with goods, and on the best terms. Another po-\\nsition equally true is, that those who possess their friend-\\nship have it in their power to stimulate them to acts of\\naggression, or to give their dispositions and exertions any\\ndirection they please. This power, at present, is in some\\nmeasure possessed by the English and Spaniards, and\\nthev endeavor to exercise it in a manner the best suited", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0470.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES. 459\\nto their Interests. The establishment of three or four ad-\\nditional garrisons and factories at the places we have men-\\ntioned, would probably transfer the same power into the\\nhands of the United States, and effectually extinguish the\\nrivalship and competition already noticed. It would also\\nenable us the more easily to maintain our territorial rights,\\nnot simply by the advantages of actual possession, but by\\nthe assistance of the Indians. Besides, such a power in\\nour hands would serve to weaken the expectations of the\\nEn\u00c2\u00ab;lish and Spaniards, and probably induce them to a-\\nbandon their pretensions without a struggle.\\nOther favorable consequences would result from such\\nestablishments. We should be able to introduce agricul-\\nture, and some of the household arts, among those Indi-\\nans the most destitute of game to make them ac ^iainted\\nwith new and more convenient modes of life, calculated\\nto mitigate the evils of their condition, to soften their\\nmanners, and the ferocity of their minds. Establishments\\non any of the great rivers would probably draw after them\\na considerable population, which would ultimately contri-\\nbute to their support, and in other respects prove benefi-\\ncial to the public. The Spaniards already carry consider-\\nable quantities of specie to Nachitoches, as also to the\\nmouth of the river Platte on the Missouri, where they oc-\\ncasionally meet our traders, and exchange it with them for\\nmerchandize. Perhaps it would be good policy to encou-\\nrage this traffic, particularly on the Missouri, and an es-\\ntablishment in that quarter would be likely to favor it.\\nUpper Louisiana is nearly destitute of a circulating me-\\ndium, and a moderate influx of specie from Santa Fe\\nwould be of advantage to it.\\nIf, however, public factories among the more distant\\nIndians be considered as drav/ing after- them considerable\\nexpense, without the prospect of an adequate remunera-\\ntion, perhaps nearly the same ends may be answered by\\n.instituting or tolerating trading companies. It would be\\n3 N", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0471.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "460 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA,\\nimpolitic for both to exist at the same time, in the same\\nquarter because these would produce an unprofitable\\ncompetition, and the latter would ultimately prevail.\\nThey would disperse their merchandize over a wide ex-\\ntent of country, deposit it at all the Indian hunting\\ncamps, and by these means secure nearly all their trade.\\nIt would be better policy to encourage our traders to\\ncontend with those of Canada and the Spanish provin-\\nces, provided the latter be permitted to enter our terri-\\ntory and were this trade carried on in the vicinity of\\ncur garrisons, no doubt the former would triumph over\\ntheir rivals. These garrisons would repress the pyratic\\ndepredations of the Indians, and sufficiently bridle the\\nunfriendly designs of the English and Spanish traders.\\nGrateful it is to the feelings of the philanthropist, and\\nphilosopher, to contemplate the improvements already\\nmade among the aborigines of our country, and to be-\\nhold in prospect their final emancipation from the chains\\nof ignorance and barbarity. The time, perhaps, is not\\nremote, when this prospect will be realized when moral\\nphilosophy and the arts will find a habitation in our\\nwestern regions when populous towns and cities will\\nadorn the margins of our interior rivers and lakes and\\nwhen man shall no longer be the enemy of man.\\nThe continued and augmented exertions of govern-\\nment will be necessary to assure these valuable effects.\\nThe vigorous and enlightened policy now in operation\\nis calculated, if steadily pursued, to draw the attention\\nof the Indians to the products of manual labor and in-\\ndeed this is the pivot on which rests ihe fate of our\\nmeasures. To till the ground is odious to most of\\nthem. liabor of this kind imposes more restraint than\\nis consistent with the turn of their minds. The\\nFrench in early time took some of their children,\\nand taught them the habits of industry; but no soon-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0472.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES; 461\\ncr were they able to discover a difference bctv\\\\een\\ntheir condition and that of their kindred, than they\\nfled to the woods. The Tartars possess the same ideas\\nof life. They conceive it a punishment to be confmed\\nto any particular village or district, or to be obliged to\\nlabor in the field for their support. The?quantum of\\ngame among the Indians, who live in the vicinity of\\nthe whites, evidently decreases but this is not suffici-\\nent of itself to alter their modes of life. Ancient pre-\\njudices and habits will still continue to govern them, un-\\nless they be convinced, by proofs adapted to their senses,\\nthat a change would be productive of advantages.\\nMany intelligent men are of opinion, that the gradual\\ndimunition of game will precipitate our neighboring\\nIndians to the wild regions of Louisiana. Two reasons\\nmay be urged against this opinion. In the first place,\\nmost of the hunting grounds on the west side of the\\nMississippi are claimed and occupied so that were our\\nmore eastern Indians to enter on them, it would be con-\\nsidered as an act of aggression, and a war would proba-\\nbly ensue. They have sufficient foresight to calculate\\non such a result, and this will induce them to be ex-\\ntremely cautious in their movements. If such a move-\\nment be for the interest of the United States, it must\\nbe carried into effect under the auspices of the govern-\\nment. In the second place, the Indians are much more\\nattached to their ancient districts and villages than is\\ncommonly supposed. Their veneration for the tombs\\nof their fathers and friends, would induce them to suf-\\nfer the greatest hardships rather than abandon these pre-\\ncious and pious remains. It may also be added, that\\nthese Indians gradually incline to agriculture, and the\\nlonger they pursue it, the less disposed will they be to\\nhazard a removal to unknown regions.\\nIt is difficult to relieve the Indians from two of the\\ngreatest scourges of the human race, war among them-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0473.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "462 SKETCHES OF LOUISIAXA.\\nselves, and the use of ardent spirits. Perhaps these fatal\\npropensities proceed less from their nature than from their\\npeculiar situation.\\nAn opinion prevails among them, that a nation is res-\\npected in proportion to the bravery of its warriors.\\nWith them the art of war is cultivated and preserved\\nby experiment only. The chiefs of some of the nations\\nin Louisiana have often expressed their regret to the au-\\nthor of these sketches, that their young men were arriv-\\ning at manhood, and had no knowledge of war, and\\nthat it was necessary, for their instruction, to provoke\\nhostilities. They also assigned their want of qualified\\nchiefs as another reason in favor of war. It is a maxim\\nwith them to raise those to the rank of chiefs, who have\\nmost distinguished themselves in the stratagems of the\\nfield, or procured the greatest number of scalps. Per-\\nhaps those, with whom we have an established intercourse\\nare so much under our control, as to enable us to appease\\ntheir occasional differenccjs.\\nWise and salutary measures are devised by our laws\\nto prevent the sale of ardent spirits to Indians and it is\\nextremely unfortunate that they are infracted with impu-\\nnit} Under the Spanish governmf^nt, a drunken Indian\\nwas seldom seen in the villages of Louisiana. The sale\\nof ardent spirits to Indians and slaves was prohibited\\nunder severe penalties, and offenders had it not in their\\npower to elude them. They were fined twenty five dol-\\nlars for the first offence fifty dollars for the second\\nand for the third they were sent to the capitali to be\\ndisposed of by the supreme tribunal o* justice. No\\nsooner were we in possession of the territory than the\\npeople either considered themselves liberated from all le-\\ngal restraint, or they found it practicable to evade tlie\\nlaws of their country.\\nThe habit of intoxication, like that of war, as we have\\nalready hinted, mostly results from their situation and", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0474.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "OF THE ABORIGINES: 463\\npursuits. While engaged in the chase, or in a contest\\nwith their enemies, they are patient, temperate, hardy, and\\nactive but when exempted from laborious exercises,\\nthey are almost destitute of entity a fatal languor seizes\\nthem their minds are inert they experience a kind of\\nintellectual vacuum and hence they resort to the inflam-\\nmable potion. They do not discern, that the remedy is\\nmore pernicious than the disease, and it is useless to rea-\\nson with them on the subject. When the cause of in-\\ntemperance be removed, a reformation may be expected.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0475.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0476.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nCHAPTER XVn.\\nA WELSH NATION IN AMERICA.\\nIT has long been a subject of enquiry, whether some\\npart of this ccfntinent was not peopled from AVales. Au-\\nthorities, indeed, are not wanting to prove their migration\\nfrom that country more than three hundred years before\\nthe days of Columbus, and also their existence in Ameri-\\nca during the two last centuries. Their migration is re-\\ncorded by three Welsh historians or bards, and the exist-\\nence of one or more Welsh colonies among us is attested\\nby various transient persons, on whom we are usually o-\\nbliged to depend for such discoveries. It is morally im-\\npossible, that such a chain of testimony, as will soon be", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0477.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "466 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nadduced, should be fabricated nor can any reasonable mo-\\ntive be assigned for attempts to deceive the world by rela-\\ntions founded in fraud and imposture, particularly by so\\nmany different persons, and at such distant periods of time\\nfrom each other.\\nIMany of the learned, both in Europe and Ameicra,\\nhave endeavored to trace the origin of the aboriginals of\\nour country. Some are of opinion, that they sprung from\\nAsia, some from Africa, and others from the north of Eu-\\nrope. Perhaps they derive their origins from all of them\\nand why is it not as likely, that Wales furnished a popu-\\nlation for America as some of the countries just named,\\nparticularly Africa, and the north of Europe If the Phe-\\nnicians or Carthaginians from Africa, or some of the rude\\nnations from the north of Europe, ever planted colonies\\non our coasts, it was probably more owing to some unfor-\\ntunate occurrences than design. It is indeed likely, that\\nthe Romans had some confused notions of the discoveries\\nof the former people in the Atlantic, and that they impar-\\nted their knowledge on this subject to the Britons after\\nthey had made permanent establishments among them.\\nThe paucity of history furnishes no argument in favor of a\\ncontrary doctrine the Welsh had few or no writers in\\nthe time of the Romans, and therefore were unable to hand\\ndown a history of events to posterity. Even so late as\\nthe days of Alfred, the clergy were unacquainted with\\nLatin, and none of his lay subjects could either read or\\nwrite J yet literature in those times was much more preva-\\nlent in England than in Wales,\\nThe Welsh had as powerful motives for colonization\\nas any other people. These ancient Britons have been\\ncelebrated for their bravery, and for the noble stand they\\nmade against several successive invaders. When theRo-^_\\nmans laid waste the provinces of England by fire and\\nsword, and resistence became vain, a portion of the inha-\\nbitants retired to the mountains of AVales, where they in", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0478.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "*A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 467\\nome measure retained their liberty, though part of their\\nnountry was bridled by garrisons. The Saxons and Danes\\ninflicted the same injuries on the AVelsh, and the former\\nconquered two of their counties. Henry the first, in 1112,\\nplanted a strong colony of Flemings on the frontiers of\\nWales, as a barrier to England. He was succeeded by a\\nprince of great military talents, and of powerful resources,\\nunder whose reign this migration of the Welsh is said to\\nhave happened, and during the long period he was seated\\non the throne, the Welsh trembled for their safety. But\\nthe conquest of Ireland, and other events of importance,\\nmostpnbably diverted the attention of Henry the second\\nfrom an invasion of the last refuge of British liberty.\\nIndeed the kings of the Norman race, were much more\\ntroublesome to Wales than their predecessors; and this\\ncountry was often the theatre of bloody conflicts, till at\\nlast it was reduced to submission.\\nBesides, Wales was generally governed by a number\\nof petty princes, and their interests or ambition frequent-\\nly produced destructive wars between them. Invaded\\nfrom without, and convulsed within, the Welsh had strong\\nmotives to abandon their country, and to hazard their\\nlives in pursuit of another, especially at a time when they\\nhad nearly lost all hopes of maintaining their liberties.\\nThey were probably unacquainted with the difEculties they\\nhad to encounter; and the ordinary ones across the ocean\\nfrom Wales are not much greater than those from Africa,\\nand much less than those usually experienced from the\\nnorth of Europe.\\nAt any rate the subject is curious, and deserves inves-\\ntigation and we shall now proceed to collect and arrange\\nsuch materials as appear to throw the most light on it.\\nMany of these materials have been already published at\\nvarious times; but they seem not to have excited the at-\\ntention which is due to their importance.\\n3 o", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0479.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "468 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nIll the history of Wales, written by Caradoc, in the\\nWelsh language, translated into English by Llwyd, and\\npublished by Dr. David Powel, in 1584, the voyages of\\nMadoc, a Welsh prince, in 1170, are particularly related.\\nOn the death of Owen Gvvyneth, prince of North Wales,\\nhis sons quarrelled about the succession. After stating\\nthe particulars of this quarrel, the historian proceeds\\nthus\\nMADOC, another of Owen Gwyneth his sonnes,\\nleft the land in contention betwixt his brethren, and\\nprepared certain shipps, with men and munition, and\\nsought adventures by seas, sailing west, and leaving the\\ncoast of Ireland so farre north, that he came to land un-\\nknown, \\\\vhere he saw inany strange things. This land\\nmust needs be some part of that country, of which the\\nSpanyards affirme themselves to be the first founders\\nsince Haunoes time for, by reason and order of cos-\\nmographie, this land to which Madoc came, must needs\\nbe some part of Nova Hispania, or Florida.* Whereupon\\nit is manifest that that country was longbeiore by Bretons\\ndiscovered, afore either Columbus or Americus Vesputi-\\nus led any Spanyard thither. Of the voyage and return\\nof Madoc there be many fables fained, as the common\\npeople do use in distance of place and length of time,\\nrather to augment than diminish; but sure it is that\\nthere he was. And after he had returned home, and\\ndeclared the pleasant and fruitfuUe countryes that he\\nhad seen without inhabitants, and upon the contrary part,\\nfor what barren and wilde ground his brethren and ne-\\nphues did murther one another, he orepared a number\\nof shipps, and got with him such men and women as\\nwere desirous to live in quietn^sse, and taking leave of\\nhis friends, took his journey thitherward again. There-\\nAt this period all North America was Known by the name of Florida.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0480.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 469\\nfore it was to be presupposed, that he and his people\\ninhabited part of those countryes for it appeareth by\\nFrancis Lopez de Gomara, that in Acuzamil, and other\\nplaces, the people honoreth the crosse Whereby it may\\nbe gathered, that christians had been there before the\\ncoming of the Spanyards. But because this people\\nwere not many, they followed the manners of the land,\\nand used the language found there. This Madoc ariv\u00c2\u00ab\\ning in the countrey, into the which he came in the year\\n1170, leftmost of his people there, and returning back\\nfor more of his own nation, acquaintance, and friends\\nto inhabit that fayre and large countrey, went thither a-\\ngain with ten sails, as I find noted by Gutyn Owen. I\\nam of opinion that the land whereunto he came was\\nsome part of Mexico. The causes which make me to\\nthink so, be these. 1 The common report of the inha-\\nbitantsof that countrey, which affirme that thfeyr rulers\\ndescended from a strange nation that came thither from\\na farre countrey: which thing is confessed by Montezu-\\nma, king of that countrey, in an oration made for qui-\\neting his people, at his submission to the king of Cas-\\ntile, Hernando Cortez being present, which is laid down\\nin the Spanish chronicles of the conquest of the West\\nIndies. 2. The British words and names of places\\nused in that country, even to this day do argue the\\nsame, as when they talk together they use the word\\nGzvrcmdo^ which is hearken, or listen. Also they have\\na certain bird with a white head, which they call Fen-\\n\u00c2\u00a3ivin, that is, white head. But the island of Corroceo,\\nthe river Guyiidor^ and the white rock of Penguin^ which\\nbe all British (or Welsh) words, do manifestly show,\\nthat it was that country JMadoc and his people inha-\\nbited.\\nThis historical passage is quoted and preserved by Ilak-\\nluyt in his voyages and discoveries ot the Britons, pub-\\nlished in 1589. Several historians have mentioned the", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0481.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "4r\u00c2\u00a3\u00c2\u00bb SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nvoyages of Madoc, and seem to consider thcni as indis-\\nputable. Dr. Warrington, in his late history of Wales,\\nhas carefully examined the original Welsh authorities on\\nwhich the above passage is founded They are the poems\\nof Meredyth ap Rliys, Guytin Owen, and Cynfryg ap\\nGrenw; the first flourished in 1470, the second in 1480,\\nand the thii d about the same period. These bards, or\\nhistorians composed their works antecedent to the expe-\\nditions oi Columbus, and they relate or allude to the voy-\\nages of Mi.doc, as events well known in their time, and\\nuniversally believed to have happened three hundred\\nyears before.\\nDr. Belknap seems to discredit the truth of the histori-\\ncal passage before quoted, because it appears to him\\nf confused and contradictory the country discovered by\\nMadoc is said to be xvithout mhah Uants^ and yet the peo-\\npie whom he carried thither folloxued the 7nanners of the\\nf land^ and used the language found there^\\nIn making this objection, the doctor evidently departed\\nfrom his usual accuracy of discrimination. Madoc is said\\nto have made three voyages. During the first he disco-\\nvered unknown land. The second presented him v/ith\\npleasant and fruitful countries luithout inhabitants. What\\n|ie discovered on his third voyage no one knows. That\\nthe Welsh followed the manners of the land^ and used the\\nlanguage found there^ were the mere suggestions of Cara-\\ndoc and llakluyt, made more than four centuries subse-\\nquent to the migration, to which they allude. Their de-\\nsign was to prove, th^^t the Mexicans derived their origin\\nfrom the Welsh yet, to account for the difference of lan-\\nguage, it was necessary to infer the loss of their own, and\\nthe adoption of the prevalent one of the country. The\\naccounts given by Madoc himself on his return from his\\ntwo first voyages, as preserved by the three original au-\\nthors already mentioned, are perfectly natural and con-\\nsistent j all the confusion and contradiction in the narratiyc::", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0482.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 471\\nmust be wholly ascribed to their commentators, who wrote\\nafter the conquest of Mexico. It is worthy of remark,\\nthat Dr. Belknap has quoted only one of the original au-\\nthorities, which attest the adventures of Madoc, and\\nwhich gave birth to the historical passage before quoted.\\nHis partiality, too, for Columbus, and his zealous endea-\\nvors to render ample justice to the memory of that cele-\\nbrated man, no doubt made him less disposed to admit\\nthe possibility of a competitor.\\nThe art of navigation was little known in those days\\nyet it pretty plainly appears, that Madoc united his two\\nfirst colonies at the point of destination. Of the fate of the\\nthird, which sailed in ten ships, we have no account. If\\nby some unfortunate occurrence, such as shipwreck, ad-\\nverse winds, or the want of a more accurate knowledge\\nof navigation, it happened to make land at a great dis-\\ntance from the other two colonies, probably they remained\\ndisunited and unknown to each other; and this accounts\\nin part, for the apparent confusion in some of the subse-\\nquent proofs of their dispersed situation on this conti-\\nnent.\\nIt appears that Madoc committed himself to the sea,\\nsailing zuest to the north of Ireland, and finally came to\\nland unknown. The question is, to what unknown land\\ndoes he allude Every reader must be ready to pronounce,\\nthat the land he discovered was either among the islands,\\nor on the continent of America.\\nDr. John Williams, in an enquiry concerning the\\nfirst discovery of America by the Europeans, has quo-\\nted the Welsh authorities already mentioned, and illus-\\ntrated them by references to some subsequent writers,\\nwhom we shall endeavor to follow.\\nIn 1620, a brief description of the whole world was\\npublished in London. The writer makes several remarks\\non the supposed voyages and discoveries of king Arthur,\\nand justifies queen Elizabeth in not claiming them by dc-", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0483.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "472 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nscent, imagining them to be grounded on fabulous foun-\\ndations, and adds, only this doth convey some shew\\nwith it, that now, some hundred years, there xoas a\\nknight of Wales^ xvhOy xv ith shippings and some petty\\ncompany did go to discover these parts, (America)\\nwhereof, as there is some record of reasonable credit a-\\nmongst the monuments of Walee, so there is nothing\\nwhich giveth more frequent shew thereunto than that,\\nin the late navigations of some of our monta Norumbe-\\nga* and some other parts of America, they found\\nsome tokens of civility and christian religion.\\nOne of the most remarkable documents on this subject\\nis the narrative of Morgan Jones, (who, it seems, was a\\nclergyman) dated March the tenth, 1686, and published\\nin the gentleman s magazine for 1740; the substance of\\nwhich is as follows; He certifies that, in the year 1660,\\nwhile he was an inhabitant of Virginia, and chaplain to\\nmajor general Bennet, he accompanied tv/o ships to Ca-\\nrolina as their minister, and landed at Oyster Point,\\n%rhere they continued eight months. The want of pro-\\nvisions induced him and five others to travel back to Vir-\\nginia over land. The Tuscaroras, who were settled on\\nPontigo river, seized them as prisoners, and gave them\\nto understand that they must die. On this intelligence,\\nJones, (who was a Welshman) exclaimed in the Welsh\\ntongue, have I escaped so many dangers, and must I\\nnow be knocked on the head like a dog A war chief\\nthen came to him, and embraced him by the middle, and\\ntold him in the same language, that he should not die\\nHe and his men were then received with welcome into\\nthe Tuscaiora town, where they were entertained for four\\nmonths; during which time a conversation was carried\\non in the Welsh language, and Jones preached to them\\nThe first discoverers of the New England coast, gave this name\\nto the bay of Penobscot, or to the country about it.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0484.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA 473\\nthree times a week They could confer together on the\\nmost difiicult subjects, lie declares, among other things,\\nhis readiness to conduct any Welshman, or others to the\\ncountry. This account written by Jones himself, and\\naddressed to Dr. Thomas Lloyd of New York, was fi-\\nnally deposited in the Ashmolean museum, where it now\\nremains.\\nThis narrative of Jones is strongly supported by seve-\\nral others. Dr. Williams mentions, that another clergy-\\nman was taken prisoner by the Indians in Virginia, soon\\nafter the settlement of it, and that he saved his life by the\\nknowledge he had of their language, which was Welsh.\\nThey produced a book, which he found to be the bible,\\nbut which they could not read Were it not for this\\nremarkable circumstance, we should be inclined to be-\\nlieve, that the discovery of the last mentioned clergyman,\\nhas been mistaken for that of Jones.\\nIn the British Remains, pubhshed in 1777, appear-\\ned a letter written by Charles Lloyd, bearing date about\\nthe same period with the narrative of Jones, which serves\\nto confirm the two preceding statements. It alleges that\\none Stedman, about thirty years before the date of the\\nletter, was on the coast of America in a Dutch bottom,\\nand that when he was about to land, the natives strongly\\nopposed him. He understood their language, which was\\nWelsh, and spoke to them after which they were very\\ncourteous, and supplied him with the best things they\\nhad. They told Stedmar, that theii ancestors came from\\na country called Gzcynedd, (Noith Wales) in Prydainfawr,\\n(Great Britain.) This discovery is supposed to have\\nbeen somewhere between Virginia and Florida. It is also\\nstated in addition to this, that one Oliver Humphreys, a\\nmerchant of Surinam, informed the same Charles Lloyd,\\nthat the master of an English privateer or pirate, in re-\\npairing his vessel near Florida, became acquainted with", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0485.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "474 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nthe Indian tongue spoken there, which was afterwards\\nfound to be Welsh.\\nSome authorities of a more recent date are now to be\\nstated, relative to the existence of the Welsh in another\\nquarter. Father Charlevoix possessed talents and an in-\\nquisitive turn of mind, though he has heen deemed some-\\nwhat credulous. He was a French missionary, and tra-\\nvelled from Canada to the Mississippi in 1721 he took\\nmuch pains to inform himself of the history, religion^\\nlanguage, customs, and manners, of the different Indian\\nnations. Some Indians, whom he calls the Aiouaz, (pro-\\nbably the lowas) informed him, that the Omans,* three\\ndays journey from them, hadxvhite skins and fair hair,\\nespecially the women. They further alleged, that the\\nPawnes, and other distant nations to the west, had often\\ntold them, that there was a great lake, very far from\\ntheir country, on the borders of which were people re-\\nsembling the French, with buttons (leather) on their\\nclothes, living in cities, and using horses in hunting the\\nbuffaloe, and clothed with the skins of that animal, but\\ndestitute of any arms, except the bow and arrow. In\\nanother part of the same work the good father thus ex-\\npresses himself; I met in the bay (in lake Michigan)\\nsome Scioux, of whom I made many enquiries about\\nthe countries which are to the west and northwest of Ca-\\nnada and though I know we must not entirely depend\\non what the savages say, yet by comparing what I have\\nheard from them, with that which I have heard from\\nmany others, I have great reason to believe, that there\\nare on this continent some Spaniards^ or European colo-\\n7iies^ much more north than any xve knozv of in Mexico\\nor California^ Carver spent the winter of 1/66, among\\nthe Scioux on the river St. Pierre. They told him, that\\nNo nation by this name is known at the present day.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0486.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "A/WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 475\\nabout the heads of the Missouri lived a nation rather\\nsmnllcr and rvhitcr than the neighbouring tribes, who\\ncultivated the ground and from various intimations\\nit appeared evident, that they were in some measure ac-\\nquainted with the arts.\\nA Welshman by the name of Griffith was taken pri-\\nsoner by the Shawnee Indians about the year 1764, and\\nconducted to their towns. His adventures* were made\\npublic in 180!-, from which the following particulars are\\nabridged.\\nTwo years after the captivity of Griffith, five Shaw-\\nnees resolved to penetrate to the source of the Missouri,\\nand they admitted him of the party. They had a long\\nand laborious journey to the shining moantains, through\\nwhich the Missouri finds its way. In these mountains\\nthey accidentally met with three rv/iite men in the In-\\ndian dress, with whom they travelled for some timcj\\nwhen they arrived at their village, and found the\\nwhole nation of the same complexion. A council was\\nsoon assembled, and the question was debated for three\\ndays, What shall be done with the strangers it was fi-\\nnally concluded to put them to death, especially as they\\nappeared to belong to a warlike nation, and were proba-\\nbly exploring the country to find out a suitable place for\\nthe future residence of their friends. Griffith, whose\\npresence created no suspicion, could remain silent no lon-\\nger. Ife addressed the council in Welsh, and explained\\nthe motives of their journey. It is needless to say, that\\nfull confidence was restored, and the strangers treated\\nwith kindness. Nothing could be ascertained of their\\nhistory, except that their forefathers came up the Missouri\\nfrom a very distant country. There was not a black man\\nThese were detailed by him to a man now living in Kentucky,\\nand publislied by Harry Toulmin, esquire, at present one of the\\nJudges of the Missisinpi Territory.\\n3 V", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0487.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "476 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA\\nin the nation, which was pretty numerous. The party\\nreturned to the Shawnee towns, after an absence of two\\nyears and six months. Griffith soon made his escape,\\nand joined his friends in the back part of Virginia.\\nThe subsequent narrative, corroborative of the one\\njust mentioned, was given to the author of these sketches\\nin May, 1805, by a Frenchman in upper Louisiana. This\\nman had been several years employed in the north west\\nby the Knglish traders. His usual station was at the fac-\\ntory or trading house on the Assinniboine, a few days\\ntravel only from the Mandans on the Missouri. The con-\\nductor of that establishment aimed to extend the trade,\\nand for this purpose selected a party, of which the in-\\nformant was one, to explore the Missouri. In ascending\\nthat river they were obliged to pass one or two cataracts\\nor falls in the shining mountains, as also several rapids,\\nand much hard zuater. On the summit of these moun-\\ntains they entered a large lake, from which the Missouri\\nflows and from the opposite extremity another river is-\\nsued towards the west, down which the informant des-\\ncended for some distance, and spent eleven days on it.\\nThe publication of the narrative of Griffith suggested the\\npropriety of some enquiry relative to the Indians about\\nthe head of the Missouri. The informant declared, (and\\nhe sustains the character of a man of truth) that there\\nwas a numerous and singular nation of Indians about\\nthe lake, who were not in the least tawny, but rather of a\\nyellowish complexion that they wear their beards, and\\nthat great numbers of them had red hair on their\\nheads. This is almost literally the statement furnish-\\ned by the Frenchman.\\nThis account is strongly supported by two others. Van-\\ncouver found a people in the vicinity of Columbia\\nriver, speaking a language different from that of their\\nneighbors^ and in features resembling the northern Euro-\\npeans. Captains Lewis and Clark discovered some peo-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0488.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "A WTILSH NATION IN AMERICA. 4,77\\npie near the mouth of the same river, who had red or san-\\ndy hair on their heads.\\nThat the Welsh once existed on our coast between the\\ngulf of Mexico and the Potomac, and also on the upper\\nMississippi, particularly about the head of the Missouri,\\nis at least probable from the preceding proofs. That they\\nmore recently resided on Red river, is rendered as pro-\\nbable from the proofs now to be adduced.\\nIn the year 1766, an Indian missionary by the name of\\nBeatty, travelled into the western countiy, where he met\\nwith several persons, who had lived with the Indians\\nfrom their youth, among whom were Benjamin Sutton,\\nand Levi Hicks.\\nSutton informed him, that when he was with the Chock-\\ntaw nation on the Mississippi, he went to an Indian town\\na very considerable distance above New Orleans, whose\\ninhabitants were of different complexions, not so taw-\\nny as those of the other Indians, and who spoke Welsh.\\nHe saw a book among them, which he supposed was the\\nWelsh bible they kept it carefully wrapped up in a\\nskin, but they could not read it. After this he heard\\nsome Indians among the Shawnees speak Welsh with a\\nnative of Wales by the name of Lewis. This AVelsh\\ntribe, now (1766,) live on the west side of the Missis-\\nsippi river, a great way above New Orleans. He also\\nalleged that both men and women observed the rites and\\nceremonies prescribed by the Mosaic law the former\\nobserved the feasts of the first fruits, and the latter\\noccasionally separated seven days from the men.\\nHicks told the Missionary, that he once attended an\\nembassy in a town of Indians on the west side of the\\nMississippi river, who talked Welsh and the Indian\\ninterpreter of this missionary added, that he saw some\\nIndians, whom he supposed to be of the same tribe, who\\ntalked Welsh and he repeated some words in their\\nlanguage, which were found to be Welsh.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0489.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "4r8 skf:tciies of lolisiana,\\nAbout the year ITG^, captain Isaac Stev.iat, with some\\noth. rs, was taken prisoner by the Indians, and conducted\\nto the Wabash. Subsequent to his liberation from capti-\\nvity he published the following narrative in Eni^land.\\nAfter remaining two years in bondage among the lu-\\ndians, a Spaniard came to the nation, having been sent\\nfrom Mexico on discoveries. He made application to\\nthe chiefs for redeeming me, and another white man,\\nwho was in a like situation, named John David, which\\nthey complied with. And v/e took our departure in\\ncompany with the Spaniard to the westward, crossing\\nthe Mississippi near Rouge, or Red river, up tvhich\\nwe travelled seven hundred miles, when we came to a\\nnation of Indians remarkably white, and whose hair\\nwas of a reddish color, at least mostly so. They lived\\non the banks of a small river, which is called the River\\nPost. In the morning oi the day after our arrival, the\\nWelshman, (David) informed me, that he was deter-\\nmined to remain with them, giving as a reason, that he\\nunderstood their language, it being very little different\\nfrom the Welsh. My curiosity was excited very much\\nby this information; and I went with my companion to\\nthe chief men of the town, who informed him, (in a\\nhmguage that I had no knowledge of, and which had no\\naffinity to that of other Indian tongues that I ever heard)\\nthat their forefathers in this nation, came from aforeigti\\ncourdrif^ and landed on the east side of the Mississippi,\\ndescribing particularly the country called Florida, and\\nthat on the Spaniards taking possession of Mexico, they\\nfled to their then abode. And as a proof of what he\\nadvanced, he brought forth rolls of parchment, which\\nwere carefully tied up in otter skins, on which were\\nlarge characters v/ritten with blue ink. The characters\\nT did not understand, and the Welshman being unac-\\nquainted with letters, I was not able to know the mean-\\ning of the \\\\yriting. They are a bold, hardy, and intre-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0490.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "A -WELSH XATION IN AMERICA. 479\\npid people, very v/arlilce, and the women beautiful,\\nwhen compared with other Indians.\\nSome other proofs of a similar nature, recorded in\\nworks of celebrity, are intentionally omitted and those\\ninserted in this chapter are considerably abridged, except\\nthe passages included in inverted commas More attenti-\\non has been paid to the substance they contain than to the\\nmultiplicity of words and conjectures, with which they\\nabound*\\nAgainst these authorities several plausible objections\\nmay be urged, calculated at first blush to weaken their\\nvalidity. In the first place it may be said that, if they\\nprove any thing, they prove too much; because they al-\\nlude to a Welsh tribe in Virginia, to a second in Florida,\\nto a third on Red river, to a fourth on the Mississippi,\\nto a fifth on the Missouri, and perhaps to a sixth on the\\nWabash whereas it is hardly to be expected that they e-\\nver became so numerous, or so much dispersed, as to oc-\\ncupy these different and distant regions. In the second\\nplace it may be said, that there are no Indians within our\\nknowledge, whose appearance indicates an Europearf ori-\\ngin: That Morgan Jones, and the other clergyman, al-\\nready noticed, made no such discoveries about the year\\n1660) as they pretend because if the Tuscaroras were of\\nWelsh extraction, and spoke the Welsh language at that pe-\\nriod, their origin must have been subsequently discovered,\\nand some traces of the Welsh dialect found among them\\nat the present day. These and several other objections\\nnaturally arise from a view of the subject, and sugges:\\nthe propriety of a few cursory remarks.\\nThe number of people drawn from Wales by Madoc,\\ncannot be easily conjectured; the only data we have for\\ncalculation are, that he made three voyages, and that he\\nsailed with ten ships on the last voyage. If we estimate\\nthe whole number at twenty, perhaps. we shall be within\\nthe bounds of probability; and if we suppose each to", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0491.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "480 SKETCHES OF LOUISIANA.\\nliave carried fifty five colonists, (a number about equal to\\nthe size of the vessels in those days) the whole number\\nwould be eleven hundred. From the time of their mi-\\ngration, to that of their discovery in 1660, was nearly\\nlive hundred years and if we allow them to double once\\nin every fifty years, (an increase of population a little more\\nthan half only to that generally admitted among civilized\\nnations) the whole number at the period of discovery\\nwas nearly one million, one hundred twenty six thousand,\\nfour hundred and by the same rule of calculation their\\nnumber at this time rather exceeds eight millions. But\\nthe sanguinary warfare of European christians on this\\ngreat continent, has thinned it of its ancient inhabitants,\\nand many, once numerous and pov/erful nations are con-\\nsigned to oblivion. Several nations of this description\\nformerly inhabited Red river, the Arkansas, and the Mis-\\nsissippi and to the moderns they are known only in the\\nrecords of the first settlers of Louisiana.\\nPerhaps the third colony never joined the other two\\nand this is partly to be inferred from a circumstance soon\\nto be mentioned. At any rate, it is natural to conclude,\\nthat Madoc, in whatever part of the world he was cast,\\nexercised the supreme authority over those with him till\\nhis *cleath his rank and enterprise gave him a claim to\\nthis distinction. If they planted themselves contiguous\\nto other nations, wars most probably ensued and as the\\ntactics of the Welsh were doubtless superior to those of\\ntheir enemies, the issue must have been in their favor.\\nTheir knowledge likewise of fortification served to se-\\ncure them from danger, while it proved destructive to\\nthose less acquainted with it. Hence we are led to be-\\nlieve, that population was rapid among them; and per-\\nhaps the more so as they had exchanged a foggy and\\nbarren country, for one of a serene atmosphere, and more\\nprolific in the necessaries of life, both vegetable and ani-\\nmal. No doubt they preserved many of the useful arts for", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0492.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 431\\na long time, particularly the art of war, which enabled them\\nto reside in regions of their choice, and to multiply inse-\\ncuritv. It seems fair to attribute to them the numerous\\nmonuments of art and skill found a ^out the country. If\\nthe Tusca^oras are of Welsh extraction, they probably\\nbuilt the subterraneous wall discovered a few years ago\\nin North Carolina. This indeed, is the more likely, as\\nthey inhabited that part of the country till about a centu-\\nry ago, when they incorporated themselves with the On-\\neldas; because, from an affinity in their language, they\\nbelieved the two tribes to be branches of the same com-\\nmon stock.* The wall alluded to is of unquestionable\\nantiquity. It is wholly buried beneath the earth, which\\nhas been rolled from the circumjacent high grounds. One\\nhundred and sixty feet of its length was recently unco-\\nvered, as likewise nearly thirty feet of its depth. It is\\nbuilt of stone, and well cemented. It is uniformly two\\nfeet thick, and both sides of it are smooth. In fine, in\\nthe construction of this wall may be discovered a people\\nconsiderably advanced in the arts. This specimen of re-\\ngular masonry, however, is less to be admired than the\\ninstances of the art discovered b) Columbus on the island\\nof Cuba, and by his successors on the continent. The\\nperfection of the arts was more particularly witnessed in\\nthe city and valley of Mexico. The arms of Montezu-\\nma, suspended in a broad shield over the front gate of his\\npalace, (a griffin with expanded wings, holding a tyger in\\nhis talons) appear to be derived from the heraldry of Europe.\\nYet we must not yield lightly to the idea, that the ancient\\nMexicans were the descendants of the Welsh. The in-\\nvestigations of able historians have rendered it pretty cer-\\ntain, that some of the most polished nations of Anahuac\\nThis serves as proof, that the last colony never joined the other\\ntwo, or that an early separation took place, and the bands or tribes\\nremained disunited, pi obably for centuries.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0493.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "482 SKETCHES OF LOU IS iA Is A.\\nwere of Asiatic origin, and arrived there from tlie north\\nwest coast of America, as early as the seventh century.\\nTherefore, before we can presume the Welsh to have pe-\\nnetrated into Mexico, we must prove a gross anachronism\\nin the details of historians.\\nNo doubt the death of Madoc, and the augmented po-\\npulation of the Welsh, served to create divisions among\\nthem, which ended in their dispersion under different\\nchiefs. These evils, indeed, afflicted Wales before and\\nat the time of the migration and it seems just to con-\\nclude, that the example of the mother country had some\\ninfluence over the colonists in this country. The temper\\nand disposition of the Welsh in those days created a suc-\\ncession of wars and divisions among them; and hence\\nthe dispersion of the migrated bands, was probably at-\\ntended with a waste of blood.\\nThat such discoveries as we have mentioned were ac-\\ntually made, seem the more probable, as there is a re-\\nmarkable coincidence and agreement, between the seve-\\nveral accounts of them. The existence of a Welsh tribe\\nin Virginia, said to be the Tuscaroras, is attested by two\\nclergymen, both of whom saved their lives by the know-\\nledge they had of their language. The testimony also\\nof Stednian and Humphreys, though somewhat apocry-\\nphal, proves the existence of the Welsh in or near Flori-\\nda and the former declares they told him, that their fa-\\nthers came from a country called North Wales, in Great\\nBritain There is likewise the testimony of three\\npersons to prove the existence of the Welsh bible among\\nat least two tribes of them; and it is worthy of remark,\\nthat these three persons lived at different eras, and indeed\\nin different centuries, and were wholly unconnected and\\nunknown to each other. On what ground shall we con-\\nsider their testimony, as well as that of many other per-\\nsons, as the result of artifice, or fraud especially as it\\nillustrates the same points, grows out of different occasi-", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0494.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 43;^\\nOna, and was published nearly at die same time Most\\nof the great events recorded in ancient history, and even\\nthose in the history of modern Europe^ are supported by\\nevidence much less certain and conclusive.\\nThat a white people recently inhabited some part of\\nthe country near the head of the Missouri, we learn from\\nCharlevoix and the other French traveller, already noti-\\nced; and that these white people were Welsh, is render-\\ned almost certain from the testimony of Griffith. This\\nman more than intimates, that they were settled along\\nthe banks of the Missouri within the shining mountains.\\nThe Frtnch traveller, and the authorities produced by\\nCharlevoix, place them about a lake. The former in-\\ndeed alleges, that he found such a people about the lake,\\nwhich forms the source of the iMissouri. No doubt they\\nall refer to the same place, and to the same people. The\\ndifferent accounts of these men support each other;\\nthey serve at least as collateral proofs, and create a vio-\\nlent presumption, that the Welsh, or some other white\\npeople, inhabit the country alsout one of the head bran-\\nches of the Missouri.*\\nAs another proof, that the Welsh once lived in or near Florida,\\nand also on the Missouri, tlie following interesting letter, (received\\nsince tins chapter was prepai-ed for tl e press) from his excellency,\\nJohn Sevier, dated, Knoxville, Tennessee, October 9th, 18 lu, is here\\niatrbdnced.\\nI shall with pleasure, give you the information required, so fir\\nas my memory will now serve me, and tht- help of a memorandum I\\nhastily took on ihe subject, of a nation of people cailed the Welsh In-\\ndians. In the year 1/82, 1 was on a campaigji against the Cherokees,\\nand during my route, discovered traces 01 very ancient fortifications.\\nSome time after the expedition, 1 had occasion to enter into a ncgoiia-\\ntio.. W th the Cherokee chiefs, for the purpose oi exchanging prison^\\ners. After the exchange had been settled, 1 took an opportunity of\\nenquiring of a vi nerablc old chief, namea Oconostcto, (then, and tor\\nnearly sixty -oars had been, a ruling chief of the Ciierokee nation,)\\nif he could inform mc O: the people that had lef. such signs of forti-\\nfications in their country and particularly the one on tlie bank of the\\n3 Q.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0495.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "481. :-i[s.TECHES OF LOUlSL^iNA.\\nIt indeed there be a AVelsh or white people in that\\nquarter, as the authorities indicate, why were they not\\ndiscovered by captains Lewis and Clark on their way to,\\nor return from the Pacific ocean This question admits\\nof a satisfactory answer.\\nIlighwassce river The old warrior briefly answered me as follows:\\nIt is handed down by our forefathers, that the works were made by\\nwhite people, who had formerly inhabited the country, while\\nthe Cherokees lived lower down in the country, now called\\nSouth Carolina, and that a war existed between the two nations for\\nmany years. At length, it was discovered, that the wA\u00c2\u00ab7es were ma-\\nking a number of large boats, which induced the Cherokees to sup-\\npose, that they intended to descend the Tennessee river. They then\\ncollected their whole band of warriors, and took the shortest and\\nmost convenient route to the muscle shoals in order to intercept them\\ndown the river. In a few days, the boats hove in sight, and a warm\\ncombat ensued, with various success for several days. At length\\nthe ivhites proposed to the Indians, that if they would exchange\\nprisoners, and cease hostilities, they would leave the country, and\\nnever more return which was acceded to, and, after the exchange,\\nparted in friendship. The ivhites then descended tlie Tennessee to\\nthe Ohio, arUl tlien down to the big river, (Mississippi) then up it\\nto the muddy river, (Missouri) then up that river to a very great\\ndistance. They are now on some of it s branches But they are no\\nlonger a -Mlute people they ai e now all become Indians and look\\nlike the other red people of the country I then asked him, if he\\nhad ever heard any of his ancestors say what nation of people\\nthose white people belonged to I He answered I have heard my\\ngrandfather and other old people say, that they v/ere a people cal-\\nled IVelsU tliat they had crossed the ^reat loater, and landed near\\nthe mouth of Alabama river, and were finally driven to the heads of\\nits waters, and even to Highwassee river, by the Mexican Indians,\\nwho had been driven out of their own country by the Spaniards.\\nMany years past I happened in company with a Frenchman, who lived\\nwith the Cherokees, and had been a great explorer of the country\\nwest of the Mississippi. He informed me, that he had been high up\\nthe Missouri, and traded several months with the Welsh tribe ihat\\nthey spoke much of the Welsh dialect, and although their customs\\nwere savage and wild, yet many of them, particularly the females\\nwere very fair and white, and frequently told him, they had spi ung\\nfrom a tuhite nation of people also stated they had yet some small\\nscraps of books remaining among them, but in such tattered and\\ndestructive order, that nothing intelligible remained. He observed", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0496.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "A WELSH NATION IN AMERICA. 4 g\\nThose gentlemen found that the Missouri within the\\nshining mountains, and more than two hundred miles be-\\nlow its source, was divided into three branches, n^arlj of\\nan equal size. They pursued their route up the most\\nnorthern one, and returned the same way. It is there-\\nfore likely, that two of the travellers we have named, as-\\ncended one of the other branches. The account of one\\nof them derives some support from the discoveries of\\ncaptains Lewis and Clark. On descending the Columbia,\\nthey found several tributary rivers, flowing into it from\\nthe left, one of which was nearly five hundred yards wide.\\nIf a river flows from the lake to the west, as has already\\nbeen stated, it must join the Columbia from the left be-\\nlow the point where those gentlemen intersected it and\\nit possibly affords a much shorter, and more safe and ex-\\npeditious communication with the Pacific ocean, than is\\nto be found by the head of the northern branch. It must\\nnot be forgotten, that they discovered some straggling In-\\ndians near the mouth of the Columbia, simiUar in ap-\\npearance to those mentioned by Vancouver, and resem-\\nbling those also said to reside on one of the branches of\\nthe Missouri.\\nOf the existence of a people on Red river, speaking\\nthe Welsh language, forty or fifty years ago, as has been\\nmentioned, seems difficult to doubt. On what ground\\nthat their settlement was in a very obscure part of the Missouri, sur-\\nrounded with innumerable lofty mountains. The Fi-enchman s name\\nlias escaped my memory, but I believe it was ;rC.niething like Duroque.\\nin my conversation with the old chief Oconostoto, he informed me,\\nthat an old woman in his nation named Peg^, bad some part of an old\\nbook given her by an Indian livinsj high up the Missouri, and thought\\nlie was one of the IVclsh tribe. Unlbrtunately before I had an oppor-\\ntunity of seeing the book, the old woman s house, and its contents,\\nwere consumed by fire. I have conversed with several persons, who\\nsaw and examined the hook, but it was so worn and dishgured, that\\nnothing intelligible remained neither did any one of flieni under-\\nstand any language but their own, and even that, very imperfectly.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0497.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "486 SKETCHES OF I.OUISJAIS A.\\nthall we invalidate the testimony of captain Stewaitr\\nThis is strongly supported by the narratives of Sutton\\nand Hicks. The presumption is violent that they all al-\\nlude to the same people.\\nThe Tetans or Alitans, are the only Indians in that\\nquarter known to us, who in any great degree answer the\\ndescription given of the supposed Welsh. x\\\\.bout sixty\\nof them, for the first and only time, visited Nachitoches\\nin 180r; and it was particularly observed, that the wo-\\nmen were comparatively handsome, and that the hair of\\nmany of the men was of a sandy complexion. The cus-\\ntoms and manners of these people indicate them to be of\\nan origin diiferent from that of their neighbors. Their\\nlives are pastoral. Their movements are mostiy confined to\\nthe Mexican mountains, particularly to the regions about\\nthe sources of lied river, the Arkansas, and some of the\\nwesterly branches of the Missouri they follow the buf-\\nfaloe and other game, which alternately inhabit the northj\\nand the south, the high and the low country. They are\\nthe hereditary enemies of the Spaniards, and a predato-\\nry warfare has long existed between them and some of\\nthe Indian tribes of Louisiana. These people are divid-\\ned into a great number of bands, and some of them were\\ndiscovered by captains Lewis and (Jiark in the neighbor-\\nhood of the shining mountains. They uniformly live in\\ntents of a conical figure, fabricated from skins, and so\\ndisposed as to resemble the streets and squares of a city.\\nThey are cleanly in their persons and dress, particularly\\nin their cookery, and obesity is common among those ad-\\nvanced in years. Their language widely differs from all\\nothers in the country, and few are disposed to encounter\\nthe difficulty of acquiring it.\\nSome enquiry ought to be made into the origin and\\nlanguage of this singular nation, and the trouble and ex-\\npense of making them a visit, if properly managed,\\nwould be inconsiderable. If they spoke the Welsh langu.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0498.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "A -V^^LSH NATION IN AMERICA. 437\\niige forty or fifty years ago, it no doubt still prevails a-\\nniong them. The lapse of more than six centuries, the\\noccasional admission of strange idioms, the revolutions in\\ndress, pursuits, and modes of life, are sufficient to change,\\nand even destroy, the vernacular dialect, not only of the\\nWelsh colonists, but of every nation on the globe. It\\nmust, however, be remembered, that the Indians, more\\nthan any civilized people, endeavor to preserve their lan-\\nguage in its purity; it is much more liable to fluctuation\\nand change among those in a state of progressive im-\\nprovement.\\nWere it once satisfactorily ascertained, that the Welsh\\never established themselves on this continent, a multitude\\nof difficulties would be solved, which at present perplex\\nthe learned. In case of such a discovery, the ancient\\nfortifications and other works of art, the traits of civili-\\nzation, and the many tokens of Christianity, discovered\\nby the Spaniards and others at various times and places,\\nought in some measure to be ascribed to them. To them\\nand to others, most probably of European descent, must\\nlikewise be ascribed the confused notion of an universal\\ndeluge, entertained by several tribes, apparently of dif-\\nferent origins. Christianity spread in Wales many centu-\\nries before Madoc is supposed to have left it, and the\\nscriptures were prevalent in that country both indeed\\nmade their way into the north of Europe soon after their\\nintroduction into the southern parts of it. Hence the\\nscripture account of the deluge was luiquestionally known\\nto Madoc and his people. It is therefore natural to con-\\nclude, that they brought the scriptures with them to this\\ncountry, though all knowledge of them long since peri-\\nshed, except what tradition has preserved. In fine, most\\nor all of the traditionary accounts among the aboriginals,\\nwhich are founded on biblical history, must be traced to\\nthe PuvW migrations from Europe and Africa.", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0499.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "488 SKETCHES OP LOUISIANA.\\nTravellers describe certain private societies among the\\nIndians, which apparently resemble our lodges of Free-\\nmasons. Their rules of government, and the admission\\nof members, are said to be nearly the same. No one can\\nbe received as a member of the fraternity, except by bal-\\nlot, and the concurrence of the whole is necessary to a\\nchoice. They have different degrees in the order. The\\nceremonies of initiation, and the mode of passing from\\none degree to another, would create astonishment in the\\nmind of an enlightened spectator. Is not this practice of\\nEuropean origin? In the early periods of English histo-\\nry, the knowledge of freemasonry was mostly confined to\\nthe druids; and Wales was more fruitful of this descrip-\\ntion of men, than any other part of Europe. They were\\nalmost the only men of learning in those days They ex-\\necuted the functions of priests, historians, and legislators,\\nThose in Wales, in particular, animated their country-\\nmen to a noble defence of their liberties, and afforded so\\nmuch trouble to the first Edward, that he ordered them\\nto be barbarously massacred. This inhuman order, the\\nlineament of a ferocious tyrant, was carried into effect a-\\nJjout the year 1282; and a few only of the bards survived\\nto weep over the miseries of their country.\\nOne principal aim of this chapter is to excite a spirit\\nof enquiry. The subject is particularly interesting to the\\nlearned, at least of sufficient importance to awaken theii\\ncuriosity, and to stimulate their enterprise it cannot be\\ntoo often revived, nor too strictly investigated.\\nFINIS.", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0500.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0501.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0502.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0503.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0504.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "1621", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0505.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3287", "width": "1688", "jp2-path": "sketcheshistoric00stod_0506.jp2"}}